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Zippalanda and Ankuwa Once More.

Despite recent critical remarks to the contrary by R. L. Gorny in this journal, the Hittite town of Zippalanda is indeed to be identified with the modem site of Alaca Hoyuk, and ancient Ankuwa is probably to be equated with Eskiyapar. Some general observations are made concerning the methodology employed in reconstructing Hittite geography.

R. L. Gorny has published a review article (JAOS 117 [1997]: 549--57) of my book Zippalanda: Em Kultzentrum im hethitischen Kleinasien (1994), in which he rejects my identification of Zippalanda with Alaca Hoyuk and of nearby Kalehisar/Karahisar with Mt. Tahaya/Daha (not Dahha, as throughout Gorny's article). Gorny also defends his idea that Ankuwa is to be equated to Alisar, and Zippalanda with Kusakli Hoyuk in Yozgat province. [1]

Although in many points I disagree with Gorny in the interpretation of the available data I do not think it is necessary to examine, step by step, each statement made in his article. Of course, I intend here to defend my views and, inter alia, present general observations on the methodology of research into Hittite geography. [2]

First, some remarks on earlier attempts to estimate distances between towns. In the past, descriptions of ceremonial trips of the Hittite king from town to town during the spring and autumn festivals often served as a basis for such estimations. Today it is obvious that their value for this purpose is very limited. The texts inform us only about the towns as places of ceremonies and of overnight rests. Since at each town elaborate rituals were performed, each journey of the king and his retinue must have been much shorter than a full day.

Generally, it is difficult to find reasonable estimates for a daily travel distance in Hittite times. Gorny assumes a pace of thirty to thirty-five kilometers a day, and I consider that to be a good estimate for a day in a carriage or a wagon, even over rough ground. We know, however, that the ceremonial tour of the king was not an ordinary trip but a sort of procession (a term also used by Gorny) in which the king, members of his family, and dignitaries used chariots or wagons, whereas the guards and other accompanying persons walked. For an observer the procession must have been like the well-known departure of the king from his residence at Hattusa, as described in IBoT 1.36 i 64ff. [3] Of course, progress between towns will not have been at this stately, ceremonial, pace, but it seems impossible that the heavily armed guards could have routinely covered on foot a minimum distance of thirty kilometers daily.

Consequently, during a ceremonial trip the king and his retinue moved slowly, which may indicate that the whole area visited was smaller than was admitted in earlier literature. Other reasons for the reexamination of the reconstructed geography of the area include, first of all, the discovery of Sapinuwa at the site of Ortakoy. Formerly scholars supposed that Sapinuwa with its Hurrian cults lay somewhere far to the east. Its position on the Cekerek River forces one to shift the whole reconstructed system to the northwest.

However, such a reexamination is not the goal of this communication. I reject the equation of Ankuwa with Amkuwa (modem Alisar), and my reasons have been presented on another occasion. [4] Now I would like to comment on KUB 25.28 i 1--10, which is occasionally cited as evidence that Ankuwa lay at a distance of about one hundred kilometers from Hattusa. Gorny's interpretation (p. 551) is no different. However, as H. G. Guterbock has pointed out, [5] the text concerns not an ordinary trip but the shipment of the equipment (aniyaz) of "the house of the SATAMMU," accompanied by the potter (huprala-). We know nothing about the nature of this dispatch, but the reference to the potter seems to suggest that it included objects made of clay, perhaps cult vessels. If so, they needed to be transported very carefully, and obviously the vehicle with such a load would have moved extremely slowly. The transportation itself was a serious problem that required a particular command. One must emphasize in this context that Hit tite literature offers no analogous document. Consequently, it is better to avoid estimating the distance between Hattusa and Ankuwa on the basis of this text.

It is true, as Gorny writes (p. 549), that the main body of my manuscript contains a collection of transliterated and translated Hittite texts, but the criteria of their attribution to the cult at Zippalanda (see Zippalanda, 6-7) are other than he supposes and more complex. A mention of the town of Zippalanda in a text is not enough to classify it among the documents concerning the gods' city. Inversely, many texts in which the name Zippalanda is not mentioned belong to the corpus. I have managed to find features which are characteristic only of the cult at that town, and their presence in a particular text is a good reason to classify that text within the Zippalanda corpus.

According to such criteria, KBo 16.78 with its list of seven towns (Zippalanda, 142-46) surely belongs to this corpus, its data referring to the Old Hittite period. On its obverse one can find the names of some rare objects also attested in KBo 16.71 + obv. i, a fragment of the "Great Old Hittite Ritual" (see Zippalanda, 100). The analogies to that ritual are easy to discover on the reverse, which is partly duplicated by KBo 16.49 (Zippalanda, 146-48). Both texts concern a religious ceremony with the participation of some functionaries typical of the cult at Zippalanda (cf. especially the presence of the tazzili priest, KBo 16.49 obv. i 13'; on this priest, see Zippalanda, 73-75). A mention of the gate of the god Taha (a Middle Hittite form of the god's name) allows one to assume that the ceremony has taken place in a temple, or rather in a sacred precinct of that Mountain God at the foot of the mountain. According to the sources, Zippalanda and Mt. Daha constituted a single sacral complex.

The above evidence cannot be separated from the data on the obverse of the discussed text. In conclusion, we must agree with the view that the seven towns listed there (Sanahhuitta, Tapikka, Taptiga, Takasta, Katapa, Karahna, and Hattusa) were responsible for the provisions for a festival at Zippalanda; therefore they formed a kind of amphictyony (the term used by O. R. Gurney in his letter of 29th September 1996 to the present author). [6] One can suppose that they lay, more or less, around Zippalanda. Their situation on the map of Anatolia is thus of great importance for the location of Zippalanda.

Of these seven towns, Hattusa (modern Bogazkale) and Tapikka (today, Masat Hoyuk) are securely located? As the texts from Masat Hoyuk show, at the end of the fifteenth century B.C. Tapikka was the capital of a border province which faced the Kaska tribes and suffered under their attacks. Later, Tapikka fell under the control of the Kaska. From the Middle Hittite period onwards, the same enemy occupied the former districts of Takasta and Taptiga. There are no indications concerning the position of Sanahhuitta and Karahna, but it is certain that these towns lay outside the Kaska zone.

As regards the position of Katapa, the town must have been situated on the road from Hattusa to the town of Nerik. H. G. Guterbock has placed Nerik on the lower Kizilirmak near the modern Kargi, [8] a hypothesis accepted by most scholars. It is well known that for a long time Nerik had been under the occupation of the Kaska people, while Katapa served as a base for military operations against them. According to KBo 13.234+ rev. 20', Katapa had its BEL MADGALTI, i.e., a governor of the border province. All this evidence shows that the town lay close to the Kaskean border. On the other hand, since the town was a winter residence of Mursili II, it must have been situated at a safe distance from the enemy. As Hattusili III states in his Apology, the Kaska troops crossed the upper Kizilirmak once and even reached Kanes, but there is a consensus among scholars that the Kaska people lived in the Pontic mountains. Thus, Katapa must have been situated north of Hattusa and near the Kaska zone, i.e, the Pontus. I think a location south of the modern town of Corum is very probable.

The position of Katapa is of decisive importance for the location of Zippalanda and Ankuwa. The festival texts bear witness to the fact that Zippalanda was situated close to Katapa. One of the proofs is even trivial: together with those of Kartapaha and Salampa, the inhabitants of Katapa supplied the priests of Zippalanda with hogs (see Zippalanda, 100-103, 106-11); thus, on practical grounds, we must assume that all these towns lay close to Zippalanda. The text KBo 13.214, which describes a festival at Zippalanda and offerings at Katapa taking place on the same day (see Zippalanda, 182-85), is also of considerable value.

As regards Ankuwa, Gorny agrees with me that the town was situated south of Zippalanda. It must be emphasized that both KBo 30.155 and KUB 20.25 + 10.78 (see Zippalanda, 304-12) describe not an ordinary trip but a solemn procession from Zippalanda to Ankuwa and back. Moreover, these texts do not mention a night's rest, which means that the distance between these towns was considerably shorter than the thirty to thirty-five kilometers suggested by Gorny (p. 551).

All these facts may serve as an indication that Katapa, Zippalanda, and Ankuwa lay within the area between Hattusa and the Pontic mountains. Together with other towns whose names occur in the festival outlines, that area formed the heartland of the Hittite state and the cradle of the old Hattian tradition. As stated above, this area was smaller than was admitted in earlier literature. I think the capital was the southernmost outpost of the Hattian cultic region. [9] The evidence for Hattian cults south of Hattusa is very scanty.

In accordance with the arguments presented here, I searched for Zippalanda in the area north of the capital and selected the site of Alaca Hoyuk, twenty-five kilometers from Hattusa, as a most likely location. Of course, I am not able to prove that the mound at Alaca represents the remnants of Zippalanda, but I think my hypothesis is tenable. I cannot see any reason for the equation of Alaca Hoyuk with Arinna, as proposed by S. Erkut. [10] For a scholar familiar with the texts, Arinna cannot be placed so far from Hattusa, and I estimate that the distance between these two cities only required a few hours to walk. Moreover, the gods represented on the well-known orthostats of Alaca Hoyuk (see below) have nothing in common with the local pantheon of Arinna. A monograph on that religious center is still a desideratum, and we can expect that studies of the Arinna texts will bring more evidence enabling the location of that town.

Gorny questions the view that the representations on the Sphinx Gate at Alaca Hoyuk might have reflected local religious beliefs that were different from the official religion (p. 554). It is obvious that in a gods' city, just such a local creed might be promoted and expressed both in texts and in local art. The documents concerning the gods' cities of Arinna, Nerik, and Kummanni show strong evidence of this fact. As regards local art, the documentation is still very poor, and the orthostats of Alaca Hoyuk are here an exception.

The case of Zippalanda illustrates the view discussed. On the basis of the available texts, I have managed to reconstruct a local pantheon with its three major gods: the younger Stormgod of Zippalanda, the older Stormgod of the Sky, and the Sungoddess of the Earth. (The latter goddess is not to be confused with the Sungoddess of Arinna.) Then I tried to link this picture with the carvings of Alaca and, to my surprise, I found that the three great gods of Zippalanda are represented on the orthostats. Indeed, there is no corroborative epigraphic evidence, but so much can hardly be expected. Nevertheless, there are grounds to assume that the younger Stormgod of Zippalanda is represented as a bull on the left side of the main entrance, and his parents as seated gods. The seated goddess on the right side of the gate resembles neither the Sungoddess of Arinna, as known from her golden statuettes, nor Hebat, as depicted at Yazilikaya and Fraktin, so that she cannot be identified with either of them. In my opinion, the carving represents the Sungoddess of the Earth.

The texts reveal the existence of only two temples at Zippalanda, one belonging to the Stormgod of Zippalanda and the other devoted to the Sungoddess of the Earth, his mother. I wonder whether the images of the gods on both sides of the main entrance to the town reflect this situation. If so, this would be another indication that Zippalanda may be equated with Alaca Hoyuk.

If Alaca Hoyuk is identified as Zippalanda, we must look for Mt. Daha (see above) in its vicinity. The best choice is the rock of Kalehisar/Karahisar, four kilometers north of Alaca Hoyuk, and the relevant arguments are offered in my book. [11] The reader can also find more about Mt. Daha in my recent article, "Berg als Ritualschauplatz: Ein Beitrag zur Kenntnis der hethitischen Religion," [12] where I have modified my earlier views concerning the details of the cult on this "mountain." I consider that article a response to Gorny's objections to the proposed identification. More generally, I attempt to show there that the Hittites venerated not only high mountains but also unusually shaped rocks and hills, and that for practical reasons cult places in the mountains were situated rather low, for easy access. Analogous locations are characteristic of such shrines in the whole of the ancient Near East and, later, in Christian Europe.

Consequently, Ankuwa can be equated with the site of Eskiyapar, situated only ten kilometers south (more precisely south-southeast) of Alaca Hoyuk, this being at a suitable distance for a cult procession as described in KBo 30.155 and KUB 20.25 + 10.78 (see above). Unlike Alisar, remains of the Hittite period are well attested there, [13] and Eskiyapar thus seems to fit much better the evidence for Ankuwa.

(1.) For the latter equation, see also O. R. Gurney, "The Hittite Names of Kerkenes Dag and Kusakli Hoyuk," Anatolian Studies 45 (1995): 69--71. The site of Kusakli Hoyuk in Yozgat province is not to be confused with Kusakli near Basoren-Yayla in Sivas province, where Hittite tablets have been recovered recently.

(2.) "Zur Geographic des nordlichen Zentralanatoliens in der Hethiterzeit," in Studio Historiae Ardens: Ancient Near Eastern Studies Presented to Philo H. J. Houwink ten Cate on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday, ed. Th. P. J. van den Hout and J. de Roos (Istanbul: Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut, 1995), 253--59.

(3.) For this text see H. G. Guterbock and Th. P.J. van den Hout, The Hittite Instruction for the Royal Bodyguard (Chicago: The Oriental Institute, 1991).

(4.) See the article cited in note 2.

(5.) "The North-Central Area of Hittite Anatolia," JNES 20 (1961): 88.

(6.) It might seem unlikely that the capital would have been part of Zippalanda's amphictyony. Both Zippalanda and Arinna were, however, very old Hattian cult centers, white Hattusa became such an important center relatively late, and this is why in the Old Hittite period the town still bore some of the costs of the great cultic ceremonies in Zippalanda.

(7.) At present, objections to the equation of Tapikka with Masat Hoyuk raised by some scholars should be considered groundless.

(8.) JNES 20 (1961): 92ff.

(9.) Against I. Singer, "Hittites and Hattians in Anatolia at the Beginning of the Second Millennium B.C.," Journal of IndoEuropean Studies 9 (1981): 122, who believes that "in the south the Haitian cult realm is broadly congruent with the Halys Basin."

(10.) S. Erkut, "Hitit Caginin onemli kult kenti Arinna'mn yeri," in Hittite and Other Anatolian and Near Eastern Studies in Honour of Sedat Alp, ed. H. Otten et al. (Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu, 1992), 159-65.

(11.) See also V. Haas, Geschichte der hethitischen Religion (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1994), 592f.

(12.) Hethitica 14 (1999): 97--108.

(13.) See R. Temizer, "Introduction," to T. Ozguc, inandiktepe: An Important Cult Center in the Old Hittite Period (Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu, 1988), xxviii--xxix.
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Title Annotation:bibliography included; author defends evaluation of historic site locations
Publication:The Journal of the American Oriental Society
Geographic Code:7TURK
Date:Jul 1, 2000
Next Article:The Politics of Households in Ottoman Egypt: The Rise of the Qazdaglis.

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