Were there female relatives of the Prophet Muhammad among the besieged Qurayza?
The informants and compilers were not necessarily interested in telling us "what really happened," but often had other goals, such as proving the veracity of Muhammad's mission, glorifying a certain companion of Muhammad, protecting another's reputation--or simply telling a good story while preserving it for posterity. Still, the background information in their accounts about the war on the Qurayza is more than enough to reconstruct its basic outline, though the possibility cannot be ruled out that significant or even crucial facts were overlooked or censored. Further research, mainly based on non-sira sources, is bound to lead to new conclusions about the war and its aftermath. After all, many vital details about Medina and its people were preserved outside the sira literature, e.g., in al-Samhudi's history of Medina, Wafa' al-wafa bi-akhbar dar al-mustafa, which is a mine of information almost unexplored in modern scholarship. (2)
The episodes in Muhammad's medieval biographies came into being as separate stories, later to be woven into a rather untidy fabric. Our starting point is one such episode. Ibn Hisham (who received Ibn Ishaq's sira via Ziyad al-Bakka'i) has this account about the survival of three men from the Qurayza--more precisely, they belonged to a tribal group called Hadl (see the Arabic text in appendix one, below):
Ibn Ishaq said: Asim ibn Umar b. Qatada transmitted to me on the authority of a shaykh of the Banu Qurayza what follows. He [the shaykh, turning to Asim] said, Do you know the reason for the conversion to Islam of Thalaba ibn Sa'ya, [his brother] Asid ibn Saya, and Asad ibn Ubayd--[a gloss] a group from the Banu Hadl, the brothers of the Qurayza who had been their clients in the jahiliyya [i.e., the three men had been the clients of the Qurayza] and then became their masters under Islam (kanu maahum ft jahiliyyatihim thumma kanu sadatahum fi l-islam, end of gloss]? I [Asim] said. No. He said, A Jew from Palestine (Sham) called Ibn al-Hayyaban came to us several years before the advent of Islam and dwelt among us. We had never seen a non-Muslim [literally, one who does not pray the five daily prayers; it is anachronistic as a reference to a person who died before Islam] better than him. He stayed with us. At the time of drought we used to say to him, Go out, Ibn al-Hayyaban, [with us] and pray for rain. He said, No, unless you give alms before you go out. We would say to him, How much? And he would say, One sae [ca. 2.5 liters] of dates or two mudds [ca. 1.3 liters] of barley. We would duly grant them, and then he would lead us to the outward side of our harra [stony volcanic tract] and pray for rain on our behalf. By Allah, hardly had he left his place when a cloud passed and it rained. He did it more than once or twice or thrice. When he was about to die among us he said, O Jews, what do you think made me leave a land of wine and bread and come to a land of hardship and hunger? We said, You know better. He said, I only came to this town expecting the emergence of a prophet whose time was at hand. This town is where he will migrate, and I was hoping that he would be sent [in my time], so that I would follow him. His time is at hand, do not let anyone get to him before you, O Jews. Indeed, he will be sent to shed blood and to take captive the women and children of those who oppose him. Let that not keep you back from him. When the Messenger of Allah was sent and [in due course] besieged the Qurayza, those young men (fitya)--they were [read: we were] youths (wa-kanu [read: wa-kunna] shababan ahdathan)--said, O Banu Qurayza, by Allah, this is the prophet whom Ibn al-Hayyaban commanded you [to follow]. They [Qurayza] said, He is not. They [the Hadlis] said. Of course he is. By Allah, it is him, according to his description (bi-sifatihi). So they came down [from the besieged fortress of the Qurayza], converted to Islam, and saved their lives, their orchards, and their families (wa-ahrazu dima'ahum wa-amwalahum wa-ahlihim). (3)
Elsewhere we are told that Ibn al-Hayyaban's kunya was Abu Umayr and he is coupled with one Ibn Hirash. They were the most learned among the Jews and came from Jerusalem (or Palestine, Bayt al-Maqdis) anticipating Muhammad's mission. But they died as Jews and were buried in the harra. (4)
The three Jews were not from the Qurayza but from Qurayza's "brothers," the Hadl. According to the gloss, after the advent of Islam they were no longer "with" (maa) the Qurayza, but became their masters (sada). Since the preposition maa is in this case juxtaposed with sada, implying thus the opposite, it seems to convey Hadl's inferior status as Qurayza's clients. (5) (The comment regarding Hadl's status vis-a-vis the Qurayza is but the tip of an iceberg with regard to Qurayza's Fortleben.)
The three are described as fitya, which in this context means men in the prime of their life, rather than youths or young men. The word fitya is followed by a problematic gloss, wa-kanu shababan ahdathan, "they were youths." However, we already know that the three had orchards (amwal) and families; one source points out that by converting, the two brothers saved their young children. (6) The two brothers, who are said to have died at the time of Muhammad, (7) were old enough to confront their tribe on the question of whether or not Muhammad was the anticipated prophet. One also wonders why a common word such as fitya needs a gloss in the first place. A better variant reading, wa-kunna (instead of wa-kanu) shababan ahdathan, "we were youths," (8) relates to the informant, i.e., the shaykh from Qurayza who refers to his relatives or friends. As will be argued, the shaykh was Thalaba ibn Abi Malik, the grandson of Tha'laba ibn Saya (the son of the latter's daughter). Tha'laba ibn Abi Malik is said to have seen the Prophet (wa-lahu ruya, a lesser category compared to suhba) and to have transmitted hadith on the Prophet's authority. (9) He had obvious reasons for presenting himself as a shabb, "youth"--that is, to have had a real recollection of the Prophet--although he may well have been a toddler or even a baby when the Qurayza surrendered. (10)
The third Jewish convert, Asad ibn Ubayd, is said to have been the paternal cousin of the two brothers. (11) But he may have been their nephew: Asad's grandfather Saya was perhaps identical with the Saya who fathered Thalaba and Asid. (12)
The identification of the shaykh from the Qurayza who was Asim ibn Umar's source with Thalaba ibn Abi Malik is based on the fact that an account along the same lines found in al-Waqidl's Maghazl goes back to Thalaba ibn Abi Malik (see appendix two, below). Al-Waqidi's account has it that the three men addressed the Qurayza, saying that Muhammad was the Messenger of Allah who had been described by their (Qurayza's) learned men and those of the Nadir--Huyayy ibn Akhtab from the latter tribe is specifically mentioned; also, Jubayr ibn al-Hayyaban, the most truthful man, when he was on his deathbed, described the Messenger. But the Qurayza refused to part with the Torah, hence the three came down in the night that preceded Qurayza's surrender, saving themselves, their families, and their orchards (amwal). (13) Thalaba ibn Abi Malik transmitted the account to Muhammad ibn Uqba (ibn Abi Malik), Thalaba's nephew, who transmitted hadith on his uncle's authority. (14) Al-Waqidi's direct source, who heard the account from Muhammad ibn Uqba, was one Salih ibn Jafar, whose identity could not be established. Nonetheless, this Salih was no doubt interested in the history of the Jews of Medina and was probably identical with Salih ibn Jafar in whose court (dar) one of the tower-houses of the Jews was located. (15) Al-Waqidi quotes Salih twice with reference to the Khandaq/Qurayza affair. In both cases Salih's source is Muhammad ibn Kab al-Qurazi. The latter of Salih's two reports concerns the stratagem employed by the Nadir leader, Huyayy ibn Akhtab, to convince the Qurayza leader, Kab ibn Asad, to break his treaty with Muhammad. (16) Al-Waqidi also heard from Salih a report--again going back to Muhammad ibn Kab al-Qurazi--concerning Rayhana, Muhammad's Jewish wife or concubine. (17)
With regard to the reason why the three Qurazis and their families were spared, the sources quoted above agree that they converted to Islam after having realized that Muhammad was the anticipated prophet. However, a rare passage in a non-stra source tells us another story altogether. In his Kitab al-Mathalib (Book of Vices) Ibn al-Kalbi (MS Dar al-Kutub (18)) quotes from his father (al-Kalbi) and from Muhammad ibn Ishaq a list of Qurashi women who married non-Qurashl husbands. The list includes the following entry: wa-kanat'Atika wa-Sukhayla bnata Ubayda ibn al-Harith ibn Abd [!] al-Muttalib cinda Thalaba wa-Asid bnay Saya min bani Qurayza ("Atika and Sukhayla, the daughters of Ubayda ibn al-Harith ibn al-Muttalib [the word "Abd" is erroneous, see below], were respectively married to Thalaba and Asid, sons of Sa'ya from the Qurayza"). The entry is placed between one on Umm Aban bint Utba ibn Abi Lahab, whose husband was a Ghassani client of Quraysh living in Mecca, and another on Ubayda's niece, Umm Amra bint Abi Sufyan ibn al-Harith ibn al-Muttalib, whose husband, a member of the Khuza'a tribe, was 'Umar ibn al-Khattab's governor in Mecca. In his Jamharat al-nasab Ibn al-Kalbi has a section on the mughtaribat, or "Qurashi women who married non-Qurashi husbands," who descended from Muhammad's great-grandfather, Hashim ibn Abd Manaf. (19) Sukhayla and Atika are not on this list since they descended from Hashim's brother, al-Muttalib ibn Abd Manaf. Marriages between Qurashi men and non-Arab women were also considered mathalib or vices: genealogists kept records of Qurashls born of non-Arab women, whether Jewish, Christian, Ethiopian, "Nabataean," or Sindi. (20)
SUKHAYLA AND ATIKA
It is unknown when the marriages of the two sisters to the two brothers took place and one could argue that they took place after Qurayza's surrender, in which case they are irrelevant for us here. The marriages could also have been severed by divorce prior to Qurayza's surrender. But if we are to choose between a last-minute conversion and marriage bonds, the latter should be given priority. In other words, in the most likely scenario the marriages of the two sisters to their Jewish husbands were in place during Qurayza's siege and they account for their having been rescued along with their relative. Put differently, the Prophet Muhammad had relatives in the besieged fortress of the Qurayza, namely, two female third cousins who lived there with their husbands and children. One assumes that the women were not idol worshippers but converts to Judaism. (21) Earlier links with Jews in this family (see below) indicate a pattern and reinforce the trustworthiness of the Kitab al-Mathalib account.
The father of Sukhayla and Atika was 'Ubayda ibn al-Harith ibn al-Muttalib. (22) As has already been mentioned, the word "Abd" in his grandfather's name is an error. As a matter of fact, Muhammad did have a paternal uncle called al-Harith ibn Abd al-Muttalib--he was Abd al-Muttalib's eldest son, and hence the latter's kunya Abu 1-Harith. But al-Harith ibn Abd al-Muttalib did not have a son called Ubayda, (23) while his paternal cousin, al-Harith ibn al-Muttalib, did have a son called Ubayda. Moreover, Ubayda is known to have fathered a daughter named Sukhayla. He had seven sons and three daughters (Khadlja, Sukhayla, and Safiyya); (24) or six sons and four daughters (Rayta, Khadija, Sukhayla, and Safiyya). The mothers of all of them were slave girls (li-ummahat awlad shatta). (25) The difference in the numbers of sons and daughters goes back to variation concerning one of the names: the former list has a son called Rabia, while the latter has a daughter called Rayta. Sukhayla was named after Ubayda's mother, whose name was also Sukhayla. Unfortunately, no list mentions Sukhayla's sister Atika. But lists often have lacunae, and Sukhayla stood a better chance of being remembered because she also appears in an account with a legal aspect about an expensive wool or silk garment (mirt) that her second husband, Amr ibn Umayya al-Damri, bought for her. (26)
Ubayda was one of the first Muslims. He was ten years older than Muhammad and immigrated to Medina together with his two younger brothers, al-Tufayl and al-Husayn. (27) Al-Tufayl was married to Zaynab bint Khuzayma. When he divorced her, she married Ubayda, and after his death she married the Prophet. (28) At sixty-three Ubayda was the oldest Muslim warrior in the Battle of Badr. He was fatally wounded and died on the way back to Medina. (29) His age upon death means that he was born ca. 561 C.E. His much younger brother al-Tufayl died in 32/653, aged seventy, (30) which means that he was born ca. 583. Their brother al-Husayn died in 32/653, several months after al-Tufayl, (31) and must have been more or less the same age. Sukhayla still bore her second husband, Amr ibn Umayya al-Damrl, several children in the 640s. (32) Their son Jafar was not Amr's firstborn son, (33) but he was the best-known one and was nicknamed al-faqih, "the man of knowledge." (34) Jafar, who died in 95/713-4, (35) was no doubt born around 645: he was the foster brother of the caliph Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan, (36) who was born in 23/644 or 26/647. (37) If we assume, for example, that Sukhayla gave birth to Jafar when she was thirty-five years old, it leads to ca. 610 as her birth year. In this case she would have been about seventeen years old in 627 when the Qurayza were vanquished (and the same may more or less apply to her sister Atika). Sukhayla's Jewish children were half-brothers of the children she bore her second husband. (38) Thanks to Amr's marriage to Sukhayla, his descendants were incorporated in (or "entered") the Quraysh tribe without an alliance. (39)
The great-grandfather of Sukhayla and Atika, al-Muttalib ibn Abd Manaf, had two sons, Makhrama and Abu Ruhm, whose mother was Jewish. (The same woman bore al-Muttalib's brother, Hashim ibn Abd Manaf, two sons.) Moreover, Qays ibn Makhrama's mother was Jewish. (40) It is no coincidence that Qays bought Yasar, the Jewish grandfather of Muhammad ibn Ishaq sahib al-maghazi, after he had been captured at Ayn al-Tamr. (41)
The pre-Islamic marriages of Sukhayla and 'Atika are but two items in the intricate network of pre-Islamic links between Mecca and Medina. (42) The growing interest in prosopography and genealogy is bound to lead to a thorough examination of these links, which played a crucial role in world history.
Ibn Hisham, Sira, 1: 226-28
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Al-Waqidi, Maghazi, 2: 503
The variants between square brackets are from Ibn Sad, Kitab al-Tabaqat al-kabir (Khanji), 5: 395.
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A draft of this article was presented in 2003 at the Ninth "From Jahiliyya to Islam" colloquium at the Institute for Advanced Studies of the Hebrew University.
(1.) Cf. W. Montgomery Watt, "The Condemnation of the Jews of Banu Qurayzah," Muslim World 42 (1952): 160-71; M. J. Kister, "The Massacre of the Banu Qurayza: A Re-examination of a Tradition," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 8 (1986): 61-96; repr. in idem, Society and Religion from Jahiliyya to Islam (Aldershot: Variorum, 1990), no. VIII; also available at www.kister.huji.ac.il; Michael Lecker, "On Arabs of the Banu Kilab Executed together with the Jewish Banu Qurayza," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 19 (1995): 66-72; repr. in idem, Jews and Arabs in Pre- and Early Islamic Arabia (Aldershot: Variorum, 1998), no. X.
(2.) But see now Harry Munt, The Holy City of Medina: Sacred Space in Early Islamic Arabia (New York; Cambridge Univ. Press, 2014). Unfortunately, Ibtisam Abd al-Muhsin al-Suwaylim's doctoral thesis at King Saud University, al-Samhudi manhajuhu wa-mawariduhu fi kitabatihi l-tarikhiyya, is not available to me. The M.A. thesis of Huda Muhammad Said Sindi, Mawarid al-Samhudi wa-manhajuhu al-tarikhi fi kitabihi Wafa al-wafa bi-akhbar dar al-mustafa (Mecca: J ami'at Umm al-Qura, 1420/1999), is accessible online. However, its bibliography only includes sources and research written in Arabic.
(3.) Ibn Hisham, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, ed. Mustafa al-Saqqa, Ibrahim al-Ibyari, and Abd al-Hafiz Shalabi (Cairo: Mustafa al-Babi al-Halabi, 1355/1936; repr, Beirut: Ihya al-Turath al-Arabl, 1391/1971), 1: 226-28.
(4.) Al-Bayhaqi, Daldil al-nubuwwa. ed. Abd al-Muti Qalaji (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-Ilmiyya, 1405/1985), 3: 362.
(5.) Michael Lecker, "The Conversion of Himyar to Judaism and the Jewish Banu Hadl of Medina," Die Welt des Orients 26 (1995): 129-36, esp. 133; repr. in idem, Jews and Arabs, no. XIII. According to Ibn Hisham (Sira, 3: 249), they were neither from the Qurayza nor from the Nadir--they were their cousins, their genealogy being "higher than that" (laysu min bani Qurayza wa-la l-Nadir, nasabuhum fawqa dhalika. hum band cammi l-qawm).
This reveals the genealogical convention or fiction behind Hadl's association with the brother tribes of Qurayza and Nadir: Hadl's eponymous father was the brother of the eponymous father of Qurayza and Nadir.
(6.) Al-Shawkani, Nayl al-awtar min asrdr muntaqd l-akhbar, ed. Muawwad and al-Mawjud (Beirut: Dar al-Kitab al-Arabi, 1420/2000), 5: 79 (bab: anna l-harbi idha aslama qabla l-qudra alayhi ahraza amwalahu, "Chapter: If the enemy adopts Islam before being vanquished, he keeps his property [or orchards]"): fa-aslama Thalaba wa-Asid ibn [read: ibna] Saya fa-ahraza lahuma isidmuhuma amwdlahumd wa-awiddahumd l-sighar.
(7.) Ibn Abd al-Barr, al-Istiab ft marifat al-ashab, ed. Ali Muhammad al-Bijawi (Cairo, n.d.), 1: 97, 211, quoting al-Bukhari.
(8.) Al-Kalai, al-Iktifa bi-ma tadammanahu min maghazi rasuli llah wa-l-thalatha l-khulafa, ed. Muhammad Kamal al-Din Izz al-Din Ali (Beirut: Alam al-Kutub, 1417/1997), 1: 182.
(9.) Al-Mizzi, Tahdhib al-kamal fi asma al-rijal, ed. Bashshar Awwad Maruf (Beirut: al-Risala, 1405-1413/1985-1992), 4: 397.
(10.) An independent abridged verion of this account going back to Abu Sufyan mawla Ibn Abi Ahmad (but probably originating with the same Qurazi informant) has kanu fityanan shababan; Ibn Sad, Kitab al-Tabaqat al-kabir, ed. All Muhammad Umar (Cairo: Khanji, 1421/2001), 5: 396, no. 1025, s.v. Asad ibn Ubayd al-Qurazi.
(12.) The name of Asad's grandfather appears in an entry on Asad's wife, Umama (married at some stage to Muhammad ibn Maslama's brother, Mahmud, who was killed in Khaybar), who, according to some, gave birth to Asad's son, All ibn Asad ibn Ubayd ibn Saya al-Hadli. (According to others, All's mother was Umama's paternal cousin Umm 'All; anyway we are only interested in the grandfather's name.) One is not surprised by Asad's marriage to a woman from the (former) Jewish tribe Zaura'; cf. Michael Lecker, "Muhammad at Medina: A Geographical Approach," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 6 (1985): 29-62, at 44-48; repr. in idem, Jews and Arabs, no. VIII and index, s.v.; idem, People, Tribes and Society in Arabia around the Time of Muhammad (Aldershot: Variorum, 2005), index, s.v.
(13.) Al-Waqidi, Kitab al-Maghazi, ed. Marsden Jones (London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1966), 2: 503, quoting Salih ibn Jafar < Muhammad ibn Uqba < Thalaba ibn Abi Malik; Ibn Sad, Kitab al-Tabaqat al-kabir (Khanji), 5: 395, no. 1023, s.v. Thalaba wa-Asid bna Saya al-Quraziyyani.
(14.) Al-Mizzi, Tahdhlb al-kamal, 26: 121-23.
(15.) Yaqut, Mujam al-buldan (Beirut: Dar Sadir-Dar Bayrut, 1957), s.v. Hibra; Lecker, "Muhammad at Medina," 38 n. 75; idem, Muhammad ve-hayyehudim [Muhammad and the Jews], 2nd ed. (Jerusalem: Ben Zvi, 2014), n. 136 (in Hebrew).
(16.) Al-Waqidi, Maghazi, 2: 460, 485-86.
(17.) Ibn Hajar, at-lsaba fi tamyiz al-sahaba, ed. All Muhammad al-Bijawi (Cairo 1392/1972), 7: 659, s.v. Rayhana bint Sham'un.
(18.) My notes from the manuscript were taken at the Dar al-Kutub in the summer of 1984. Only one of the two copies of the manuscript, the more recent one, was made available to me; see Fuat Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1967), 1: 270; Joseph Sadan, "Kings and Craftsmen: A Pattern of Contrasts. On the History of a Mediaeval Arabic Humoristic Form," part two, Studia Islamica 62 (1985): 89-120, at 120; Guy Monnot, "Un inedit de Dar al-Kotob: Le 'Kitab al-mathalib' d'Ibn al-Kalbi," Melanges de l'Institut dominicain d'etudes orientales du Caire 13 (1977): 315-21; Muhsin Ghayyad 'Ujayl, "Makhtutat Kitab al-Mathalib li-Ibn al-Kalbi," Majallat Majma al-lugha al-carabiyya al-urdunni 22 (1998): 191-212. I am unaware of an edition of this book. I wish to thank the authorities of the Dar al-Kutub for their kind permission to work there and the then director of the Israeli Academic Center, Shimon Shamir, for his support. A short note on the rare passage appeared in Bulletin of the Israeli Academic Center in Cairo 4 (Summer 1984).
(19.) Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamharat al-nasab, ed. Naji Hasan (Beirut: Alam al-Kutub-Maktabat al-Nahda al-Arabiyya, 1407/1986), 302-7.
(20.) Michael Lecker, "A Note on Early Marriage Links between Qurashis and Jewish Women," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 10 (1987): 17-39, at 18-19; repr. in idem, Jews and Arabs, no. II.
(21.) Cf. now Haggai Mazuz, The Religious and Spiritual Life of the Jews of Medina (Leiden: Brill, 2014), 44-46.
(22.) See the explanatory genealogical chart, p. 402.
(23.) Six sons and one daughter of this paternal uncle are listed in Musab al-Zubayri, Nasab Quraysh, ed. E. Levi-Provencal (Cairo: Dar al-Maarif, 1953), 18 (1. 3), 85-89. See also al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-ashraf, ed. Abd al-Aziz al-DQri (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1398/1978), 3: 294-303; Ibn Hazm al-Andalusi, Jamharat ansab al-carab, ed. Abd al-Salam Haran (Cairo: Dar al-Maarif, 1382/1962), 70-71; Ibn al-Kalbi, Jamharat al-nasab, 35-36.
(24.) Al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-ashraf, ed. Ihsan Abbas (Beirut, 1996), 5: 3.
(25.) Ibn Sad, al-Tabaqat al-kubra, 3: 50. In Musab al-Zubayri (Nasab Quraysh, 93-94), al-Harith ibn al-Muttalib's wife who bore him Ubayda, among others, is Shuhayla (!) bint Khuzai of the Thaqif. Meanwhile, Muhammad ibn Habib (Kitub al-Muhabbar, ed. I. Lichtenstadter [Hyderabad: Dairat al-Maarif al-Uthmaniyya, 1361/1942; repr. Beirut: al-Maktab al-Tijarl, n.d.], 459-60) lists in the section on al-munjibat min al-nisa', "the women who gave birth to noble sons," no fewer than fourteen sons whom Sukhayla bore al-Harith ibn al-Muttalib (here he is again erroneously called al-Harith ibn Abd al-Muttalib).
(26.) Ibn Hajar, Isaba, 7: 693-94; Ibn Abd al-Barr, Istiab, 4: 1859-60.
(27.) Al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-ashraf, 5: 2-3.
(28.) Ibn Sad, al-Tabaqat al-kubra, 8: 115. However, al-Waqidi (quoted in al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-ashraf 5: 3) denied that Zaynab was married to Ubayda.
(29.) Ibn Abd al-Barr, 1st fab, 3: 1020-21.
(30.) Al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-ashraf 5: 5.
(32.) Ibn Sad, al-Tabaqat al-kubra, 4: 248: fa-waladat lahu nafaran.
(33.) Amr's kunya was Abu Umayya; Ibn Sad, al-Tabaqat al-kubra, 4: 248.
(34.) Al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-ashraf ed. al-Azm (Damascus: Dar al-Yaqza al-Arabiyya, 1997-2002), 10: 48.
(35.) Ibn Hibban al-Bustl, Kitab al-Thiqat (Hyderabad: Dairat al-Maarif al-Islamiyya, 1403/1983; repr. Beirut: Mu'assasat al-Kutub al-Thaqafiyya, 1415/1995), 4: 104.
(36.) Al-Mizzi, Tahdhib al-kamal, 5: 67-68.
(37.) Ibn Asakir, Tarikh madlnat Dimashq, ed. Umar ibn Gharama al-Amraw! (Beirut: Dar al-Fikr, 1415-19/1995-98) 37: 117.
(38.) Abu 1-Yaqzan (al-Nassaba, d. 190/806; Yaqut, Mufjam al-udaba, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas [Beirut: Dar al-Gharb al-Islaml, 1993], 3: 1342) remarks that Ubayda was not survived by living offspring; al-Baladhuri, Ansab al-ashraf 5: 3 (wa-la aqiba li-Ubayda). This remark seems to relate to male offspring.
(39.) In addition to a marriage link, other channels of "entrance" included friendship, nearness of kin, a covenant of protection, and a link with a manumitted slave (man dakhala fi Quraysh ft l-islam bi-ghayr hilf illa bi-sihr aw bi-sadaqa aw bi-rahim aw bi-jiwar aw wala). Among those who "entered" the Band Abd Shams [sic] were Amr's descendants. They "entered" the Banu Umayya (ibn Abd Shams) through Amr's marriage to Sukhayla bint Ubayda ibn al-Harith ibn al-Muttalib. Muhammad ibn Habib, Kilab al-Munammaq fi akhbar Quraysh, ed. Khurshid Ahmad Fariq (Beirut: Alam al-Kutub, 1405/1985), 249 (instead of Abd al-Muttalib, read: al-Muttalib); cf. M. J. Kister, "On Strangers and Allies in Mecca," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 13 (1990): 113-54; repr. in idem, Concepts and Ideas at the Dawn of Islam (Aldershot: Variorum, 1997), no. I, at 141.
(40.) Lecker, "A Note on Early Marriage Links," 24, 34. For a fuller discussion of Makhrama's mother, see idem, "Genealogy and Politics: Muhammad's Family Links with the Khazraj," Journal of Semitic Studies 60 (2015), 111-29.
(41.) Michael Lecker, "Muhammad ibn Ishaq sahib al-maghazr. Was His Grandfather Jewish?" in Books and Written Culture of the Islamic World: Studies Presented to Claude Gilliot on the Occasion of His 75th Birthday, ed. Andrew Rippin and Roberto Tottoli (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 26-38.
(42.) See also Michael Lecker, "The Medinan Wives of Umar b. al-Khattab and His Brother, Zayd," Oriens 36 (2001): 242-47 (F. Rosenthal Festschrift); repr. in idem. People. Tribes and Society, no. VIII.
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