Visualizing the Literary Image of Muscovite Royal Wives: Grand Princess Evdokiia in the Skazanie vmale in the Chronicles of Ivan IV's Reign.
Whereas the literary efforts of the bookmen at Ivan IV's court to define the role of Muscovite royal women are fairly well known, the influence of contemporary artists on the articulation of this role has not yet been explored. While few depictions of St. Ol'ga survive from the reign of Ivan IV, another female ancestor of the first Muscovite tsar, Evdokiia, daughter of the Suzdal' prince Dmitrii Konstantinovich (d. 1383) and wife of the Muscovite grand prince Dmitrii Ivanovich Donskoi (1350-89), commands a rich literary and visual source base that was created during this period. (5) A tale about this grand princess, the so-called Brief Tale about the Blessed Grand Princess Evdokiia (the Nun Evfrosiniia), Wife of the Praiseworthy Grand Prince Dmitrii Ivanovich Donskoi, commonly referred to as Skazanie vmale, is found for the first time in the SK. An abbreviated version of this tale was later included in the Litsevoi letopisnyi svod (Illustrated Chronicle Compilation, hereafter LLS), which was composed sometime between 1568 and 1576. (6)
A study of Evdokiia's literary image in the tale found in the SK and her subsequent literary and visual portrayal in the LLS's version suggests that in the 1560s and 1570s, the chroniclers at Ivan IV's court consciously elevated Evdokiia to the status of a royal woman saint who followed in St. Ol'ga's footsteps. The literary image of this Muscovite grand princess in the SK's version focused on her role as a pious and divinely blessed royal widow, who visibly intervened in the affairs of her realm. In contrast, the text of the later LLS's version significantly toned down the public aspects of Evdokiia's religious activities during her widowhood and instead stressed her personal and private spiritual qualities that justified her elevation to sainthood. The designers of the illustrations accompanying the LLS's version of the Skazanie vmale, however, retained the public aspects of Evdokiia's pious activities. As a result of their visual interpretation of the Skazanie vmale, by the later 16th century Grand Princess Evdokiia acquired the reputation of a powerful royal woman saint, who excelled both through her personal holiness and her commitment to assuring the continuing well-being of her realm. While the conceptualization of the role of the rulers' wives in the Muscovite state had been ongoing since the early 16th century, the artists involved in the illustrations of the LLS seem to have played a vital role in the development of the image of Muscovite royal women in the later part of Ivan IV's reign.
Evdokiia's Literary Image in the Skazanie vmale in the SK and the LLS
Prior to the 16th century, Evdokiia's role in the ruling house of Moscow was not clearly defined. The 15th-century literary compositions connected with Dmitrii Donskoi, the victor in the battle of Kulikovo Pole against the Tatar Mamai in 1380, ascribed to Evdokiia a narrow family role by portraying her as a devoted spouse and a caring mother, who worried about the possibility that her husband's move against the infidel at Kulikovo Pole might leave her children orphaned. (7) The Tale about the Life and Death of Grand Prince Dmitrii Ivanovich, Tsar of the Rus which ends in a lengthy lament by Evdokiia over her husbands death, repeats the same theme. (8) The evidence about Evdokiia from Dmitrii Donskoi's testament further underscores the grand princess's image as a devoted wife and mother but also places her role into the larger context of the consolidation of the Muscovite grand principality, which started with her husband's reign. Dmitrii Donskoi broke with the tradition of previous Muscovite grand princes of appointing a guardian for their surviving spouses and instead made his wife guardian of all his children, granted her the final word regarding the reallocation of patrimonial property, and appointed her as a mediator in the grand princely family's affairs. (9) Evdokiia's integral connection with the political development of the Muscovite grand principality is also reflected in the 15th-century Muscovite chronicles, which credited her with the creation of cultural symbols that celebrated the notion of a unified Muscovite rule. According to the chronicles, shortly before her death in 1407, Evdokiia founded the Monastery of the Ascension in the Kremlin, which she eventually chose as her final resting place, and which served as a mausoleum for the wives of future Muscovite rulers. (10) Moreover, in 1393, Evdokiia had a church dedicated to the feast of the Nativity of the Virgin erected in the Kremlin and decorated it with icons, books, liturgical embroideries, and vessels made out of precious metals. In 1395, she commissioned Feofan Grek to paint the interior of the church. Ulis church, whose feast was celebrated on 8 September, the date of the battle of Kulikovo, not only testified to Evdokiia's personal charitable piety but also represented a physical symbol of the divinely blessed new dynasty that emerged from Donskoi's house. (11)
The interest in Evdokiia resurfaced in the aftermath of Tsar Ivan IV's Kazan campaign. Conjuring up memories of the first Russian defeat of a Mongol army at Kulikovo Pole in 1389, Metropolitan Makarii hailed the tsar as a second Dmitrii Donskoi upon Ivan's victorious return from Kazan in 1553. (12) Forthwith the promoters of the Muscovite ideology of the pious tsar defending his realm against the infidels and strengthening the true faith at home found a convenient model in Donskoi. (13) Around 1560, the compilers of the SK included the hagiographic tale about the life and death of Grand Prince Dmitrii Ivanovich, followed by two eulogies to Donskoi and a miracle at his tomb. (14) The interest in the cultivation of Donskoi's memory also seems to have led to the composition of the Skazanie vmale, a didactic tale about his widow for the SK, which in general accorded Muscovite grand princesses a prominent role in its dynastic history of the Russian rulers. (15) Structurally the tale, which is located at the end of Step Twelve in the SA'after the narration of Dmitrii Donskoi's death and several eulogies of the grand prince, resembles a saint's life.
The SK's characterization of Evdokiia in the Skazanie vmale breaks with the medieval Russian literary tradition, which depicts her primarily as a virtuous wife and a devoted mother, and goes far beyond the skeleton image of the grand princess as a creator of cultural symbols that signified the development of the Muscovite dynasty that is found in earlier chronicles. In its introductory chapter, the Skazanie vmale briefly notes that Evdokiia imitated her virtuous husband and "lived with him of one mind and lawfully, bore him sons and daughters, and raised them in a pious manner." (16) In contrast to all earlier descriptions of Donskoi's wife, the tale in the SK, however, focuses on Evdokiia's life as a widow and highlights both her personal and private religious achievements and their beneficial impact on her subjects in the aftermath of her husbands death. (17)
To underscore the wider impact of Evdokiia's role as a pious royal widow on affairs of her realm, the Skazanie vmale in the SK calls Evdokiia one of the holy imitators of St. Ol'ga, the Kievan grand princess who with her conversion to Christianity had laid the foundation for an Orthodox Russian realm. (18) This new theme, which seems to be connected with the recent composition of St. Ol'ga's vita, also emerges in the version of the Tale of the Death of Vasilii Ivanovich that is found in the SK. This version claims that Ivan IV's mother, Elena Glinskaia, avidly imitated St. Ol'ga's virtues and thus helped strengthen the dynastic status of the tsar's mother. In the process, the SK added a religious dimension to Glinskaia's role. (19) In the same vein, the Skazanie vmale in the SK compares Donskoi's widow with the illustrious Christian Kievan grand princess in order to portray Evdokiia as a pious royal woman whose personal deeds and virtues promoted the spiritual well-being of her realm. (20) By focusing on Evdokiia's religious life as a widow, the Skazanie vmale effectively transcended the limited and privatized role the 15th-century tales about Dmitrii Donskoi had accorded to her. As a result, the Skazanie vmale's message regarding the grand princess's role resembled that of Donskoi's testament and that of the 15th-century Muscovite chronicles, which all emphasized Evdokiia's public cultural role.
The intention of the authors of the Skazanie vmale found in the SK to embellish the public aspects of Evdokiia's activities as a royal widow also comes to the fore in the tale's presentation of the grand princess's promotion of religious projects. Drawing from the 15th-century Muscovite chronicles, the tale praises her untiring efforts to build new churches and monasteries and to decorate them with precious liturgical gifts. But in addition to the information found in these chronicles that Evdokiia erected the Church of the Nativity of the Virgin and the Monastery of the Ascension in the Kremlin, the tale credits the grand princess with building a church in Pereslavl ' and a monastery in honor of the Birth of John the Baptist near that town on the Trubezh River. (21) Moreover, the tale also details Evdokiias liturgical gifts to the Church of the Nativity of the Virgin and her commissioning of the frescoes of this church. The detailed focus of the SK's Skazanie vmale on Evdokiias religious projects not only in the Muscovite capital but also in Pereslavl', located c. 140 kilometers from Moscow, draws the readers attention to the grand princess's larger impact on the Muscovite realm. From this perspective the tale's statement "And by her kind will many other holy churches were erected for the glory of God. And so she carried on loving the labors for God" proclaims the connection between her religious activities and the attainment of the divine blessing of the unification of the Muscovite realm. (22) The Skazanie vmale in the SAT thus underscores the public aspects of Evdokiias piety.
The close connection between the well-being of the Muscovite realm and Evdokiias spiritual disposition and practices is also seen in the description of the interaction between the grand princess and her subjects in the SK's version of the Skazanie vmale. Like St. Ol'ga, Evdokiia is said to have shown her religiosity not only by commissioning churches and sacred objects but also by improving the living conditions of ordinary people. (23) The SK's Skazanie vmale frequently praises Evdokiias generosity toward and love for the poor. (24) But in one episode, which describes Evdokiias healing of a blind man on her way to the Monastery of the Ascension, where she was about to take the veil, the tale goes further by portraying the grand princess as a saintly figure whom God had endowed with the power to dispense miraculous cures. The blind man, who alleged that the grand princess had promised him healing in a vision on the day before, expected to receive a cure from Evdokiia just as he had previously attained provisions from her hands. (25) He was not alone in receiving such a blessing: the tale credits the grand princess with working approximately 30 healing miracles oil the way to her monastic confinement. (26)
While the Skazanie vmale in the SK stressed Evdokiias good deeds, it also heightened the grand princess's internal disposition toward the Christian faith, which motivated her public pious acts. The tale praised Evdokiia for her asceticism and physical and spiritual chastity, virtues that were generally associated with monastic saints. (27) Moreover, by employing the hagiographic topos of a saints temptation by the Devil, the tale underscored Evdokiia's saintly nature. One episode recounts how, induced by the Devil, some men sought to malign Evdokiia with her son Iurii by casting doubts about her physical abstinence. The royal mother, however, rebutted the accusation by showing Iurii her emaciated body, which she had secretly castigated. (28) The tale notes that Evdokiia's revelation served as a moral lesson to her sons. Evdokiia, who forbade her children to take action against the slanderers, told her offspring to rely on God, who would mete out punishment on the guilty in his own time, and who would protect Evdokiia's sons from temptations, uprisings, and intrigues. (29) According to the Skazanie vmale in the SK, Evdokiia's personal ascetic spiritual practices thus served the maintenance of the public order of her realm.
The Skazanie vmale in the SK also emphasizes that Evdokiia's ascetic spirituality earned her the special blessing of the divine. According to the tale, God announced to her the day of her death through the archangel Michael. Struck by the brightness of the angel, whom the grand princess was unable to identify, Evdokiia lost her speech. She only recovered it after icon painters, whom she engaged for this task, reproduced the image of the angel in the vision. When in their third attempt the painters successfully drew an icon of Archangel Michael, Evdokiia "very lovingly worshipped this image and bowed to it and kissed it, and she had it put up in her church of the Most Pure Mother of God where it stands even today." (30)
The episode shows that the grand princess was not merely viewed as a pious laywoman who privately practiced her Christian faith by commissioning, donating, and worshipping icons. Rather, the tale links the theme of Evdokiia's personal contact with the divine with the promotion of the cult of holy images in her realm. Her temporary loss of speech, the result of the angel's visitation, is not perceived as an illness but rather as a manifestation of her blessed state. Significantly, Evdokiia's first act after regaining her voice--that is, the power to command--was to order the veneration of Archangel Michael's icon. In the same vein, the Skazanie vmale in the SK uses posthumous miracles to underscore Evdokiia's saintliness. The tale states that the grand princess's prayers lit a candle that was placed at her grave in the Monastery of the Ascension in the Kremlin numerous times. (31) Even after her death, the grand princess continued to channel the power of divine grace into the center of her realm.
The Skazanie vmale in the SK makes clear that the Muscovite social and religious norms associated with the female sex in Muscovy did not restrict Evdokiia's public role. (32) The grand princess's special status vis-a-vis the divine placed her in a position where she could monitor the religious behavior and faith of her children and promote the cause of the church and the welfare of her subjects by acting as an intermediary between God and the Muscovite ruling family and its realm. In the words of the SK's Skazanie vmale, the grand princess "struggled doubly with industrious prayers to God for herself and her children and for all her realm. The Lord fulfilled her petitions in all things." (33)
To emphasize this point further, the composers of the Skazanie vmale found in the SK ascribed to Evdokiia the capability to defend the Russian realm from the attack of the infidel Tatar Temir Aksak, who during her widowhood led an attack on the Muscovite principality. After taking counsel with her son Vasilii and Metropolitan Kiprian, Evdokiia, who prayed incessantly to God for the salvation of her realm, initiated the transport of the miraculous icon of the Mother of God, which the Evangelist Luke had painted, from Vladimir to Moscow. Terrified by this icon, Temir Aksak retreated from the Muscovite capital. (34)
The claim of the SK's version of the Skazanie vmale that Evdokiia participated in the translation of the famous icon of the Vladimir Mother of God to Moscow in 1395 and performed the role of a spiritual intercessor for the Russian realm is striking, since the immediate source for this episode, the Tale of Temir Aksak, does not mention the grand princess at all. (35) The two earliest redactions of this tale, which scholars generally date to the 15th century, associate the idea of bringing the icon of the Vladimir Mother of God to Moscow with Metropolitan Kiprian, Grand Prince Vasilii Dmitrievich, and other Russian princes. (36) The composers of the SK's Skazanie vmale seem to have invented Evdokiia's participation in the translation of the icon in order to enhance her religious image. Notably the SK also included the traditional version of the Tale of Temir-Aksak. (37) This incongruity suggests that the concept of Muscovite royal women serving as defenders of the Orthodox faith and the Russian realm was still relatively recent around 1560. (38)
Evdokiia's image in the Skazanie vmale in the SK, however, underwent revision in the LLS. In contrast to the version found in the SK, the Skazanie vmale contained in the LLS deemphasized Evdokiia's public role as a royal woman. Although the compilers of the LLS preserved the wording of individual episodes of the Skazanie vmale in the SK, they altered Evdokiia's image by reducing the number of these episodes from seven to four. (39) The omitted sections deal with Evdokiia's commissioning of religious houses, her involvement in bringing the icon of the Vladimir Mother of God to Moscow, and her rebuke of her children for doubting her chastity. A. V. Sirenov, who noted the absence of these episodes in the LLS, found the omissions puzzling and suggested that the compilers of this chronicle were disposed to associating church building and icon processions exclusively with male rulers. (40)
A close reading of the Skazanie vmale in the LLS, however, suggests that the changes to the tale found in the SK were tied to an evolution of the Muscovite tsaritsa's role in the later part of Ivan IV's reign. The selective editing of the Skazanie vmale that is observed in the LLS's version suggests that the compilers of the massive Russian world chronicle sought to reinterpret the image of Donskoi's widow in such a way that the grand princess appeared less like a visible intercessor for her realm and more like a saintly royal woman, who impressed her subjects with her dedication to a religious lifestyle that underscored her private and personal holiness. The omitted episodes depict the public aspects of Evdokiia's religiosity: her support of church institutions, her monitoring of the Christian morals in the ruling family that assured the well-being of the Muscovite state, and her endeavors to contribute to the realm through the performance of charitable acts.
The remaining chapters--the introduction, Evdokiia's visitation by the angel, the healing of the blind man, and the candle miracle--all attest to Evdokiia's personal saintly spirituality that was focused more on her relationship with the divine than on her openly displayed care for her realm. By selecting these chapters, the compilers of the LLS consciously suppressed the notion that the widow of a Russian ruler was visibly involved in affairs of the realm and replaced it with that of a devout royal woman, who quietly benefited her subjects through her private spiritual achievements. (41) As if to underscore the otherworldly aspects of Evdokiia's religious disposition, the abbreviated version of the Skazanie vmale that is found in the LLS replaces a reference to the grand princess's commissioning of the construction of religious buildings with an elaborate description of her personal religiosity. Whereas the SK's version notes that in her 18-year long widowhood, Evdokiia "made many atonements to God and erected many holy churches and monasteries," the abbreviated tale in the LLS attributes to her themes that are generally found in hagiographic descriptions of the lives of holy monks and saints:
After the death of her husband, Grand Prince Dmitrii Ivanovich, she persisted in laboring according to God, exhausting her flesh with continence, preserving her chastity and enlightening her spiritual and bodily purity with any kind of humble wisdom. Moreover, she lived a God-pleasing life with her generous love of the poor, without any pride. All these are virtues with which it is possible to please God. (42)
The new interpretation of the role of Donskoi's widow in the LLS's abbreviated Skazanie vmale, evident in this interpolation in the text, points to a definite increase in Evdokiia's religious prestige and personal saintliness and a simultaneous deemphasis of her public role. The roots of this development may be connected with the death of Ivan IV's first wife, Anastasiia Romanovna, in 1560. During her lifetime, Anastasiia, Russia's first tsaritsa, devoted herself to supporting the church, feeding the poor, performing intercessory prayers for her husband and realm, and engaging in the public veneration of icons. (43) After her death in 1560, Ivan IV himself initially seems to have promoted the idea that Anastasiia could function as a saint-like intercessor for his dynasty. (44) Although the turmoil in Ivan IV's marital life in the later part of his reign led to a reduction of the tsaritsa's power at the Muscovite court, the fact that Ivan's later wives and those of his son Ivan Ivanovich, albeit under duress, took up the angelic life, may well have further strengthened their religious image. Although removed from the seat of the tsar's power, these royal nuns continued to be valued as religious intercessors for the Russian ruler and his realm far into the 17th century. (45) The interpretation of Evdokiia in the abbreviated Skazanie vmale found in the LLS therefore reflects a broader trend to spiritualize the Muscovite tsaritsa's role within a more private setting than can be observed in the version of the tale found in the SK, which had been composed at a time when the memory of Russia's first tsaritsa was still very strong.
Evdokiia's Portrayal in the LLS's Miniatures of the Skazanie vmale
Whereas the textual changes in the abbreviated Skazanie vmale found in the LLS emphasized Evdokiia's personal saintly piety, the 11 miniatures that accompany the text of the tale in this chronicle continued to follow the interpretation of the grand princess's role found in the tale in the SK, supporting A. A. Amosov's contention that the miniatures of the LLS contain information about symbolic actions not referenced in the accompanying texts. (46) Clearly familiar with the wording of the Skazanie vmale in the SK, the artists disregarded the text in the LLS's abbreviated version that they were charged to illustrate and instead chose to visualize the role of the grand princess expressed in the SK's version of the tale. (47) The illustrators of the LLS achieved this by deemphasizing the theme of Evdokiias ascetic regime and by simultaneously adding visual elements that demonstrated the public aspect of her spiritual labors. As a result, the illustrations of the Skazanie vmale in the LLS elevated Evdokiia to a royal woman saint whose personal spiritual labors were not just manifestations of her private pious disposition but had ramifications for her entire realm.
Evdokiias visual portrayal as a devout and saintly royal woman stands in sharp contrast to illustrations of her elsewhere in the LLS outside of the Skazanie vmale, which focus on the grand princess's wedding, her role as procreator in the royal family, her travels as a royal spouse and mother, and her role as mourner of the death of a family member. (48) These miniatures do not cover Evdokiias widowhood, with the exception of two images that depict her lamenting the death of her infant son Konstantin and her marrying off her daughter Nastas'ia. (49) Due to the secular nature of the scenes outside the Skazanie vmale, the miniatures in these cases never depict Evdokiia with a halo. Instead they show her with a headscarf during the performance of activities associated with her sex (e.g., birth scenes or lamenting scenes), or with a five-pronged crown over a headscarf in situations that denoted her functions pertaining to her role as the wife of the grand prince (such as at her wedding or during travels).
In contrast, the miniatures of the Skazanie vmale in the LLS consistently show Evdokiia wearing royal regalia--that is, the five-pronged crown and a red cloak with a fur-trimmed collar and long sleeves trimmed with gold embroidery. The illustrators of the LLS usually associated the five-pronged crown with male rulers whose political authority surpassed that of the Russian grand prince, such as Byzantine emperors and Mongol khans. Whereas earlier Russian rulers were depicted with a fur cap or the more elaborate Cap of Monomachus, Ivan IV was endowed with the five-pronged crown to express the first Russian tsars equality with these foreign rulers. (50) The miniaturists also attributed this type of crown to the spouses of the Byzantine emperors and Mongol khans, the wives of both Tverite and Muscovite grand princes, and to the Muscovite tsaritsy." (51) Although Artsikhovskii called the association of the five-pronged crown with Russian princesses a paradoxical and incomprehensible phenomenon, there is reason to believe that by depicting Evdokiia with such a crown, the artists of the LLS quite likely used the crown motif to underscore the public nature of the activities of the royal widow as a regent for her son and caretaker of her realm. (52) Similar crowns appear in the depictions of Eastern Orthodox royal women saints who distinguished themselves through their defense of their realms in the late 16th-century frescoes of the Golden Palace of the Tsaritsy and in icons of the mid-17th century. (53)
In addition to portraying Evdokiia as a royal figure, the illuminations of the Skazanie vmale in the LLS also consistently depicted the grand princess with a halo. With the exceptions of the depictions of Sofiia Paleologue and Elena Glinskaiaat their weddings, the illustrators of the LLS attributed a halo only to established saints or lay figures who enjoyed extraordinary spiritual status or were capable of experiencing the divine. (54) The two cases in question seem to have expressed the perception prevailing at Ivan IV's court that Sofiia's and Elena's wombs had been divinely blessed with royal offspring. (55) By featuring Evdokiia with a halo, the artists of the LLS also seem to have focused on her saint-like close relationship to God.
Evdokiia's role as a royal saintly figure can be observed in the introductory miniature of the Skazanie vmale in the LLS (Fig. 1). This illustration shows Evdokiia seated on a throne, while a girl, presumably Evdokiia's daughter Nastas'ia, who also wears a five-pronged crown over her long loose hair, stands in front of her. (56) Several veiled boyar women stand behind Evdokiia's throne. Both Evdokiia and her daughter raise their hands in conversation. (57) Evdokiia's words also seem to be directed toward a beardless young man, her son Vasilii, who is seated on a separate throne across from her. Vasilii wears a cloak similar to that of his mother and dons a fur cap, the symbol of grand princely power. Holding a staff--another symbol of authority--in his right hand, the young grand prince raises his left hand in conversation. (58) Several boyars wearing cloaks and round hats with slanted flaps stand to his left side. (59) Behind Vasilii's throne one notices the upright figure of a nimbed bearded man wearing a green fur-trimmed cloak and a fur cap. His hands are invisible, suggesting that he functions as a silent onlooker. The nimbed grand princely figure denotes the late Dmitrii Donskoi, who in a miniature illustrating the tale of Dmitrii Donskoi's death in the LLS is seen wearing a halo during the moment of his passing. (60) The throne scene in the Skazanie vmale is set within the Moscow Kremlin with its living quarters, churches, walls, turrets, and gates. The upper register features the busts of a bearded male saint and a veiled female one. Both figures wear a halo over a five-pronged crown and are illuminated by rays emitted by a partially visible sun.
The introductory miniature of the Skazanie vmale in the LLS shows that the artists did not merely depict the content of the text accompanying the miniature, which, like in the SK's version, mentions that Evdokiia followed in the footsteps of the female Kievan ruler saints Vladimir and Ol'ga. Rather, the complex composition of the miniature suggests that the artists sought to portray the dual role of the royal widow Evdokiia as a spiritual figure in pursuit of a saintly life and as a public figure who influenced the affairs of the Muscovite state, which was propounded already in the SK's version of the tale. Evdokiias crown, her royal cloak, and her portrayal on a throne resembling that of her son Vasilii denote her dynastic status. Evdokiias association with a throne stands out, since the miniatures of the LLS generally refrain from depicting Muscovite grand princesses on elevated seats that denote a ruler's authority The only exception pertains to the mother of the first Russian tsar, Elena Glinskaia, who served as a regent for Ivan IV during his minority. The illustrations of two other tomes of the LLS, the Tsarstvennaia kniga and the Synodal volume, which depict the events of the early 16th century, consistently show Elena Glinskaia seated together with the young Ivan on a double throne when receiving messengers or foreign dignitaries, issuing orders, consulting with advisers on political matters, or handing out punishments. (61) Evdokiias association with a single throne in the miniatures of the Skazanie vmale therefore suggests that the illustrators ascribed to her a superior authority with regard to matters of the realm. The throne motif in the miniature thus maintains the public aspect of Evdokiias piety, which the accompanying text of the abbreviated Skazanie vmale in the LLS deemphasizes.
The portrayal of Evdokiia and her son together with the two saintly figures in the upper register, who according to the accompanying text depict the Kievan ruler St. Vladimir and his grandmother Ol'ga, express the same notion. The miniaturists expressed the text's message that Evdokiia followed in the footsteps of Vladimir and Ol'ga by locating the busts of the two Kievan ruler saints directly above the Muscovite grand princess and her son. (62) In the same vein, the illustrators also illuminated the text that notes that those following in the footsteps of Vladimir, "an autocrat chosen by God," and Ol'ga, who had experienced "the same divine grace" that her grandson enjoyed, would "shine like lamps in the world." (63) Visually this literary light motif is symbolized by the partial radiating sun, an iconographic motif that in the Muscovite manuscript illuminations of the later 16th century depicts the outpouring of divine grace. (64) In the opening miniature of the Skazanie vmale in the LLS, the sun's rays do not only illuminate the Kievan rulers and Evdokiia but also hover over the heads of the male and female groups below. As a result, the illustrators expanded the message of the accompanying text. By stating that just as the government of Ol'ga and her grandson, the "autocrat" Vladimir, had been divinely sanctioned, so Evdokiia's role as a regent and as an adviser for her young children received legitimization from on high, the miniature thus emphasized the public aspects of Evdokiia's role.
The depiction of Evdokiia's conversation with her children, which is not referenced in the text of the abbreviated Skazanie vmale in the LLS, gives a further clue to the freedom with which the artists of the LLS interpreted Evdokiia's position. Clearly aware of the episode relating Evdokiia's instructions to her children regarding slanderers and troublemakers found in the SK's version of the tale but omitted in the LLS's version, the illustrators skillfully worked the theme of the conversation into the opening miniature. The image thus conveyed the message that just as the Kievan grand princess Ol'ga had served as an adviser to her grandson Vladimir, so her Muscovite counterpart used her superior spiritual disposition to instruct her son, the successor to the throne, in matters of government and wielded influence with her remaining children. In contrast to Evdokiia's circumscribed, primarily religious role in the LLS's abbreviated text of the Skazanie vmale, the visual interpretation of Evdokiia's role by the artists of this chronicle emphasized the public aspects of this role.
The artists' use of the St. Ol'ga-Evdokiia comparison also carries over to the second miniature of the Skazanie vmale in the LLS (Fig. 2). In the upper register the image shows Evdokiia nimbed and wearing royal garb and a five-pronged crown, as she is raising her hands in prayer. Again, a partially visible sun above her illuminates the pious grand princess with its rays. The sun motif recalls Evdokiia's model, St. Ol'ga, in the previous miniature, which shows divine rays pouring out on the Kievan grand princess and her grandson. (65) The second miniature of the Skazanie vmale cycle in the LLS thus reinforced the idea that Evdokiia followed in the footsteps of the illustrious Kievan royal woman saint.
The subject of the lower register of the second miniature elaborates on the beneficial results of Evdokiia's divinely blessed disposition for her realm. On the left Evdokiia, surrounded by several female servitors, is seated on her throne in the Kremlin. She is raising her left hand to give an order to a servitor who is standing in front of her and holding a bag of money. Immediately below, the same man is seen distributing money to the poor. (66) This miniature illuminates the accompanying passage found in the lower third of the folio, which praises Evdokiia's love of labor and her charitable disposition to the poor: "Moreover, with her kind love of the poor she lived a God-pleasing life." (67) Strikingly, the artists chose not to illustrate the grand princess's ascetic values of chastity and spiritual purity, which are also mentioned in the text of the LLS's abbreviated version. (68) While those qualities underscored Evdokiia's sainthood, they were signs of an extremely personal commitment to God, which had no direct effect on the Muscovite realm. The illustrators' omission of a visual reference to these virtues testifies to the existence of a conscious selection process, which aimed at portraying Donskoi's widow not only as a woman who privately pursued a life devoted to God but also as a figure who was involved in the affairs of her realm.
The intricate interplay between Evdokiia's personal piety and the public implications of her religiosity is also evident in the following five miniatures, which depict Evdokiia's visitation by Archangel Michael, her commissioning of the icon of this angel, and her establishment of the veneration of his image in Moscow. The first illustration in this group shows Evdokiia standing in her Kremlin throne room and praying before an icon of the Savior on the wall, as several of the grand princess's female servitors watch. Evdokiia's gaze is directed at an angel standing on a pedestal in front of her. The scene depicts the angel's announcement of her imminent departure from earthly life, which is mentioned in the text accompanying the miniature. (69) Although this miniature primarily illustrates the grand princess's private spiritual experience--her vision was witnessed only by Evdokiia's female attendants--the association of the event with Evdokiia's throne room suggests that her vision was considered to have had wider implications for her realm at large. The artists thus cleverly used the throne motif to foreground the theme of Evdokiia's public role as a grand princess, which the accompanying text mentions only obliquely: "And from this time on she labored especially much, sending diligent prayers to God for herself, her children, and their entire realm." (70)
The following three miniatures illustrate the story about Evdokiias commissioning of the angel's icon. The first of the three illustrations depicts two bearded, bareheaded icon painters under a canopy, which denotes their workshop (Fig. 3). One of the men is painting an image of the angel, which lies on a large worktable surrounded by paint pots. To the left of the workshop, a young apprentice stands under a smaller canopy and watches his masters at work. On the opposite side, several courtiers are discussing the project. In the upper register, the two icon painters, watched by a courtier to their right, are presenting the completed icon to the grand princess, who is bowing before it. In the upper left corner, Evdokiia, rendered speechless by the vision, indicates with a raised finger her wish to have another icon of the angel painted, as several female servitors behind her look on. (71) The composition of the following illustration, which shows the painting of the second icon, is similar to that of the previous miniature but omits the apprentice, the courtiers watching the icon painters, and Evdokiias command to repaint the icon. The courtier overseeing the presentation of the image by the two icon painters to Evdokiia has his hat removed out of respect for the icon. (72) In the last of the three miniatures Evdokiia, followed by two female servitors, instructs the two icon painters to paint the image in yet a different way (Fig. 4). In the front right corner of the image, the two artists are seen painting the final image of Archangel Michael. In the upper right corner, the grand princess, again followed by her female attendants, raises her hands in prayer before the completed image of the archangel that the two icon painters are presenting. Immediately below this scene, the grand princess bows to venerate the icon of Archangel Michael. This miniature conspicuously omits any reference to male noble courtiers. (73)
The three miniatures depicting the painting of Archangel Michael's icon present a complex interpretation of Evdokiias spiritualized authority at court by portraying the grand princess as a divinely inspired ruling figure whose wisdom transcended that of her male court advisers. Although the composition of the three miniatures follows the story in the accompanying text closely, the depiction of the courtiers in the first two images has no textual equivalent. The insertion of the courtiers, who in the first miniature are depicted in their full court attire and in their expected roles as counselors and watchful observers, shows that the artists did not consider Evdokiias vision of the angel a private spiritual experience but rather an event that affected the affairs of state. At the same time, none of the three miniatures depict any conversation between Evdokiia (or the painters) with the counselors, suggesting that the counselors were not credited with expertise in spiritual affairs, such as the identification of divine beings or of divine action in their midst. Such matters were considered to be entirely in the hands of the blessed Evdokiia and those of her icon painters. The portrayal of the courtier with his head cover removed in the second miniature reinforces the impression that the courtiers were reduced to showing respect to the images produced by the icon painters. Moreover, the courtiers' gradual disappearance from the miniatures depicting the painting of the archangel's icon underscores the point that the illustrators of the LLS's Skazanie vmale considered Evdokiia's divinely inspired authority superior to the governmental authority of her male court advisers.
To underscore the same point, male figures also appear in the fifth and final miniacure of the Archangel Michael piccorial cycle, which shows Evdokiia esrablishing the veneration of the angel's icon. This illustration shows Evdokiia bowing before the icon of Archangel Michael, which hangs on the wall of the Church of the Nativity of the Virgin in the Kremlin. On the left, several of her women servitors are joining in the veneration of the image. Immediately to the right of the angel's icon, numerous men--one of whom resembles one of the icon painters in the previous image--respectfully approach the image with their heads bared and their hands hidden in the wide folds of their gowns, a gesture that in Byzantine iconography denotes humble respect or adoration. (74) The male subjects' participation in the celebration of the holy image makes clear that the grand princess's commitmenc co escablishing the culc of Archangel Michael's icon in the Kremlin was noc considered a privace pious act but one that affected her realm as a whole.
The intricate connection between the grand princess's saintly lifestyle and her subjects' welfare is also expressed in the subsequent miniature (Fig. 5), which depicts Evdokiia's miraculous cure of a blind man on her way to taking the tonsure in the Monastery of the Ascension. (75) In the lower right corner of the illustration, Evdokiia is seen leaving her quarters in the Kremlin through a gate, followed by a sizable number of female servitors. Several servitor women in Evdokiia's abandoned chambers are visible immediately above. Across from them on the left side of the image, numerous nuns are waiting in the Monastery of the Ascension for the grand princess's arrival. In the bottom register, a bareheaded bearded man kneels before Evdokiia and wipes his eyes with a long sleeve from her royal gown. Immediately behind him numerous men raise their hands before the grand princess in a petitionary pose, as several courtiers, who stand between her and the crowd, witness the commotion. Evdokiia is extending the palm of her right hand, indicating that she is engaged in conversation with the courtier standing closest to her. That man as well is raising his right hand in a speaking gesture, while his left is half hidden by the folds of his large overcoat.
The depiction of Evdokiias cure of the blind man on her way to becoming a nun shows the intent of the artists to underscore the grand princess's personal spirituality, which led to her saintly status, while simultaneously underscoring her continuing public significance for her realm. On the one hand, the image closely follows the content of the accompanying text, which notes that the blind mans cute was an intensely personal experience based on a prophecy he had received from her in a vision the day before the event, and that the cure occurred without Evdokiia's active involvement when the blind man touched one of her long sleeves that she accidentally dropped to the ground. (76) The miniaturists expressed the notion of the private and inadvertent nature of the healing miracle by emphasizing the physical and emotional distance between the man in search of a cure and the grand princess. Visually this was achieved by exaggerating the length of the narrow tube-like sleeve that curls around the blind man's left hand and by showing Evdokiia focusing her eyes on the courtier she is conversing with. On the other hand, the miniaturists went much further than the text of the tale in emphasizing the public implications of Evdokiia's continuing importance for the realm. The crowd scene in this miniature suggests that Evdokiia's entrance into a monastery was not viewed as a private act but rather as an opportunity for the saintly grand princess to impart her beneficient spiritual power with her subjects. Strikingly the private physical places the grand princess either just had left (her women's quarters) or was about to enter (the convent) both appear in the background of the image while the scene of the cure in the foreground takes place in the part of the Kremlin to which the subject has access--at the bottom edge of the miniature some of the gates and towers of the Kremlin wall are visible. The miniature also heightens the public significance of the grand princess's saintly power by adding the large group of Evdokiia's female companions and the courtiers. These high-ranking servitors essentially serve as witnesses to the grand princess's care for her realm.
The desire of the artists illustrating the LLS's Skazanie vmale to emphasize the public aspects inherent in the position of royal wives also comes to the fore in the following two miniatures, which highlight the last two steps in the Muscovite grand princess's aspiration to transcend the earthly life. The first of the two illustrations shows Evdokiia's tonsure in the Monastery of the Ascension. (77) Surrounded by nuns, a monastic figure raises an open book-likely a liturgical book--with his left hand. "With his other hand he holds a large pair of scissors over the grand princess, who is bowing before him with her hands respectfully veiled. (78) A nun standing behind the monk holds up a burning candle. The following miniature shows Evdokiia lying in her sarcophagus and dressed in monastic garb, while a nimbed ecclesiastic and several clerics are performing the funerary rites over her. (79) The ecclesiastic is censing the sarcophagus while raising a liturgical book. On the right side, a nun is holding a lit candle over the grand princess's body, while two other nuns are placing the lid on Evdokiia's sarcophagus.
The miniatures of Evdokiia's tonsure and entombment are visually closely connected. Placed on folios facing each other, the two illustrations are constructed symmetrically. The center of each image features a church with five cupolas with an arched entryway covered by a half-drawn curtain. The respective events of the tonsure and the funeral are taking place inside a church. The two figures performing the respective liturgical acts each raise a service book with their left hand while holding a liturgical implement in their right. They are surrounded by clerics and/or nuns. In both images a nun holds up a burning candle.
The two miniatures give further evidence of the intention of the artists to reinforce the notion found in the text of the SK's version of the Skazanie vmale that Evdokiia played a vital role in her realm. Both miniatures emphasize the grand princess's spiritual ascent to God by connecting Evdokiia closely with sacred space (church, monastery) and consecrated figures (nuns, clerics). Moreover, as if to highlight Evdokiia's renunciation of earthly authority in favor of a purely spiritual royalty, the miniaturists in each case replaced the grand princess's five-pronged crown with a flat crown made of three plates that in its shape resembles the pointed headdress of the nuns in the two images. Evdokiia's flat crown seemingly indicates her newly found otherworldly authority. Although the illustrators of the LLS depicted Muscovite royal women on their deathbeds with five-pronged crowns, with the exception of Ivan IV's mother, Elena Glinskaia, and his first wife, Anastasiia Romanovna, they show these women without such crowns when they are laid out in their coffins. (80) Except in the case of the tsar's two closest female relatives, the earthly authority associated with the five-pronged crown was clearly considered to be transitory. The miniaturists also did not accord such a crown to deceased Muscovite royal women who had taken the veil, such as Sofiia Vitovtovna and Mariia Iaroslavna. (81) This suggests that in the minds of the designers of the miniatures of the LLS, the five-pronged crowns were not compatible with the otherworldly nature of the monastic life of royal nuns. In view of these considerations, Evdokiia's flat crown represents an innovative way on the part of the artists to underscore her high spiritual status by symbolizing her attainment of a crown that resembled the crown of life, which graced martyrs and saints, her new companions in heaven. Whereas the grand princess had displayed saintly behavior in her actions throughout her life--as made evident in her consistent depiction with a halo throughout the miniature cycle--after her departure from the world she took her place in the pantheon of Russian Orthodox saints, receiving "the delight of eternal blessings and the heavenly kingdom." (82)
Although the scenes depicting Evdokia's tonsure and funeral emphasize the spiritual aspects of her role, the miniaturists of the LLS employed subtle visual means to remind the viewer that the grand princess's monastic life was not a private affair that had no bearing on the affairs of the Muscovite state. The very fact that after her departure from worldly life, the grand princess was depicted with a modified crown shows that the artists of the LLS sought to underscore her lasting impact on her realm. Moreover, to emphasize Evdokiias continuing stature after her death, the miniaturists depicted not a normal officiating priest in the funeral scene but one wearing a halo. The presence of the nimb on the ecclesiastic suggests that the figure may have represented Metropolitan Kiprian, who since the late 15th century was revered as a saint in Muscovite Russia. (83) Even if the halo denoted not a specific person but a generic figure of episcopal status--which occasionally occurred in illuminated hagiographic manuscripts of the later 16th century, as N. E. Iufereva has noted--the miniature still depicts an extraordinary situation. (84) By depicting a high-ranking ecclesiastic, who is not mentioned in any version of the text of the Skazanie vmale, in the illustration of Evdokiias funeral, the artists of the LLS maintained the notion of the public function of Muscovite royal women, which the abbreviated text of the LLS's version had toned down.
The agenda of the artists illustrating the Skazanie vmale in the LLS also comes to the fore in the final miniature of the image cycle. In this illustration the artists demonstrate how after joining the ranks of the Christian saints, the pious grand princess continued to care for the well-being of her subjects by working posthumous miracles in their midst. The image (Fig. 6) shows Evdokiia lying in her tomb in the Monastery of the Ascension, dressed as a nun and wearing a halo over her flat crown. Two burning candles at the side of her sarcophagus light up the site. An icon of the Vladimir Mother of God adorns the wall behind the tomb. Another candle on an oversized candle holder, placed at the head of Evdokiia's tomb, is emitting a large flare, which attracts the gaze of a large number of approaching male commoners and nuns. (85)
The concluding miniature of the image cycle of the LLS's abbreviated version of the Skazanie vmale epitomizes the endeavors of the illustrators of the LLS to go beyond portraying the grand princess as a saintly figure that commanded the respect of her subjects, as the individual episodes of this tale in the LLS maintain. On the one hand, the miniature follows the accompanying text by depicting Evdokiia's final resting place in the Kremlin as a holy shrine site that drew the attention of the Muscovite population. The burning candles at the grand princess's tomb reflect the sacred atmosphere at the site of Evdokiia's sarcophagus. Since the Early Christian period in both the Catholic West and the Orthodox East, oil lamps or candles were commonly used to heighten the aura of the shrine area of a saint. The appearance of the candles in the final miniature of the Skazanie vmale thus emphasized the saintly status of the deceased grand princess.
On the other hand, in several respects the artists responsible for the concluding miniature of the Skazanie vmale in the LLS went far beyond the text accompanying the illustration by adding features that stressed Evdokiia's continued public role in the welfare of her entire realm even after her death. The text placed below the miniature points to the flaring candle at the grand princess's tomb as evidence that Evdokiia continued to bless members of her monastic community: "And she was glorified by God not only while she lived in this life but also after her death. Many times a candle at her tomb lit up by itself. With her prayers from thereon good things multiplied in that monastery, and it abounded with all necessary things." (86) Seemingly dissatisfied with the text's message that Evdokiia's intercession before God benefited only the nuns of her convent, the miniaturists also added male visitors to her shrine. By inserting this compositional element, the illustrators expanded the range of the beneficiaries of the new Muscovite royal woman saint's thaumaturgical power from that of her fellow nuns in the Kremlin monastery to all who believed in her and visited her grave. As a result, the grand princess does not appear in the narrow role of a saintly mediator for the convent where she had spent her final earthly days to prepare herself for the afterlife but as an intercessor for all subjects of her realm.
The public aspects of Evdokiia's role the miniaturists of the Skazanie vmale in the LLS sought to underscore come particularly to the fore in the depiction of the icon of the Vladimir Mother of God mounted above the grand princess's tomb, a feature that is not referenced in the accompanying text. Since Evdokiia was buried in the Church of the Ascension in the monastery of the same name, one would expect an icon depicting the Ascension to be displayed in the miniature if such an image was to be included for decorative purposes or to mark the name of the church where Evdokiia's tomb was located. The appearance of the icon of the Vladimir Mother of God in the final image of the miniature cycle of the Skazanie vmale in the LLS gives a vital clue to the familiarity of the illustrators with the original text of the tale in the SK, which includes the story of Evdokiia bringing the miraculous icon of the Vladimir Mother of God to Moscow and thus assuring the failure of Temir Aksak to take the Muscovite capital. By depicting the icon standing next to the tomb of the saintly grand princess, the artists of the LLS drove home the point that after her physical death, the saintly Evdokiia was considered to play a vital public role in the maintenance of the Muscovite realm. Far from simply being esteemed for her religious virtues, she was held up as a model for future Muscovite royal wives to follow.
A study of Grand Princess Evdokiia's portrayal in the two versions of the Skazanie vmale found in the SK and in the LLS respectively suggests that in the 1560s and 1570s, the widow of the victor at Kulikovo Pole attracted the attention of the bookmen and artists at Ivan IV's court, who were instrumental in formulating the ideology of the new Muscovite tsardom. The SK's version of the Skazanie vmale presents Evdokiia as a pious widow who imitated the Kievan royal woman saint Ol'ga, who had guided her realm toward the acceptance of Christianity and had instructed her grandson Vladimir in matters of the faith. In keeping with St. Ol'ga's public profile, Evdokiia is said to have contributed to the well-being of her realm not only through private acts of prayer and asceticism but also through the patronage of church institutions and charitable donations to the poor. Just like her Kievan counterpart, Evdokiia was thought to have kept her realm from harm by enlisting the support of a miracle-working icon and served as a moral adviser to the future Muscovite ruler. Evdokiia's portrayal, however, underwent significant change in the LLS's version of the Skazanie vmale. By omitting all the stories about the grand princess's public pious activities, the bookmen responsible for the redacted version of the tale created a new literary image of Evdokiia, which heightened her private spiritual achievements and thus laid the basis for her status as a Muscovite royal woman saint. The retreat from the SK's concept of a visible royal woman ruler whose authority was anchored in her spiritual disposition likely reflected the declining public role of the tsaritsy in the later part of Ivan IV's reign due to the increasingly tumultuous private life of Russia's first tsar. At the same time, the new emphasis on Evdokiia's saintliness corresponded to the image of pious royal nuns that Ivan IV's later wives, who suffered forced tonsure, had acquired.
"While in their literary productions the Muscovite bookmen seem to have reflected the historical changes in the status of Russia's first tsaritsy, the artists responsible for illustrations of the LLS, however, staunchly retained the message of Evdokiias ruling potential and her beneficial influence on her subjects in the miniatures that accompanied the abbreviated text of the LLS's Skazanie vmale. Clearly familiar with the original version of the tale, the illustrators retained the public aspects of Evdokiias activities as a royal widow by depicting her in royal garb, seated on a throne, advising her son, the future grand prince Vasilii, and issuing orders regarding the distribution of alms among her subjects. In their illustrations of the grand princess's visitation by Archangel Michael and of her establishment of this angel's cult, the artists retained the public aspects of Evdokiias spiritual experience by introducing male and female court servitors, who served as witnesses to her vision, into the respective images. Similar witnesses also appear in the images illustrating Evdokiias miraculous healing of a subject and the candle miracle at her tomb. The iconographic liberties the designers of these illustrations took show that they enjoyed a certain amount of freedom in interpreting the text in front of them. The artists seem to have displayed little interest in the historical changes in the social and political status of Muscovite royal women that emerges in the works of Ivan IV's bookmen. The illustrators of the LLS worked in a medium that was still largely influenced by the principles of Eastern Orthodox icon painting, which called for the visualization of the essence of a theological concept or the depiction of holy figures in their perfect state. The artists working on the Skazanie vmale therefore may well have been geared toward presenting the ideal, "iconic" image of the Russian royal woman as a public figure, which was embodied by St. Ol'ga and Evdokiia in the SK's version of the tale. By retaining the SK's portrayal of Evdokiia as a royal woman saint whose spiritual status influenced the public affairs of her realm, the illustrators of the LLS not only created a visual foundation for the image of Russian royal women saints but also played an important part in the development of the role of Muscovite royal women in the aftermath of Ivan IV's reign.
Dept. of History
Kent State University
Kent, Ohio 44242 USA
The author wishes to express her appreciation to Kharis Mustafin and AKTEON Publishers for granting permission to reproduce the images for this article and to Aleksei Vladimirovich Sirenov, Engelina Sergeevna Smirnova, and the anonymous referees for their helpful suggestions.
(1) For the standard literature on the ideological foundation of the Muscovite tsardom, see Sergei Bogatyrev, "Reinventing the Russian Monarchy in the 1550s: Ivan the Terrible, the Dynasty, and the Church," Slavonic and East European Review 85, 2 (2007): 272 n. 4. For the function of the myth of the tsaritsa's blessed womb in Muscovite chronicles, see Isolde Thyret, Between God and Tsar: Religious Symbolism and the Royal Women of Muscovite Russia (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2001), 16-46; and Thyret, '"Blessed Is the Tsaritsa's Womb': The Myth of Miraculous Birth and Royal Motherhood in Muscovite Russia," Russian Review 53, 4 (1994): 479-96.
(2) For the dating of the SK, see B. M. Kloss, Nikonovskii svod i russkie letopisi XVI-XVII vekov (Moscow: Nauka, 1980), 192. For a discussion of the historiography on this chronicle, see A. S. Usachev, Stepennaia kniga i drevnerusskaia knizhnost' vremeni mitropolita Makariia (Moscow: Al'ians-Arkheo, 2009), 10-124; and N. N. Pokrovskii and G. D. Lenkhoff [Gail Lenhoff], eds., Stepennaia kniga tsarskogo rodosloviiapo drevneishim spiskam (hereafter SK), 3 vols. (Moscow: Iazyki slavianskikh knl'tur, 2007-12), 2:65-70. For recent research on the SK, see Gail Lenhoff and Ann Kleimola, eds., The Book of Royal Degrees and the Genesis of Russian Historical Consciousness (Bloomington, IN: Slavica Publishers, 2011).
(3) I. V. Kurukin, "Sil'vestr i sostavlenie zhitiia Ol'gi Stepennoi knigi," in Teoriia ipraktika istochnikovedeniia i arkheografii otechestvennoi istorii: Shornik statei, ed. V. T. Pashuto et al. (Moscow: Institut istorii SSSR Akademii nauk SSSR, 1978), 53. For the authorship of Ol'ga's vita, see Kloss, Nikonovskii svod 262; D. M. Bulanin and V. V. Kolesov, "Sil'vestr," in Slovar' knizhnikov i knizhnosti Drevnei Rusi, ed. D. S. Likhachev and Bulanin, 3 vols. (Leningrad: Nauka; St. Petersburg, Dmitrii Bulanin, 1987-2004), 2, pt. 2:326; Usachev, Stepennaia kniga, 451-59. For a discussion of Ol'ga's vita, see A. V. Sirenov, Stepennaia kniga i russkaia istoricheskaia mysl'XVI-XVIII vv. (Moscow: Al'ians-Arkheo, 2010), 71-80.
(4) Thyret, Between God and Tsar, 86-91.
(5) See, e.g., the fresco of St. Ol 'ga on the northwestern pillar in the Annunciation Cathedral in the Kremlin, which dates from 1547-51, reproduced in I. Ia. Kachalova, N. A. Maiasova, and L. A. Shchennikova, Blagoveshchenskii sobor Moskovskogo Kremlia: K500-letiiu unikal'nogo pamiatnika russkoi kul'tury (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1990), ill. 70 (right side).
(6) For the Skazanie vmale in the SK, see Polnoe sobianie msskikh letopisei (hereafter PSRL), 41 vols, to date (St. Petersburg and Moscow: various publishers, 1846-1995), 21, pt. 2:40811; and SK 2:47-65. The Skazanie vmale was most likely composed by the author(s) of the Stepennaia kniga, i.e., around 1560; see A. S. Usachev, " 'V male skazanie' o Evdokii-Evfrosinii v Knige Stepennoi tsarskogo rodosloviia," in Dukhovnyiput 'MoskovskoiRusi: Materialy nauchnoi konferentsii, posviashchennoi 600-letiiu so dnia blazhennoi konchiny prepodobnoi EvdokiiEtfrosinii velikoi kniagini Moskovskoi (Moscow: Regional'nyi blagotvoritel'nyi obshchestvenny i fond velikoi kniagini Evdokii Moskovskoi, 2007), 76. A facsimile reproduction of the Skazanie vmale, which is located in the second Osterman tome, one of the ten volumes that form the LLS, is found in Litsevoi letopisnyi svodXVI veka: Russkaia letopisnaia istoriia (hereafter LLS), 24 vols., ed. E. N. Kazakova (Moscow: AKTEON, 2009-10), 12:112-24. The ZZS version of the tale is also contained in the Nikon Chronicle; see PSRL 11:198-201, right column. A black and white reproduction of the text and the accompanying miniatures of the LLS's version is also published in Skazanie o blazhennoi velikoi kniagine Evdukii vo inokiniakh Eirfrosinii: Vypis ' iz litsevago Tsarstvennago Letopistsa, ed. V. P. Gur'ianov (Moscow: Pechatnia A. I. Snegirevoi, 1907). I thank the Princeton University Library and Daniel Bohac for making this source available to me. All future references to the LLS will be from the AKTEON edition. For the dating of the LLS, see Kloss, Nikonovskii svod, 249-61.
(7) L. A. Dmitriev, "Skazanie o Mamaevom poboishche," in Slovar' knizhnikov 2, pt. 2:376 (dating of the story), 371-75 (manuscript tradition). For Evdokiia's portrayal, see L. A. Dmitriev and O. P. Likhacheva, eds., Skazaniia ipovesti o Kulikovskoi bitve (Leningrad: Nauka, 1982), 33.
(8) I'SRL 25:216-17. The tale is generally dated to the 15th century. G. M. Prokhorov ascribes it to Epifanii Premudrii; see M. F. Antonova, "Slovo o zhitii i o prestavlenii velikogo kniazia Dmitriia Ivanovicba, tsaria Rus'kago (atributsii i zhanra)," Trudy Otdela drennerusskoi literatury (hereafter TODRL) 28 (1974): 140-54; and G. M. Prokhorovand M. A. Salina, "Slovo o zhitii i o prestavlenii velikogo kniazia Dmitriia Ivanovicha, tsaria Rus kago," in Slovar ' knizhnikov 2, pt. 2:405. For an analysis of the tale, see V. P. Adrianova-Peretts, "Slovo o zhitii i o prestavlenii velikogo kniazia Dmitriia Ivanovicha, tsaria Rus'kago," TODRL 5 (1947): 73-96.
(9) Thyret, Between God and Tsar, 17-20.
(10) Most chronicles date Evdokiia's death to 1407, but the Skazanie vmale in the LLS dates it to 1400; see LLS 12:123.
(11) For Evdokiia's cultural politics, see Isolde Thyret, "The Cultural Politics of the Grand Princesses of Moscow and the Emergence of the Muscovite Dynasty," Russian History/Histoire russe 33, 2-4 (2006): 343-44, 346. For a short survey of Evdokiia's portrayal in the medieval Russian literary sources and chronicles, see Iu. K. Evdokimova, "Zhitie velikoi kniagini Evdokii-Evfrosinii po russkim letopisiam i rukopisiam," in Dukhovnyiput' Moskovskoi Rusi, 49-66.
(12) PSRL 29:114; 13, pt. 1:226.
(13) For a list of studies of the political culture at Ivan IV's court, see Bogatyrev, "Reinventing the Russian Monarchy," 271 n. 2. For this topic, also see Daniel Rowland, "Biblical Military Imagery in the Political Culture of Early Modern Russia: "The Blessed Host of the Heavenly Tsar'," in Medieval Russian Culture, vol. 2, ed. Michael S. Flier and Rowland (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 182-212; and Priscilla Hunt, "The Fool and the Tsar: The Vita of Andrew of Constantinople and Russian Urban Holy Foolishness," Novgorodskii istoricheskii sbornik 13 (23) (2012): 185-273. Other recent works on this subject are found in Valerie Kivelson et al., eds., The New Muscovite Cultural History: A Collection in Honor of Daniel B. Rowland (Bloomington, IN: Slavica Publishers, 2009), 77-90.
(14) PSRL 21, pt. 2:393-407.
(15) On Muscovite royal women in the SK, see Thyret, Between God and Tsar, 27-28. The Skazanie vmale also appears in a 17th-century manuscript that contains tales, miracle stories, and eulogies associated with Dmitrii Donskoi and Evdokiia; see Rossiiskaia natsional'naia biblioteka (RNB) O. I. 83, 11. 287 ob.-300 ob. Among the few works that deal with the Skazanie vmale, see Gail Lenhoff, "Unofficial Veneration of the Danilovichi in Muscovite Rus'," in Culture and Identity in Muscovy, 1359-1584, ed. A. M. Kleimola and G. D. Lenkhoff (Moscow: ITZ-Garant, 1997), 411-13; Usachev, "'V male skazanie' o Evdokii-Evfrosinii," 69-78; and Usachev, Stepennaia kniga, 328-31, 364-65.
(16) PSRL 21, pt. 2:408; SKI:66.
(17) Widows enjoyed extensive economic and legal lights in medieval Russia; see Carsten Goehrke, "Die Witwe im alten Russland," Forschungen zur osteuropaischen Geschichte 38 (1986): 64-96.
(18) PSRL 21, pt. 2:408; SK2:65-66.
(19) Isolde Thyret, "The Tale of the Death of Vasilii Lvanovich and the Evolution of the Muscovite Tsaritsa's Role in 16th-Century Russia," in Duhitando: Studies in History and Culture in Honor of Donald Ostrowski, ed. Brian J. Boeck, Russell E. Martin, and Daniel Rowland (Bloomington, IN: Slavica Publishers, 2012), 220-22.
(20) On Ol'ga's portrayal in her vita, see PSRL 21, pt. 1:22; and 5X1:173.
(21) On this point, also see Usachev, "'V male skazanie' o Evdokii-Evfrosinii," 72-74.
(22) PSRL 21, pt. 2:408; SK 2:66.
(23) For manifestations of Ol'ga's piety, see PSRL 21, pt. 1:22; SK 1:173.
(24) PSRL 21, pt. 2:408, 409, 410; SK 2:66, 67, 69.
(25) PSRL 21, pt. 2:410; SK2:69.
(26) PSRL 21, pt. 2:411 ; 5A'2:69.
(27) PSRL 21, pt. 2:408; SA'2:66.
(28) PSRL 21, pt. 2:409; SK2:67-68.
(29) PSRL 21, pt. 2:410; SK 2:68. The hagiographic topoi of charitable action, chastity, and bodily asceticism associated with Evdokiia also occur in the SK's tale about Princess Vasilisa, spouse of Andrei Konstantinovich, who was Evdokiia's uncle. Vasilisa (b. 1331) spent her 13-year-long marriage practicing chastity, castigating her body with fasts and a hair shirt, and engaging in generous almsgiving. After her husband's death she entered a monastery she herself had built; see PSRL 21, pt. 2:391-92; SK2AA-46. Prince Andrei, the legitimate heir to the Grand Principality of Vladimir, had ceded the khan's patent for Vladimir to his brother Dmitrii, Evdokiia's father; see I'SRL 11:3; 10:232. By ascribing the identical topoi to Vasilisa and Andrei and to their niece Evdokiia, the compilers of the SK underscored the latter's divinely blessed dynastic status.
(30) PSRL 21, pt. 2:410; SK 2:68. As E. S. Smirnova points out, the icon commissioned by Evdokiia had long been mistakenly identified as an icon of Archangel Michael in the Cathedral of the Archangel Michael in the Kremlin; see E. S. Smirnova, Moskovskaia ikona XIV-XVII vekov (Leningrad: Avrora, 1988), 273. The icons of the archangel that Evdokiia commissioned seemingly have not survived.
(31) PSRL 21, pt. 2:411; SK2:69. The SK notes that a similar posthumous miracle occurred at Dmitrii Donskois grave; see PSRL 21, pt. 2:406; SK2:63.
(32) Nancy Shields Kollmann, "The Seclusion of Elite Muscovite Women," Russian History/ Histoire russe 10, 2 (1983): 170-83 (social restrictions); Eve Levin, Sex and Society in the World of the Orthodox Slavs, 900-1700 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989), 20, 46, 54-55 (religious restrictions).
(33) PSRL 21, pt. 2:410; 0X2:68.
(34) PSRL 21, pt. 2:408-9; SK2:67-68.
(35) On the date of the translation of the icon, see Andreas Ebbinghaus, "Reception and Ideology in the Literature of Muscovite Rus'," in Culture and Identity in Muscovy, 75.
(36) I. L. Zhuchkova, "Povest' o Temir-Aksake," in Slovar' knizhnikov 2, pt. 2:285; PSRL 20:214 (redaction A); 25:223 (redaction B). Ebbinghaus dates the tale to the 1480s; see Ebbinghaus, "Reception," 75. For a discussion of the redactions of the stoiy and the role of the icon of the Vladimir Mother of God in Muscovite political consciousness, see David B. Miller, "How the Mother of God Saved Moscow from Timur the Lame's Invasion in 1395: The Development of a Legend and the Invention of a National Identity," Forschungen zur osteuropaischen Geschichte 50 (1995): 239-73; I. L. Zhuchkova, "'Povest' o Temir-Aksake' Tipografskoi letopisi (k voprosu o pervonachal 'nykh redaktsiiakh proizvedeniia)," in Literatura drevnei Rusi: Istochnikovedenie. Sbornik nauchnykh trudov, ed. D. S. Likhachev (Leningrad: Nauka, 1988), 82-95; V. P. Grebeniuk, "'Povest' o Temir-Aksake' i ego literaturnaia sud'ba v XVI-XVII vekakh," in Russkaia literatura na ruhezhe dvukh epokh (XVLI-nachaloXVIII v.J, ed. A. N. Robinson (Moscow: Nauka, 1971), 185-206. For the SICs fascination with the figure of Tamerlane, see Gail Lenhoff, "The Tale of Tamerlane in the Royal Book of Degrees," in Mesto Rossii v Evrasii, ed. Gyula Svak (Budapest: Magyar Ruszisztikai Intezet, 2001), 121-25.
(37) PSRL 21, pt. 2:433; SK2:99. In the SK the story of Temir Aksak is included in the Skazanie oh ikone bogomateri Vladimirskoi. An illustrated version of the Skazanie was later included in the LLS; see V. P. Grebeniuk, "Litsevoe 'Skazanie ob ikone Vladimirskoi bogomateri,'" in Drevnerusskoe iskusstvo: Rukopisnaia kniga, ed. O. I. Podobedova and G. V. Popov (Moscow: Nauka, 1972), 338-63.
(38) On the notion of the tsaritsa as a defender of the faith, see Thyret, Between God and Tsar, 96-102.
(39) On the general reliance of the LLS on the SK, see V. V. Morozov, "Litsevoi letopisnyi svod XVI v. i ego istochniki (Ob odnoi istoriograficheskoi legende)," in Istochnikovedenie otechestvennoi istorii: Sbornik statei, 1984, ed. V. I. Buganov (Moscow: Nauka, 1986), 133-34; Sirenov, Stepennaia kniga, 121-66.
(40) Sirenov, Stepennaia kniga, 142.
(41) The same phenomenon can be observed in Elena Glinskaia's portrayal in the version of the Tale of the Death of Vasilii Ivanovich that is found in the Tsarstvennaia kniga, another tome of the LIS; see Thyret, " Tale of the Death of Vasilii Ivanovich," 222-24.
(42) PSRL 21, pt. 2:408; SK2:66; LLS 12:114.
(43) Thyret, Between God and Tsar, 48-52.
(44) For details, see ibid., 54-57.
(45) See Isolde Thyret, "The Royal Women of Ivan IV's Family and the Meaning of Forced Tonsure," in Servants of the Dynasty: Palace Women in World History, ed. Anne Walthall (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008), 159-71.
(46) See A. A. Amosov, Litsevoi letopisnyi svod Ivana Groznogo: Kompleksnoe kodikologicbeskoe issledovanie (Moscow: Editorial URSS, 1998), 241-43. On the process of the production of the miniatures in the LLS, see O. I. Podobedova, Miniatiury russkikh istorieheskikh rukopisei: K istorii russkogo litsevogo letopisaniia (Moscow: Nauka, 1965), 145--58. Podobedova essentially examines the degree to which the miniatures in this chronicle depended on iconic models and additional narratives that the artists inserted into the illustrations; see Podobedova, Miniatiury, 247. In the same vein, her study of the illustrations of hagiographic tales focuses on the artists' creation of more complex compositions than those found in icons with narrative scenes and on their introduction of secular themes in the miniatures; see Podobedova, Miniatiury, 27A. This strictly typological approach precludes an in-depth historical and cultural analysis of specific illustrations.
(47) The miniatures of the LLS were added after the production of the text; see Amosov, Litsevoi letopisnyi svod, 234.
(48) LLS 8:330 (Evdokiias wedding); LLS 9:27; 10:144, 196, 387 (role as procreator); LLS 10:29, 68, 69 (travels); LLS 9:320; 10: 388, 398, 399, 401, 403, 404, 405, 406, 407, 411, 412, 413, 416, 417, 418, 419, 425 (role as mourner).
(49) LLS 10:426; 11:357.
(50) LLS 12:230 (Byzantine rulers); 14:439; LLS 8:262, 406; 10:26; 12: 289; 14:170; 18:55; 18:451 (Mongol rulers). For for caps, see LLS 8:254 (Dmitrii Ivanovich); 15:28 (Ivan III); for the Cap of Monomachus, see LLS 10:433 (Vasilii Dmitrievich); and 17:359 (Dmitrii Ivanovich, grandson of Ivan III). For a discussion of this issue, see LLS 24:31-32; and A. V. Artsikhovskii, Drevnerusskie miniatiury kak istoricbeskii istochnik (Moscow: Izdanie Moskovskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, 1944), 111-18.
(51) See LLS 14:438 (Byzantine empress); 10:165; 18:174 (Mongol royal women); 9:91; 12:13, 59 (Tverite grand princesses); 10:458; 14:162, 234; 17:187; 18:54 (Muscovite grand princesses); 20:324; 23:432 (tsaritsy).
(52) Artsikhovskii, Dramerusskie miniatiury, 118.
(53) Thyret, Between God and Tsar, ills. 8-11, 13-16 on pp. 85-87, 91, 93, 97, 99 (frescoes), and ills. 5-6 on pp. 65, 71 (icons).
(54) The miniature showing Ivan III's and Sofiia Paleologue's wedding depicts both spouses with haloes; see LLS 15:422. The illustration of Vasilii III's and Elena Glinskaia's wedding attributes a halo to Elena alone; see LLS 18:483. Podobedova, who characterized the mood in the miniature of Vasilii III's and Glinskaia's wedding as cheerless, did not pay attention to Elena's halo; see Podobedova, Miniatiury, 296. For a brief discussion of the attribution of haloes to saints, bishops, and some princes in the LLS, see Artsikhovskii, Drevnerusskie miniatiury, 132-33. The miniaturists of the LLS also employed haloes to mark people who experienced or witnessed divinely inspired visions; see for example LLS 18:434, 435, and 438 (depictions of the blind nun who during Vasilii III's reign witnessed the exodus of Moscow's protector saints in a vision); 18:445, 446 (witnesses of the blind nun's vision).
(55) Thyret, Between God and Tsar, 21-34.
(56) LLS 12:112. The illustrators of the LIS always depicted Donskoi's daughters with five-pronged crowns, suggesting that the grand princely daughters were seen as carriers of his dynastic bloodline; see for example LIS 10:191; 11:157 (Donskoi's daughters Mariia and Sofiia). Five-pronged crowns also grace the heads of daughters of the rulers of Byzantium, Lithuania, and Moscow; see LLS 15:360 (Sofiia Paleologue);10:189 (Sofiia Vitovtovna); 12:428 (Vasilii Is daughter Vasilisa); and 22:542 (Ivan IV's daughter Evdokiia).
(57) On the meaning of hand gestures in the LLS, see Podobedova, Miniatiury, 260.
(58) On staffs as symbols of authority, see Artsikhovskii, Drevnerusskie miniatiury, 126.
(59) For the association of these hats with Russian men in the LIS, see Artsikhovskii, Drevnerusskie miniatiury, 101.
(60) LLS 10:412. On the portrayal of absent figures in Muscovite illustrated manuscripts of the later 16th century, see N. E. Iufereva, Drevnerusskii illiustrator zhitii sviatykh: Netekstovaia tekstologiia (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Pravoslavnogo Sviato-Tikhonskogo gumanitarnogo universiteta, 2013), 51-53.
(61) LLS 19:437; 20:57 (receiving messengers); 19:470, 471, 473, 483 (receiving foreign dignitaries); 19:376, 386, 398, 433, 435, 487, 495, 502; 20:56, 59 (orders); 19:438, 462, 469 (consultation); 19:550, 551, 553, 555, 556; 20:100, 101 (handing out punishments).
(62) In his earliest depictions, Vladimir appears with a halo and a fur cap or a flat crown, as in a 1280 fresco of the Church of Feodor Stratilat in Novgorod and in the 1389 embroidery commissioned by Grand Princess Mariia Aleksandrovna; see T. Iu. Tsarevskaia, Rospis ' tserkvi Feodora Stratilata na ruch'iu v Novgorode i ee mesto v iskusstve Vizantii i Rusi vtoroipoloviny XLV veka (Moscow: Severnyi Palomnik, 2007), 103-5, 16 (ill. 3), 105 (ill. 48); and N. A. Maiasova, Drevnerusskoe shit'e (Moscow: Nauka, 1971), 10-11, ills. 5, 6 (closeup). By the 16th century, Vladimir was commonly portrayed with a five-pronged crown, as seen in a 1547-51 fresco on the northwestern pillar in the Kremlin Annunciation Cathedral and on a 1568 gospel cover; see Kachalova, Blagoveshchenskii sobor, ills. 70 (left side), 263 (central figure in lower register). While the miniatures of the 15th-century Radziwill Chronicle still depict Ol'ga without a crown and halo and sometimes with loosely falling hair, in the mid-16th century Ol'ga appears with a halo and a round crown on her veiled head; see, e.g., Kachalova, Blagoveshchenskii sobor, ill. 70 (right side).
(63) All quotations are from LLS 12:113.
(64) See Iufereva, Drevnerusskii illiustrator, 46-47. Iufereva traces the motif in illustrated hagiographics that were produced in the second half of the 16th century, but the divine grace motif also regularly occurs in the LLS, as can be seen in the miniatures depicting St. Sergius of Radonezh pursuing a God-pleasing ascetic life in the wilderness and St. Stephen of Perm' receiving divine approval for his journey to Perm' to convert the pagans living there; see LLS 11:32, 337.
(65) LLS 12:114. On the meaning of the sun'motif, see Iufereva, Drevnerusskii illiustmtor, 46.
(66) This scene resembles one found in the first Osterman volume of the LLS, which shows Evdokiia's aunt Vasilisa, who is wearing a gold-trimmed red dress and a five-pronged crown, handing money to a group of men and women while servitor women look on. A second miniature depicts Vasilisa as a nun giving money to monks and the poor; see LLS 9:287-88.
(68) "She emaciated her flesh with abstinence and preserved her chastity and lit up her spiritual and her bodily purity with any kind of humility"; see LLS 12:114.
(69) LLS 12:115; for a similar composition, see LLS 13:100 (depiction of an angel announcing to Metropolitan Fotii, who later was revered as a saint in Muscovy, his impending death).
(70) LLS 12:115.
(71) LLS 12:116.
(72) LLS 12:117.
(73) LLS 12:118.
(74) LLS 12:119. For the veiled hands motif, see, e.g., the scene "The Resurrection of Lazarus" in a 15th-century icon depicting the life of Christ; see Savelii Iamshchikov, Drevnerusskaia zhivopis ': Novye otkrytiia (Leningrad: Avrora, 1969), ill. 19. The motif appears frequently in Muscovite icons from the second half of the 16th century that feature worshippers venerating the Virgin or an icon of her. For examples, see Mariia Makhan'ko, Poehitanie i sobiranie drevnikh ikon v istorii i kul'ture Moskovskoi Rusi XVI veka (Moscow: BuksMart, 2015), plates XVIII and XXVIII.
(75) LLS 12:120.
(76) LLS 12:121.
(77) LLS 12:122.
(78) For tonsure scenes in Muscovite miniatures, see Iufereva, Drevnerusskii illiustrator, 144-46.
(79) LLS 12:123.
(80) For royal women on their deathbeds, see LLS 18:18, left side (Sofiia Paleologue); 19:563 (Elena Glinskaia); and 23:247 (Anastasiia Romanovna). Royal women in funerary scenes without crowns are in LLS 15:52 (Mariia, Ivan III's first wife); and 18:18, right side (Sofiia Paleologue). Royal women in funerary scenes with crowns appear in LLS 19:564 (Elena Glinskaia); and 23:248 (Anastasiia Romanovna). The Synodal volume of the LLS depicts Glinskaia without a crown in her final resting place; see LLS 20:102, lower right corner. For death and burial scenes involving males in the LLS, see Podobedova, Miniatiury, 256-60.
(81) See LLS 14:471 (Sofiia Vitovtovna); and 17:29 (Mariia Iaroslavna).
(82) LLS 12:123.
(83) Kiprian's death date is controversial. Pavel Stroev gives both 1409 and 1406 as possible dates (Spiski iertirkhov i nastoiatelei monastyrei rossiiskiia tserkvi [St. Petersburg, 1877; repr. Cologne: Bohlau, 1990], col. 3). For the veneration of Kiprian, see E. E. Golubinskii, Istoriia kanonizatsii sviatykh v russkoi tserkvi (Moscow: Universitetskaia tipografiia, 1903), 84.
(84) Iufereva, Drevnerusskii illiustrator, 217-19.
(85) LLS 12:124.
(86) For similar candle miracles at the tombs of Dmitrii Donskoi and SS Peter, metropolitan of Moscow, and Varlaam Khutynskii, see LLS 10:419; 9:200; and 19:214.
Caption: Fig. 1. Introductory miniature of Skazanie vmale (11512:112)
Caption: Fig. 2. Evdokiia Donskaia at prayer and distributing alms (11512:114)
Caption: Fig. 3. Painting of first icon of Archangel Michael (11512:116)
Caption: Fig. 4. Painting of third icon of Archangel Michael (LLS 12:118)
Caption: Fig. 5. Evdokiia Donskaia heals blind man (LLS 12:120)
Caption: Fig. 6. Candle miracle at Evdokiia Donskaias tomb (11512:124)
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