SOME COMMENTS ON THE EBABBARA IN THE NEO-BABYLONIAN PERIOD.
The volume under review presents a detailed reconstruction of the administration of the Neo-Babylonian [check{S}]ama[check{s}] temple at Sippar, focusing on the senior officials, the prebendaries, and the craftsmen. There are many new insights, particularly as regards the functionings of the prebendary system.THE WORK UNDER REVIEW REPRESENTS a landmark in Neo-Babylonian studies. It is based on the vast archives of the Ebabbara (the great majority of which are now to be found in the British Museum) and as such joins the renaissance of Neo-Babylonian Sippar alongside M. Jursa's Die Landwirtschaft in Sippar in neubabylonischer Zeit (Vienna: Institut f[ddot{u}]r Orientalistik, 1995) and the reviewer's own Letter Orders and the Administration of the Ebabbara in the Late Babylonian Period (Poznan: Bonami, 1995), as well as numerous articles by S. Zawadzki, G. van Driel, M. A. Dandamayev, and M. Weszeli. Other work in progress includes the dissertations being prepared by C. Waerzeggers in Gent on the archive of Marduk-r[bar{e}]manni and by R. Da-Riva in Erlangen on the earlier material (up into the reign of Nebuchadnezzar). Somewhere between five and six thousand of these texts have now been published and many hundreds more are available in unpublished copies. It is clear that Bongenaar has personally seen many more doc uments and, in addition to innumerable citations of unpublished material, he gives copies of six new texts and editions of others from the copies by Bertin held by the British Museum. The work surveys many categories of temple personnel in impressive detail, concluding each section with exhaustive prosopographical listings. [1]
Chapter one is an introduction outlining the history of the excavation and publication of the texts and deals with the aims and methodology of the work. Chapter two deals with the officials of the Ebabbara. In addition to the [check{s}]ang[hat{u}], g[bar{i}]pu, scribes (up to six at a time), [check{s}]a r[bar{e}][check{s}] [check{s}]arri, and sep[bar{i}]ru, Bongenaar counts the rab quppi (or [check{s}]a muhhi quppi) and the ahu rab[hat{u}] among the senior officials. The activities of the [check{s}]ang[hat{u}] are divided into cultic duties, judicial and administrative tasks, and private business. Bongennar makes a strong case that holding an [bar{e}]rib b[bar{i}]ti prebend was a prerequisite for filling the post of [check{s}]ang[hat{u}] (pp. 148-49). I had elsewhere argued that the [check{s}]ang[hat{u}] was a primus inter pares among the scribes; it now appears that this is not substantiated by the prosopographical data (p. 12, n. 27), i.e., that the [check{s}]ang[hat{u}] was not chosen from the ranks of th e scribes, though on a functional level the original statement holds true. Note also that Dandamayev has argued that the [check{s}]ang[hat{u}] was the effective governor of Sippar (review of Jursa, Landwirtschaft, Orientalia 66 [1997]: 203).
A few additions may be made to the prosopography of the office:
[check{S}]ama[check{s}]-z[bar{e}]r-uk[bar{i}]n [2] Nbk 20/12/31 BM 72789 rev. 3'-4'
[check{S}]ama[check{s}]-z[bar{e}]r-uk[bar{i}]n Nbk 18/1/32 BM 61618 obv.2-3
[Mu[check{s}]allim]-Marduk Nbk 20/6/33 BM 66554 rev.2
Mu[check{s}]allim-Marduk Nbk 11/6/34 BM 79578 rev.1-2
Mu[check{s}]allim-Marduk Ner -/8/3 BM 63239 obv.3-4
The next senior office was that of q[bar{i}]pu. There is little doubt that the q[bar{i}]pu was a royal appointee--many of the names of q[bar{i}]pus were compounded in [check{s}]arru (p. 34) and he could receive orders directly from the king. We learn a lot about the involvement of the q[bar{i}]pu in economic affairs of the temple; but contrary to the [check{s}]ang[hat{u}]'s case, texts from Sippar do not inform us about the private business of the q[bar{i}]pu. The q[bar{i}]pu paid an annual audience gift (nawu[check{s}]tu) to the temple of five sheep, one cow, and two lambs (p. 40). The q[bar{i}]pu had a gang of fifty laborers under his direction and he was in day-to-day charge of the temple oblates ([check{s}]irk[bar{u}]) with their chief overseer (the rab [check{s}]irk[bar{e}]) and sectional supervisors (rab e[check{s}]irti). [3] Prosopographical data show that on occasions there were more than one rab [check{s}]irk[bar{e}] and that a rab e[check{s}]irti--lit., "leader of ten"--might in fact have up to thi rteen men under his charge. [4] Initially, starting in Nebuchadnezzar year 33, the q[bar{i}]pu had two Aramaic scribes (sep[bar{i}]ru) under him, but in Cambyses year 6 an important administrative reorganization took place with the functions transferred to the main temple staff and with the number reduced to one (p. 46). [5]
Bongenaar is not of the opinion that Neriglissar was a q[bar{i}]pu of the Ebabbara. The central text on this issue is BM 55920. The text was first referred to in print by D. Wiseman, who read the name of the q[bar{i}]pu Neriglissar ([[blank].sup.md]U.GUR-LUGAL-[check{S}]E[check{S}]) (Chronicles of Chaldean Kings [London: British Museum, 1956], 38, n.10). After the publication of the text as CT 55 673 Zawadzki proposed a reading [[blank].sup.md]U.GUR-LUGAL-[bul.sup.!]-[less than]lit[greater than], guided to that reading by the fact that a q[bar{i}]pu named Nergal-[check{s}]ar-bullit is well known in the early years of Nabonidus. When I collated the text I was happy to find that Wiseman's original reading was correct (MacGinnis, "Neriglissar, q[bar{i}]pu of the Ebabbara," NABU, 1994/33: 31-32). Bongenaar however, who also collated the text, disputes this revived reading (p. 47). All I can say is that after collating the text once more I am still happy that the tablet has [[blank].sup.md]U.GUR-LUGAL-[check{S}]E[check{S}], and that the [check{S}]E[check{S}] is in fact perfectly clear and unambiguous. Obviously a consensus on the epigraphic side will be elusive, but there are other considerations which could support the view that Neriglissar held the position of q[bar{i}]pu of the Ebabbara:
(1) Zawadzki has shown that in the final months of the reign of Am[bar{e}]l-Marduk, texts in Sippar were being dated to Neriglissar (Review of R. Sack, Neriglissar, King of Babylon, in Orientalia 66 [1997]: 112; cf. also Bongenaar, p. 26). This makes it a strong possibility that Neriglissar started his revolt in Sippar, and as a consequence it cannot be considered unlikely that he held some high office in the city. Note that according to Hebrew sources Neriglissar had already had some military experience; see R. H. Sack, Neriglissar, King of Babylon, AOAT 236 (Neukirchen: Butzon & Bercker, 1994) 31.
(2) According to Berossus, Neriglissar married a daughter of Am[bar{e}]l-Marduk (Sack, Neriglissar, 27).
(3) We know of a sep[bar{i}]ru called Neriglissar in Nebuchadnezzar year 33 (CT 57: 91).
(4) Nbk. 413 (Nebuchadnezzar year 43) records that Neriglissar was allotted spades by his sep[bar{i}]ru. As Bongenaar has established that at that date a sep[bar{i}]ru came under a q[bar{i}]pu, it must be likely that here Neriglissar was in fact a q[bar{i}]pu.
Putting all this together, it is quite plausible that the Neriglissar who was a sep[bar{i}]ru in Nebuchadnezzar year 33 had become q[bar{i}]pu by year 43, quite possibly having achieved that rank by marrying a daughter of Am[bar{e}]l-Marduk. Incidentally, the idea that Neriglissar was q[bar{i}]pu before his accession to the throne is strongly supported by Sack (Neriglissar, 20, 28). [6]
In his section on the "chiefs" (rab-...) in Sippar, Bongenaar rightly draws a distinction between those who were part of the temple administration proper and those working for the state. A further distinction could be made between specific official appointments in charge of large groups of men (e.g., the rab [check{s}]irk[check{e}]), and leaders of gangs of workmen, probably chosen by the men themselves and recognized de facto by the temple for simplicity of management (e.g., the rab epinni). The first group were part of the official middle management, and to their numbers belonged the rab b[bar{i}]it k[bar{i}]li, rab b[bar{u}]li, rab mal[bar{a}]hi, rab nikkasi, rab qa[check{s}]ti, rab sikk[bar{a}]ti, rab [check{s}]irk[bar{e}], a number of rab e[check{s}]irti, and possibly the rab batqi.
On the subject of the office of b[bar{e}]l piqitti, Bongenaar shows that although the title "b[bar{e}]l piqitti of the Ebabbara" is not yet attested with certainty (pp. 7, 57), the term b[bar{e}]l piqitti does occur on its own. Other relevant attestations in the unpublished material are listed in the table above.
BM 82960 may be another occurrence. Not all of these occurrences are necessarily from Sippar, but BM 78906 was explicitly written in Sippar and BM 62601 can be ascribed to Sippar on prosopographical grounds, for both Mu[check{s}][bar{e}]zib-Marduk son of Nab[check{u}]-nib[check{s}]ari and the smith B[bar{e}]l-uballit are well known. BM 77563 definitely comes from a temple context--the first witness is a [check{s}][bar{a}]piru of the bakers by the name of Itti-Nab[hat{u}]-bal[bar{a}]tu--but the text may not be from Sippar as no holder of that office with that name is otherwise known.
Bongenaar also deals with the administration of the quppu (pp. 104-5). The quppu was a basket or chest used to collect and secure income. There were in fact at least two main quppus: the quppu at the entrance to the Ebabbara for receiving temple income (erbu), whether of taxes or gifts, and a quppu [check{s}]a [check{s}]arri for collecting prebendary income and other dues accruing to the crown. The [check{s}]a muhhi quppi and rab quppi were the officials in charge. Apparently the two were different officials as both are attested in Cyrus year 4. Bongenaar suggests that the rab quppi was a royal official whilst the [check{s}]a muhhi quppi may have been a private entrepreneur leasing the rights to collect the dues.
Chapter three deals with the prebendaries of the Ebabbara. Bongenaar has enormously increased our understanding of the functioning of the prebendary system with an exhaustive prosopographic documentation that for the first time allows us to understand some of the complex pattern of prebendary business arrangements, family holdings, and multiple ownership. The professions for which there were prebends included exorcists, "temple enterers" ([bar{e}]rib b[bar{i}]ti), arrangers of offering tables (mubann[hat{u}]), singers, weavers, bleachers, potters, builders, goldsmiths, measurers, doorkeepers, boatmen, bakers, brewers, butchers, oil-pressers, orchard keepers (rab ban[hat{e}]) and fishermen. In addition there were prebends for the bakers, brewers, weavers, butchers, and [bar{e}]rib b[bar{i}]ti in the temples of Anun[bar{i}]tu, Adad and [check{S}]ala, Gula, and the Queen of Sippar. The totality of the prebendaries was denoted by the term kini[check{s}]tu, and they had storerooms at their disposal (p. 152).
The most senior of the prebendaries were probably the [bar{e}]rib b[bar{i}]ti; there were ten [bar{e}]rib b[bar{i}]ti of [check{S}]ama[check{s}]as well as ten each of Anunitu and Gula and, probably, Adad and the Queen of Sippar (p. 149). Their head, the ahu rab[hat{u}], was effectively the head of the kini[check{s}]tu as a whole (pp. 149-50). Whether or not, in Sippar, there was a prebend for the position of ahu rab[hat{u}] is not known; but it does appear that this was the case in Borsippa: cf. BM 62965, which deals with the assigning of the prebendary rights left by a man who died without sons or brothers (line 4 reads GI[check{S}].[check{S}]UB.BA.ME[check{S}]-[check{s}][acute{u}] ki-i [check{S}]E[check{S}].GAL-[acute{u}]-tu [check{s}][acute{a}] [acute{E}]-i-ni). On the subject of fields associated with [bar{e}]rib b[bar{i}]ti prebends (p. 156), see further the introduction to my article "Additional Prebend Texts from the British Museum," AoF 26 (1999). [7]
The scribes did not automatically belong to the kini[check{s}]tu by virtue of their office, though many of them did in fact own prebends privately. In fact, some of their portfolios were impressive. For example, Marduk-r[bar{e}]manni owned prebends for the offices of oil-presser, bleacher, porter, butcher, and sacrificial arranger (p. 250). Craftsmen working in the inner temple had to own an [bar{e}]rib b[bar{i}]ti prebend (pp. 188-89). BM 77834 (p. 153), which dates to the reign of Nabopolassar, is a work schedule of the [bar{e}]rib b[bar{i}]ti organized by months, and possibly implies that there was only one [bar{e}]rib b[bar{i}]ti on duty at a time. The duty periods have not been broken down into the days and fractions of a day that we find later on, which Bongenaar takes to suggest that the prebendary system was in its infancy--a contention also supported by the prosopography of the holders of the oil-pressers' prebends (p. 268).
Further to Bongenaar's demonstration that the [bar{e}]kurr[bar{a}]te "(small) temples" designated the temples of Anun[bar{i}]tu, Adad (and [check{S}]ala), Gula, and the Queen of Sippar, it seems to me that these fall into two sub-groupings: the temple of Anun[bar{i}]tu with jurisdiction over the temple of Adad, and the temple of Gula with jurisdiction over the temple of the Queen of Sippar. This is suggested by three lines of argument. First, the most obvious explanation of the "[check{s}]ang[hat{u}]s" of (the temple of) Gula" and the "[check{s}]ang[hat{u}]s" of (the temple of) Anun[bar{i}]tu" (pp. 238-39) is that they refer to the [check{s}]ang[hat{u}] of the temple of Gula or Anun[bar{i}]tu (as the case may be) plus the [check{s}]ang[hat{u}] of at least one other subsidiary temple. Second, the temples of both Anun[bar{i}]tu and Gula had a quppu for their treasury, but in the temple of Adad the corresponding feature was termed [check{s}]appu, and pi[check{s}]annu in the temple of the Queen of Sippar. [8] It strikes me that [check{s}]appu and pi[check{s}]annu could designate fiscal devices subordinate to a quppu. Finally, the existence of a prebend for the brewer of the temple of Gula and the Queen of Sippar suggests that there was an administrative connection between these two sanctuaries (p. 260, sub Uballissu-Gula).
Bongenaar estimates the temple's combined requirements for offerings, rations, and fodder at around 550,000 liters of barley, dates, and wheat per year (p. 143). Jursa estimated the total barley income from temple land at around 6,700 kur = 1,206,000 liters (Landwirtschaft, 167) and the income in dates at 10,000-13,000 kur = 1,800,000-2,340,000 liters (Landwirtschaft, 158). Taking the lower of the figures for dates we get a round total of three million liters for the temple's overall income in dates and barley. This total does not include a figure for wheat; there will, of course, be numerous caveats, but the rough calculation suggests that the requirements of offerings, rations, and fodder consumed approximately one-sixth of the Ebabbara's agricultural income. The main staples of the regular offerings were dates, beer, and bread, with occasional issues of wine, dried figs, and raisins (p. 144). Bongenaar estimates the requirement of flour for sattukku at four thousand liters per month. Flour was ground in the prison (b[bar{i}]t k[{i}]li) but also by other personnel employed by the temple such as weavers, menders, carpenters, and smiths; there were five grades of flour and the loss in milling varied from about one-sixth to one-third.
In chapter four, Bongenaar reviews the craftsmen of the Ebabbara, starting with the weavers. The ordinary weavers were prebendary, weavers of linen and of colored cloth were not. Linen weavers also worked as bleachers, while the weavers of colored cloth also worked as menders and dyers. Outside of their craft, weavers also had to grind flour, make bricks, and do earthwork. The linen weavers came under an overseer. On pp. 304-5 Bongenaar examines the dullu pes[hat{u}] and mihsu ten[hat{u}] texts; these are also researched by Zawadazki in his work on the garment texts (in press). The chapter also looks at the various types of smiths, and at the carpenters, reed workers, and leather workers.
Chapter five revises the analysis of the structure of the temple administration, presenting this succinctly in a table on p. 425. Appendixes deal with the rab s[bar{u}]ti and [check{s}]a muhhi e[check{s}]r[hat{e}]; prosopographies, with numerous family trees, of the leading families of Sippar; and the cuneiform and Aramaic scribes appearing in the archives of the Ebabbara. The book concludes with a bibliography, indexes and plates of six new texts.
A few remarks on specific details:
Pp. 6-8 For another treatment of the mutations of title and ranking of the [check{s}]ang[hat{u}]/[check{s}]atammu and q[bar{i}]pu, see my article "The [check{s}]atammu of Sippar," WO 26 (1995): 21-26. Note that the restoration of the seniority of the [check{s}]ang[hat{u}] should be dated to the end of the reign of Cyrus (Bongenaar, p. 7). This corrects my dating of this event to around Darius year 2 (WO 26, 23, following my Letter Orders, 117, based on an erroneous dating of VS 5, 60). P. 41 n. 69 Bongenaar suggests that the writing [RIK.sup.l[acute{u}] for [check{s}]irku is an abbreviation for [[blank].sup.l[acute{u}]PA.KAB.DU (= [RIG.sub.7]). P.45 For more on kiz[hat{u}]s see my article "Kiz[hat{u}]s of the Ebabbara," RA 91(1997): 81-87. P.46 In CT 57, 926 a reading of [[blank].sup.l[acute{u}]][lceil]TU-[acute{E}][rceil] looks possible for the title of Munahhi[check{s}]-Marduk. A Munahhi[check{s}]-Marduk/Itti-Marduk-bal[bar{a}]tu/Nabunn[bar{a}]ya is found as the scribe in BM 62434 (Nebuchadnezzar year 31).
P. 109 Bongenaar demonstrates that [S[acute{A}]R.sup.d] should be read I[check{s}][check{s}]ar in Neo-Babylonian names. P. 121 A [check{s}]al[bar{a}]m b[bar{i}]ti on Arahsamnu 19 is attested in BM 61224. P. 128 n. 142 [GAL.sup.l[acute{u}]] MU D[acute{U}]: read rab mubann[hat{e}] ([GAL.sup.l[acute{u}]] mu-D[acute{U}])? P. 139 For another occurrence of the rab ummu see my "BM 64707 and rikis qabli in the Ebabbara," WZKM 88 (1998): 181-85.
P. 235 The jurisdiction of the [check{s}][bar{a}]pir [bar{e}]kurr[bar{a}]te seems to correspond somewhat to that of the zazakku, in that both appear to have been ministers of state with responsibilities for temple affairs. For more on the zazakku see MacGinnis, NABU 1996/29: 19-20, with references to earlier literature. P. 262 Note that Bongenaar's reading [[blank].sup.l[acute{u}]]U[check{S}].[BAR.sup.!]-t[acute{u}] in Cam. 128.2 corrects my understanding "acrobats" ([HUB.sup.l[acute{u}]]-t[acute{u}]), Letter Orders, 136-37. P. 265 BM 63824 is edited as text no. 2 in my article in AoF 26 (1999). P. 266 Perhaps the summunu is the long necked jar for liquids held by votaries in worshipper scenes on Neo-Babylonian cylinder seals (e.g., Letter Orders, seal B.8). P. 288 The employment status of the boatmen seems obscure: on the one hand they were paid rations (kurumm[bar{a}]tu rather than prebendary remuneration (pappasu); on the other, it seems that they needed to hold [bar{e}]rib biti prebends. Did they need these p rebends because they took the statue of [check{S}]ama[check{s}] on cultic journeys? P. 299 Bongenaar refers to BM 58837, which records the sinmagir presenting a white horse to the Ebabbara in the second year of Nabonidus, which calls to mind the white horse presented to the Ebabbara by the [check{s}]ang[check{u}] in the thirty-second year of Nebuchadnezzar (BM 61618, edited in note 2, q.v.). P. 299 n. 266 Could [[blank].sup.l[acute{u}]]mu-ra-[check{s}]i-i be a defective writing for [ur[bar{a}][check{s}]u.sup.l[acute{u}]]?
P. 428 For a further note on the rab s[bar{u}]tis Ibn[bar{a}] and Bir[bar{u}]q[bar{a}]', see MacGinnis, "Letters from the Neo-Babylonian Ebabbara," Mesopotamia 31(1996): 99-100. P. 429 For evidence that the posts of [check{s}]a muhhi e[check{s}]r[check{e}] were also leased out to private entrepreneurs, see MacGinnis, "Ordering the House of [check{S}]ama[check{s}]: Texts from the Management of the Neo-Babylonian Ebabbara," Iraq 60 (1998): no. 8. P. 464 [[blank].sup.md]ILLAT-[acute{u}] occurs as a personal name in BM 66355 rev. 5 and BM 67747 1.5. P. 470 Cf. Jursa Iraq 59 (1997): 123 supporting the suggestion that the [check{S}]a-n[bar{a}][check{s}]I[check{s}]u family originated in Babylon.
In conclusion, this is a superb book. Bongenaar has produced a monumental work which hugely enriches our understanding of the workings of the Ebabbara and will be integral in raising future research to a new level. It is a staggering achievement and will be used for generations to come.
This is a review-article of: The Neo-Babylonian Ebabbar Temple at Sippar: Its Administration and its Prosopography. By A. C. V. M. BONGENAAR. Publications de I'Institut historiquearch[acute{e}]ologique n[acute{e}]erlandais de Stamboul, vol. 80. Leiden: NEDERLANDS HISTORISCH-ARCHAELOGISCH INSTITUUT TE ISTANBUL, 1997. Pp. xvi + 559, 6 plates.
(1.) For other works appearing since Bongenaar's book went to press, see the Appendix, below.
(2.) The reading [[blank].sup.md]UTU-N[UMUN-DU] in BM 72789 is influenced by the discovery of the [check{s}]ang[hat{u}] of that name in BM 61618, which reads:
1 [1 AN][check{S}]E.KUR.RA pe-su-[acute{u}]
2 [er]-bi [check{s}][acute{a}] [[blank].sup.md]UTU-NUMUN-DU
3 [l[acute{u}]] [lceil]SANGA[rceil] D.KIB.[NUN.sup.ki] a-na
4 [[acute{E}]].BABBAR.RA it-ta-[din]
5 [[it].sup.i]?B[acute{A}]R UD 18 K[acute{A}]M
6 [M]U 32 K[acute{A}]M
7 [[[blank].sup.md]A]G-N[acute{I}]G-DU-[check{S}]E[check{S}]
8 [LUGAL TIN].[TIR.sup.ki]
In BM 79201.9 (Nabopolassar year 14) there is an apparent attestation of a [check{s}ang[hat{u}] Nab[hat{u}]-nasir, but as this falls within the known limits of B[bar{e}]l-nasir's tenure of the office we may guess that the writing Nab[hat{u}]-nasir was a scribal error.
(3.) Other texts recording rations for this gang of fifty laborers are S. Zawadzki, "Cyrus-Cambyses Coregency," RA 90 (1996): no. 3, BM 60928 and BM 79052 rev. 3-4.
(4.) BM 73069 apparently mentions q[bar{i}]pu by the name of Balassu in Nabonidus year 14. Unless something very interesting is going on, perhaps he was q[bar{i}]pu of some other temple, as B[bar{e}]lahh[bar{e}]-iq[hat{i}][check{s}]a is well attested as the holder of this office from the eighth year of Nabonidus to the fifth year of Cyrus. As BM 73069 also mentions a sep[bar{i}]ru of the n[bar{a}]r [check{s}]arri, perhaps there was a post of q[bar{i}]pu of the n[bar{a}]r [check{s}]arri.
(5.) A sep[bar{i}]ru [check{S}]ama[check{s}]-[check{s}]ar-usur son of Aya[lu?] appears as the first witness in BM 72906 with the title (or description) [[blank].sup.l[acute{u}]]se-pi-ri-[check{s}][acute{a}] ina UGU dul-lu [......] [check{s}][acute{a}] [acute{E}].GAL [check{s}][acute{a}] LUGAL (rev. if.); the obverse, in its fragmentary state, mentions the s[bar{u}]tu of year 3 and the rations of the ur[bar{a}][check{s}]u [check{s}]a her[bar{u}]tu.
(6.) Leichty's statement in his entry in the second volume of the Sippar catalogues that BM 70929 mentions Neriglissar is not necessarily correct: the text as now preserved has [[blank].sup.md]U.GUR-LUGAL-[...] and this could be restored in more than one way. Further remarks on CT 55 673 have been made by G. Frame, "Neo-Babylonian and Achaemenid Economic Texts from the Sippar Collection of the British Museum," JAOS 104(1984): 751.
(7.) An ahu rab[hat{u}] Marduk-z[bar{e}]r-ibni/L[bar{a}]ya-Marduk/Napp[bar{a}]hu is mentioned in BM 62015 (Darius 8/1/27) but there is no particular reason to assume the text is from Sippar, and the same individual also appears in Dar. 323.43, a document drawn up in [check{S}]ahrinu.
(8.) See the discussion of pi[check{s}]annu by Bongenaar, p.249 and n. 226.
APPENDIX
Works published subsequently to Bongenaar's
Bongenaar, A. C. V. M. "Het Tempelarchief uit de Stad Sippar." Phoenix 42 (1996): 152-62.
_____. "A Neo-Babylonian Private Text from Sippar," JEOL 34 (1997): 41-43.
Dandamayev, M. A. "A Governor of Byblos in Sippar." In immigration and Emigration within the Ancient Near East: Festschrlft E. Lipi[acute{n}]ski, ed. K. van Lerberghe and A. Schoors. Pp. 29-31. Leuven: Peeters, 1995.
_____. Review of Jursa, Landwirtschaft, Orientalia 66 (1997): 201-4.
di Gennaro, T. "Famiglie e professioni nella Sippar achemenide: Il caso di Taqi[check{s}]-Gula." AION 54 (1994): 289-97.
_____. "Le [check{s}][bar{a}]piru nell' Ebabbara neo-babilonese e achemenide," AION 55 (1995): 381-405.
Jursa, M. "Akkad, das Eulma[check{s}] und Gub[bar{a}]ru." WZKM 86 (1996): 197-211.
_____. Neu- und sp[ddot{a}]tbabylonische Texte aus den Sammlungen der Birmingham Museums and Art Gallery." Iraq 59 (1997): nos. 39-45.
_____. "Nochmals Akkad." WZKM 87 (1997): 101-10.
_____. Der Tempelzehnt in Babylonien vom siebenten bis zum dritten Jahrhundert v. Chr. M[ddot{o}]nster: Ugarit-Verlag, 1998.
_____. "Edurubisa." NABU 69 (1998): 72.
_____. "Neues zum Zehnten." NABU 70 (1998): 72-73. MacGinnis., J. D. A. "The [check{s}]atammu of Sippar." WO 26 (1995): 21-26.
_____. "Neo-Babylonian Letters from Sippar." Mesopotamia 36 (1996): 99-159.
_____. "A Further Note on the zazakku." NABU 29 (1996): 19-20.
_____. "Kiz[hat{u}]'s of the Ebabbara." RA 91 (1997): 81-87.
_____. "BM 61152: i[check{s}]k[bar{a}]ru and [check{s]]irk[bar{u}]tu in Times of Hardship..." Arch[acute{i}]v Orient[acute{a}]ln[caute{i}] 66 (1998).
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| Author: | MACGINNIS, JOHN |
|---|---|
| Publication: | The Journal of the American Oriental Society |
| Date: | Jan 1, 2000 |
| Words: | 4841 |
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