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Was there a George VI style? Now that the story of British architecture and design in the twentieth century is less often distorted by over-emphasis on the modern movement, the variety and quality of what was produced can be appreciated afresh. Alan Powers argues that new stylistic terms are needed for mid-century design, among them the concept of a 'George VI style'.

Writing under his pseudonym, Peter F. Donner, in the Architectural Review in November 1941, Nikolaus Pevsner opened by stating that 'Every phase in history has its style permeating all its productions, whether of fashion or finance, of agriculture or architecture. Wherever you take a cross-section, you find a style of the day--complex of course, yet a style.' (1) On this occasion, Pevsner was examining changes in English architecture during the previous twenty years, and acknowledging how subtle these could be. Without defining what style emerged from the process, he indicated how the influence of modernism had affected even the development of as traditional an architect as Sir Edwin Cooper, illustrating the transition between Cooper's Marylebone town hall of 1912 and the library beside it of 1938. (2) Under the cloak of anonymity, Pevsner was making a rare attempt to understand an area of architecture apart from the modern movement. (3)

The validity of Pevsner's belief in the reality of the Zeitgeist has been challenged, notably by David Watkin in Morality and Architecture (1977), on the grounds that he used it as both a prescriptive and a predictive concept. This was often so, but the link between style and period still remains an irreplaceable diagnostic device for art history, without which important questions simply remain unanswered. Given the existence of a substantial lacuna in the stylistic mapping of the fine and decorative arts of Britain in the twentieth century, the present article offers a test case for a new definition of national style for Britain in the mid century, bringing to the foreground items of art and design that have indisputable significance in terms of their permanence and wide diffusion, but which have hitherto lacked any useful stylistic label.

For example, the British passport, to this day, carries on its cover an engraving of the royal arms created by Reynolds Stone (1909-79) in 1955 for Her Majesty's Stationery Office (HMSO) that is a development of the one he engraved for the order of service of the Coronation in 1937 (Fig. 1). An enlarged version of the royal arms by the artist Rex Whistler (1905-44), drawn in 1939, was recently installed above the piazza entrance to the Royal Opera House, Covent Garden. Both these examples show the persistence of a graphic style that is neither modernist nor Art Deco, but clearly widespread and enduring. They are examples of the hitherto unrecognised 'George VI style'. British postage stamps, coinage and banknotes, although redesigned many times, still show the enduring influence of this distinctive national period style.


Applying the King's name to the style, something accepted for periods up to 'Edwardian', but curiously not adopted for anything later, seems to provide an appropriate description for a national style more stylistically inclusive than modern, or even Art Deco, but which, if it accurately reflects its name, should have achieved its peak in the years between 1936 and 1952, and should, furthermore, show some evidence that the monarchy directly or indirectly influenced its character. I hope to demonstrate that these conditions are met.

The George VI style cannot include everything produced during these years, but following Wolfflin's method, we should outline some formal characteristics by which it can be recognised. It is orderly and restrained, linear, two dimensional, and uses clear colours. It is a selective form of classicism, with the majority of its references taken from the period of about 1770-1840. It relies on composition, using largely unornamented surfaces, with small incidents of ornament, or at times a small-scale over-all pattern. Stars and stripes are favoured, as are flower patterns. It seems to be centred on the graphic rather than the plastic arts.

Can it be shown that these characteristics emerged around 1937? Few styles come into being suddenly and fully formed, and the George VI style had antecedents even in the nineteenth century. Insofar as the style was an alternative to modernism, the terraces, crescents and squares of the Duchy of Cornwall estate in Kennington, south London, by the architects Adshead and Ramsey, built 1912-14, are an early instance. The royal connection is suggestive, since Sir Walter Peacock, the secretary to the Prince of Wales who steered the commission, was keen that it should be a 'royal estate' and chose accordingly to revive the late Georgian style, indicating an association between the Crown and what then stood as the avant-garde of English architecture, in reaction against both the Arts and Crafts and a more florid, less disciplined classicism. (4) It was mooted at the time that with a new King George, such an association was appropriate, but only under George VI did this style become dominant.

Among younger architects, Raymond Erith (1903-73) appeared most clearly to carry forward the example of Adshead and Ramsey. He and a few contemporaries, such as Donald McMorran (1904-65), Stephen Dykes Bower (1903-93) and Louis Osman (1914-96), are distinctive in that they had studied during the period when modernism was first current, and made a conscious decision to reject it. Erith was even the architect for a royal commission from the new King, for gate lodges to the Royal Lodge at Windsor Great Park (Fig. 3). Completed in 1940, they were bombed only a fortnight later. Erith's extreme architectural restraint was typical of his work up to the mid 1950s. The King apparently preferred something more decorative, and the rebuilding was carried nut by another architect, Sidney Tatchell.


McMorran's early work, in partnership with Horace Farquharson, included the 1937 police station at Hammersmith, west London (the first of his many Metropolitan and City Police commissions), which adapts the established London police style with subtler window spacing, lettering of an 1820s character, and a crisply carved and coloured royal arms. Landhurst, Hartfield, Sussex, of 1939, a country house designed by Osman for Sir Dougal and Lady Evelyn Malcolm (Fig. 5), had a consciously Regency character, in white-painted brick. Arthur Oswald commented in Country Life, ten years later, that 'it still offers the architect of today a firm foundation on which to build, a railhead at the end of the long line of classical tradition, it stands waiting to be used again and carried farther into the uncharted future.' (5)


This view was often stated in Country Life, which offers some of the best clues to the definition and periodisation of the George VI style. It reflects the developing ideas and tastes of the magazine's architectural editor, Christopher Hussey. A supporter of modernism at the beginning of the 1930s, by the middle of the decade he began to have doubts, writing in praise of architecture that offered a middle way between extremes of modernism and traditionalism. (6) Hybridisation was seldom successful, however, and in 1938 the magazine carried an article by Evelyn Waugh, 'A Call to the Orders', rejecting modernism completely in favour of 'that superb succession of masterpieces from Vanbrugh to Soane which are grouped, far too vaguely, under the absurdly insular title of "Georgian"'. (7)

Waugh's article accurately pinpoints the development outside the architectural profession of a new taste for later Georgian and Regency. This was reflected in decoration in the style Osbert Lancaster called 'Vogue Regency', but was given more depth in John Steegman's book The Rule of Taste: from George I to George IV (1936). The foundation of the Georgian Group in 1937 was symptomatic. In that year, one of its leading members, Robert Byron, published a hard-hitting pamphlet, How We Celebrate the Coronation, to which the answer was by demolishing buildings, mostly Georgian, which Byron believed were a demonstration of the essential English character. (8)

Surveying textile fashions in 1937, Roger Smithells reported that 'floral designs, long frowned upon, have returned triumphally ... the general return of gaiety and elegance among the 1937 fabric designs is a direct reflection of the present wave of comparative prosperity heightened by the natural exuberance of a Coronation year.' (9) Looking ahead to the presentation of 'The Week-End House' in the British Pavilion at the Paris International Exhibition later that year, Christopher Hussey declared that 'the most successful contribution of this country to contemporary furnishing has undoubtedly been ... solid, comfortable, rather simple pieces recalling the country-made furniture of the eighteenth century in which there is more scope for the national characteristics to express themselves than in that for the town house or flat, which is now largely standardised throughout Europe.' (10) Smithells's piece suggests that the coronation in 1937 marked a point of change, and it would be difficult to argue against this, even though a design such as Eric Ravilious's coronation mug for Wedgwood (Fig. 6) was designed prior to the Abdication, for Edward VIII. (11) The new royal couple had already established their style at Royal Lodge, given in 1931 to George VI when Duke of York by his father. The Wyattville gothic building was painted pink, and the gardens adjoining the house, designed by Geoffrey Jellicoe in 1936 (Fig. 4), were later described by him as 'designed within the ethos of history'. (12)


Jellicoe had already made a mark as a modernist architect with the Caveman Restaurant at Cheddar Gorge, but in a series of country house commissions during the later 1930s, such as Ditchley Park, St Paul's Walden Bury and Mottisfont Abbey, he developed a garden version of the George VI style, recalling Georgian formality without pomposity. (13) This is potentially a valid description for the most celebrated gardens of the interwar period, Hidcote and Sissinghurst, with their balance of classic and romantic elements, and their intimate scale. The new King was portrayed with his family in 1939, with gardening tools, in a pencil drawing by Rex Whistler for a never-executed painting (Fig. 2). Whistler was a guest at Balmoral in September 1937 with Osbert Sitwell, whose writings developed sympathy for the late Georgian ethos. Cecil Beaton, whose 1939 photographs of Queen Elizabeth in Norman Hartnell dresses inspired by Winterhalter contributed so much to defining the fashion of the new court, was a member of their circle.


The new Queen's style of dress was valuable in the success of the royal visit to Paris in July 1938, and in May 1939, Whistler designed the Royal Box at Covent Garden for a visit of the French President, a poignant gesture of frivolity in the last stages of pre-war diplomacy. His younger brother Laurence, as a glass engraver and poet, inherited the gift of creating a royal style, as seen in the casket presented by Queen Elizabeth to the King in 1949 (Fig. 8), a traditional-looking object without any precise precedent, based on the revival of several crafts. (14)


Eric Ravilious (1903-42), who engraved the royal arms for the catalogues of the international exhibitions of 1937 and 1939, defines the modern end of the George VI stylistic spectrum, with Whistler at the more historical end. Both were popular for their spritely style and ability to synthesise an English tradition of decoration without appearing insular. Neither had the opportunity to show how they might have developed after the war.

The need for a new version of a national style in the age of mass communication was the subject of The Projection of England (1932) by a civil servant, Sir Stephen Tallents, who placed the monarchy at the top of his list of English characteristics. (15) It is evident that British governments during the 1930s were willing to invest in design and that there was a coalition of individuals steering the process in a particular way, such as Major Alfred Longden, of the Board of Trade, whose influence on the 1937 and 1939 exhibitions was crucial, and who was involved in the early period of the British Council. Tallents himself was responsible for the engagement of the documentary film director John Grierson, initially at the Empire Marketing Board, then at the Empire.

A wood engraving by Ravilious is on the cover of a 1934 BBC pamphlet of talks on British art, delivered by R.M.Y. Gleadowe (1888-1944), part of an outbreak of commentary centred on the Royal Academy's winter exhibition on the same theme, organised by W.G. Constable who wrote an introductory essay for the pamphlet. (16) The summary of Gleadowe's first lecture includes 'common sense, honesty and soberness' as characteristics of British art, with 'orderly restraint' in contemporary architecture. 'The British genius is for line, rather than tone', Gleadowe wrote, an opinion repeated by Pevsner twenty-one years later in his better-known BBC lectures, 'The Englishness of English Art'. (17)

Art master at Winchester College, Gleadowe is now largely forgotten, but he achieved his greatest fame in 1943 as designer of the Stalingrad Sword (Fig. 9), a ceremonial object made at the suggestion of the King for presentation to the 'steel-hearted Citizens of Stalingrad, and presented by Winston Churchill to Stalin at Teheran in November. (18) Its austere scabbard, ornamented with gold stars, is typical of the style of ceremonial metalwork that had been evolving during the ten years prior to the exhibition of modern silverwork held at Goldsmiths' Hall in 1938. This was organised by George R. Hughes, the Clerk to the Goldsmiths' Company, and was seen by nearly 38,000 visitors. The typical pieces in the show, by such designers and makers as Harold Stabler from an older generation, and Leslie Durbin from a younger one, were poised between tradition and modernity. Gleadowe's rather Swedish-inspired pieces had prominent places. As a result of this display, silver, which had been lacking from the 1937 Paris Pavilion, was well-represented in the more conservative and 'official' British Pavilion at the 1939 New York World's Fair.


If silver, a previously somewhat neglected craft, was one of the chief areas in which the George VI style was developed, then typography was another. This history is perhaps better known. Its tarnished memorial is the persistence in current use of Times New Roman, the typeface designed for The Times by Stanley Morison (1889-1967) and launched in 1932. Describing Morison as 'more than an influence, he is a conscience', Myfanwy Piper wrote that 'anyone discovering typography and printing in 1930 also discovered Morison.' (19)

Avant-garde typography in the Bauhaus style found no place in inter-war Britain, and the rebirth of the prophet of asymmetry, Jan Tschichold, as an austere classicist in the restyling of Penguin books in 1947 confirmed an international victory for Morison's vision of decorum. Although a latecomer to the inter-war revival of wood engraving, Reynolds Stone, whose work displayed humane and romantic tendencies, was also someone the printing world had been waiting for. As Myfanwy Piper wrote in 1951, 'He has escaped the menace of bloodless good taste; the past is for him not a goal but a weapon.' (20)

Given the suspension of architecture during the war years, the essential but inexpensive medium of typography took on special prominence. Francis Meynell (1891-1975), Morison's partner in the Pelican Press in 1916, and the founder of the Nonesuch Press in the 1920s, was appointed as unpaid typographical adviser to HMSO in 1945. (21) In his memoirs, Meynell records the intervention of the present Queen, who requested that he should be involved in typographic design relating to the 1953 Coronation, leading to the use of a royal arms by Reynolds Stone (and a decorative border by Joan Hassall for the invitation card). (22) Morison and Meynell were both socialists, and their typographic style was advocated by the Labour Party for itself in a booklet, Soldiers of Lead (1948). (23)

The location of the interface between modernism and the George VI style is a complex matter. Most modern architects went through some sort of transition in or around 1937, and in most cases, this lasted until the early 1950s. It is significant that in his later writings, Roger Fry reasserted the classical values underlying much modernist practice and joined in the reappraisal of British art in 1934, lecturing at the RA exhibition. (24) On Fry's death that year, Kenneth Clark took on his mantle as an active promoter of historical continuity in art in a broad renaissance tradition. He supported the Euston Road School as a counterbalance to abstraction, and famously propelled Henry Moore, John Piper and Graham Sutherland to their status as figures of the modern art establishment. Clark's friendship with Colin Anderson was influential on the latter's selection of designers and artists for Orient Line ships, starting with RMS Orion, launched in 1935. (25) Less well known is his attempt to create a revival of ornament in architecture.

Another theorist encouraged by Fry was Margaret Bulley, whose books Art and Understanding (1937), and Art and Everyman (1951), frame the reign of George VI. She was attempting to create universal grounds for recognising quality in art and design, irrespective of genre or cultural background, in a way that is suggestive of the eclectic inclusiveness of the George VI style. Bulley's method was to pair objects to demonstrate good and bad. Her bad examples are often those we would now call Art Deco, and while in architecture she shows no fear of modernism, she favoured the elegance of late Georgian and Regency. Her taste was well matched in two small but influential design shops in London in the 1930s, Muriel Rose's Little Gallery and Cecilia Sempill's Dunbar Hay. (27)

That taste is usually characterised by a more traditional use of materials and building forms, apparent in Serge Chermayeff's well-known and much admired timher house, Bentley Wood, 1938. Although the shift may appear to be an English deviation from the mainstream, it had sources and counterparts in other countries, and Walter Gropius's The Wood House at Shipbourne, of 1936, is in a tradition of German modernist timber houses. (28) Some architects even reverted to the pitched roof. Architects such as Berthold Lubetkin developed an interest in patterned and decorated surfaces, while F. R.S. Yorke began in 1937 to build in brick instead of concrete. (29) This unheroic sensibility peaked in the Festival of Britain in 1951, after which it was successfully effaced by a younger generation. (30)

At the Festival, a prominent role was played by designers grouped together as Design Research Unit, a project from the 1930s, in which Herbert Read and Marcus Brumwell played formative roles, to create a new cadre of architects, graphic artists and product designers available to industry. Misha Black and Milner Gray emerged as leading figures in DRU, practising in a style that had changed considerably from pre-war modernism, and could be better described as 'George VI'.

Historians of more recent times have felt the need to assert that modernism in British design is the only available narrative or description for what is in fact a more multi-layered grouping of positions and styles, whose success with the public depended on its moderation. This has created two misunderstandings that are now deeply imbedded in the field--first, that the difference between modernism and conservatism which is so apparent in the early 1930s and again from the mid 1950s provides an appropriate model for trying to classify design during the intermediate period, and second, resulting from this, that British design during this period was, relatively speaking, a failure owing to its conservatism. If the George VI style is as broad as I am suggesting, it contains distinct modernist and conservative modes, but there is a middle ground definable not only in visual terms but also in networks of patronage and promotion. To return to the beginning of the argument: where, to select only one of many omnipresent but overlooked things, would you find in a museum or a design history an account of the royal arms on the British passport?

The exhibition 'Raymond Erith: Progressive Classicist' is at Sir John Soane's Museum, London, until 31 December 2004. See for details.

Alan Powers's The Twentieth-Century House: From the Archives of Country Life will be published by Aurum Press this autumn.

(1) Peter F.R. Donner, 'Criticism'. Architectural Review, vol. XC, November 1941, p. 151. The present article was stimulated by the prospect of the Raymond Erith exhibition at Sir John Soane's Museum in the autumn of 2004. Although Erith is not a major figure in the argument, it originated is an attempt to position him in a context rather than to accept him as an isolated individual. I am grateful to many people with whom I have tested the thesis, including Lucy Archer. Michael Hall and the Rev Anthony Symondson, SJ.

(2) Ibid., p. 152. 'I do not want to venture upon an answer to the question as to whether Sir Edwin in this extension was conscious of the implications of what he let himself in for, or whether he was modern malgre lui, whether the result of his effects is a synthesis of his generational style and the style of the moment at which he designed--or a compromise; whether it is an integer or a sum, representational Modern or "deflowered" Baroque. Yet on a decision upon these points one's ultimate aesthetic judgment must depend.'

(3) Although not directly related, this 1941 text is similar in approach to a long unpublished essay by Pevsner, intended as a special issue of the Architectural Review in 1939. surveying British architecture of the twentieth century. The typescript is among Pevsner's papers at the Getty Institute, Santa Monica. I am grateful to Susie Harries for making a copy of it available to me. Had this work by Pevsner been published, it would have changed our understanding of his attitude to the different currents within British architecture, for it is much more tolerant and pluralistic than the majority of his judgements in The Buildings of England, approving many non-modernist works and criticising some modernist ones.

(4) See Alan Powers (ed.), '"Architects I have known": the architectural career of Stanley Adshead', Architectural History, vol. XXIV, 1981, pp. 103-123. On the Duchy of Cornwall properties in Devon and the Scilly Isles during the same period, Albert Edward Richardson, who shared a London office with Adshead, was using a similar late Geogian idiom, which continued to be the basis of his practice until his death in 1964. See Alan Powers et al., Sir Albert Richardson, London, 1999.

(5) Arthur Oswald, 'Landhurst, Hartfield, Sussex', Country Life, vol. CX, 18 February 1949, pp. 366-69. Osman took up gold and silver work, including the design and production of the Prince of Wales's Investiture Crown in 1969. He is better-known for this than his architecture.

(6) See John Cornforth, 'Continuity and Progress: Christopher Hussey and Modern Architecture--I', Country Life, vol. CLXIX, 22 October 1981, pp. 1366-68 and idem, 'Qualities of Generalship': Christopher Hussey and Modern Architecture--II', ibid., vol. CLXIX, 29 October 1981, pp. 1468-70.

(7) Evelyn Waugh, 'A Call to the Orders', Country Life supplement, vol. LXXXIII, 26 February 1938, reprinted in Donat Gallagher (ed.), The Essays, Articles and Reviews of Evelyn Waugh, London, Methuen, 1983, pp. 215-22.

(8) The text was first published in the Architectural Review in May 1937, the Coronation month. Its conclusion stressed the political role of architecture in a democracy, 'Of all the arts, it is the most democratic; it, and it alone, enables the corporate, as opposed to the individual, artistic impulse to express itself.' Robert Byron, 'How We Celebrate the Coronation', Architectural Review, vol. LXXXI, May 1937, p. 224. The other content of the issue includes a review by the young modernist architect Aileen Tatton-Brown of Steen Eiler Rasmussen's London, the Unique City, which also celebrates late Georgian London, and an article by Osbert Lancaster on 'The English Way with Ceremonial: What have we lost?'

(9) Roger Smithells, 'Fashions in Furnishing Fabrics', Supplement to Country Life, vol. LXXXI, 13 February 1937, p. XVI.

(10) Christopher Hussey, 'The Week-End House', ibid., p. IV. The illustration shows the design for the living room of the Week End House by Gordon Russell, the company for which Pevsner worked in the later 1930s as a buyer

(11) Compared to that of 1953, the 1937 Coronation has received little attention from design history. The convergence of the new culture of official design advice with national ceremonial was apparent in a booklet on British traditional colours, issued by the British Colour Council, in order to standardise street decorations, See The Listener, 24 March 1937, p. 540.

(12) Note by Jellicoe in Michael Spens, The Complete Landscape Designs and Gardens of Geoffrey Jellicoe, London, 1994, p. 52.

(13) As Duke of York, George VI hunted with Ronald Tree of Ditchley, the Master of the Pytchley, while the work at St Paul's Walden Bury was carried out for The Hon. David Bowes Lyon, Queen Elizabeth's brother. At Mottisfont, Rex Whistler executed a painted room for Mrs Gilbert Russell in 1939.

(14) 'Sumptuous and evocative of former glory, my brother's style was well suited to royal occasions, such as the Command Performance for the French President at Covent Garden in 1939, when he designed the Royal Box, all yellow, white and gold, and the tasselled, baroque, programme. Commissions with a royal connection of a quieter and more private sort began to come my way towards the end of the 1940s, chiefly through the interest of Sir Arthur Penn, the Queen's Treasurer; and for these I continued to invent in the familiar style, thinking no other so likely to succeed, and in truth having skill in no other. For in the century of the functional and the abstract, there was no common decorative language, the last in general use being art nouveau, which was to me unpleasantly Victorian in sentiment and limply devoid of all vigour; filleted rococo' Laurence Whistler, The image on the Glass, London, 1975, p. 24.

(15) Sir Sephen Tallents, The Projection of England, London, 1932, p. 14. The list continues 'Parliamentary Institutions, The British Navy, The English Bible, Shakespeare and Dickens.'

(16) For a comprehensive listing and a valuable discussion of the exhibition and its surrounding literature, see Andrew Causey, 'English Art and "The National Character", 1933-34' in David Peters-Corbett et al. (eds.), The Geographies of Englishness, London and New Haven, 2002, pp. 275-302. Causey comments that despite the continuing celebration of rural and traditional English life between the wars, 'There were significant refinements in the early thirties to the way English art was understood which do reflect on the conditions of the country at that moment.' (p. 276).

(17) R.M.Y. Gleadowe, British Art, London, 1934, pp. IV, V.

(18) See R.R. Tomlinson, 'Sword of Honour for Stalingrad', The Studio, vol. CXXVII, no. 613, April 1944, p. 129; George Ravensworth Hughes, The Worshipful Company of Goldsmiths as patrons of their craft, 1919-1945, London, 1965; Susan Hare, 'The Stalingrad Sword', Goldsmith Review, 1992/93, pp. 34-37.

(19) Myfanwy Piper, Reynolds Stone, London, 1951, pp. 12-13.

(20) Ibid., p. 34. In 1934, Stone executed one of his first pictorial bookplates for Princess Elizabeth. See Reynolds Stone, Engravings, London, 1977, plate 4.

(21) See Charles Batey, 'The Printing of His Majesty's Stationery Office', Penrose Annual, vol. XLIV, 1950, pp. 34-36. Meynell worked during the war as a civil servant in the Board, alongside his wife, Dame Alix Meynell. Together they were influential in the establishment of the Utility furniture and clothing schemes in 1941, and in 1944, the Design Council, with Gordon Russell as chairman of both.

(22) Francis Meynell, My Lives, London, 1971, pp. 301-302.

(23) Michael Middleton (author and designer), Soldiers of Lead, London, 1948.

(24) See Roger Fry, Reflections on British Painting, London, 1934. The commentary 'Revision and Design' by Christopher Reed in his A Roger Fry Reader, London and Chicago, 1996, is a valuable summary of Fry's later thinking.

(25) Clark's influence is recorded in Meryle Secrest's biography. Anderson's account can be found in 'Ship Interiors: when the break through came', Architectural Review, vol. CXLI, dune 1967, pp. 449-52. This quotes Anderson's brief to his designer, Brian O'Rorke, which begins 'Escape from Period decoration without going entirely in the opposite direction. Hints of period are not objected to.'

(26) See Kenneth Clark, 'Ornament in Modern Architecture', Architectural Review, December 1943, pp. 147-50. This article was placed in juxtaposition with a memorial tribute by the designer and silversmith, Robert Goodden (who was also Gleadowe's nephew) to Eric Ravilious The anonymous editorial introduction to Clark's piece, which is probably by Pevsner, then a member of the editorial staff, asks whether 'Ravilious's return to the English vernacular instead of the classical and Gothic traditions of antiquarianism and connoisseurship heralds a new kind of ornament. Them are many possibilities, and the problem is worth pondering.'

(27) On the Little Gallery, see Tanya Harrod, The Crafts in Britain in the Twentieth Century, New Haven and London, 2000, p. 133, and on Dunbar Hay, see Alan Powers (ed.), 'Cecilia Sempill, Dunbar Hay: notes for a lecture', The Decorative Arts Society, no. 27, 2003, pp. 52-61.

(28) See idem, Serge Chermayeff, London, 2001; idem, Twentieth Century Houses in Britain, London, 2004 and idem, The Modern Movement in Britain London, forthcoming in 2005, in which this transition is more fully discussed.

(29) See idem, 'The Reconditioned Eye': Architects and artists in English Modernism, AA Files, no. 25, Summer 1993.

(30) See Elain Harwood and Alan Powers (eds.), Festival of Britain: Twentieth Century Architecture, vol. V, 2001.
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