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Virginia Woolf's research for Empire and Commerce in Africa (Leonard Woolf, 1920).

"I copied out the notes, have put them all in order on your table (this is a lie but I will do so) and sent the book off (L2 191).

Virginia Woolf's note to her husband, of October 29, 1917, is not her first reference to taking notes. In March 1914 she had written to him, saying "All the morning I typewrite--then read your Co.op: books, and make futile notes I expect" (L2 44). In January 1915 she noted in her diary that after buying cod's roe in the fishmongers she had "made carbon copies of some notes of L's about Arbitration," adding that "one may now hope he will get started, which is the main thing" (D1 24). The research she referred to in the 1917 note, however, was of an altogether larger order, and more systematic. Virginia Woolf read extensively, making copious detailed notes, mainly by hand, which have been preserved in Leonard Woolf's papers at Sussex University. This work was for a book he had intended to write on International Trade, and for one that he did write, on Empire and Commerce in Africa.

These research notes run to a total of 783 folios, approximately 8" x 5" in size. They shed light on Virginia Woolf's relationship with her husband, and the critical intellectual and political ideas they shared about British imperialism. They also reveal Virginia Woolf as a meticulous, even slightly pedantic scholar. The research notes include an enormous amount of empirical information about international trade, mainly in the form of hand-drawn tables from the pen of Virginia Woolf. They throw light on her facility with factual data, a facility often disguised in her fiction but informing her handling of several characters. These research notes, made at the same time that she was writing Night and Day, cast a different light on the subject matter of that novel. This paper will present the notes and reflect on some of these issues.

Leonard Woolf's Empire and Commerce in Africa

Virginia Woolf's notes were made to provide research assistance to Leonard Woolf for a book he had contracted to write for the Fabian Society. He had been invited to write a book for them on international trade, but had been unwilling. On December 24, 1916, Sidney Webb wrote to him, saying that "Your letter demurring to undertaking International Trade" was a disappointment, "after I had got the project through a series of Committees!" and adding, "Could you not come and talk to me?" (1) Virginia Woolf was keen to lessen the influence of the Webbs on Leonard (2) but on this occasion she failed. In February 1917 Leonard Woolf signed a contract with the Fabian Society for a book on "International Trade," which he was to deliver "within the next year, or thereabouts" for which he was to be paid 100 [pounds sterling] in four installments (I/L/6). Sidney Webb had initially proposed the book in a Fabian and Labour framework, suggesting "eg the development of international dealing between the Cooperative Wholesale Societies." (3) It was just as well that he later wrote to Woolf, saying "please take your own line, & have a free hand" (4) as the book that emerged in 1920 was very different: it was a blistering criticism of economic imperialism in Africa.

The materials for a general work on international trade were found, read and analyzed but the book that was published was much narrower, being a study of imperialism in Africa and focusing on the northern and eastern parts of the continent. The extensive international research undertaken provided a global context for the study of Africa. Leonard Woolf's book was published by the Labour Research Department and George Allen and Unwin. The book's subtitle was A Study in Economic Imperialism. At 368 pages of text it is a substantial volume, and is divided into three parts. The first outlines Woolf's approach to the international policies of the major European powers, and he argues that during the last decade of the nineteenth century the policies of European states as regards Africa were entirely motivated by economic gain rather than any civilizing mission. The opening section is trenchant in its style, and a model of clarity of argument. (5) Of the UK, Woolf argues that "Mr Chamberlain's State and his Government Offices and his Secretaries of State and his Policy will all be of a particular kind, because he believes that the promotion of commercial interests is the greatest of political interests, the chief function of the State" (Empire and Commerce 9).

Virginia Woolf's diary contains several references to the book her husband was writing, albeit very few to her own work on it. In March 1918 she commented that "We both notice that lately we've written at a terrific pace: L. 40,000 words & as yet hasn't touched the book itself " (D1 127). He had presumably been writing Part 1 on "International Economic policy". The "book itself," the meat of the empirical argument, was Part II of Leonard Woolf's book, the part that concerned "Economic Imperialism in Africa" in the late nineteenth century. This consisted of seven sections, mainly focused on northern and east Africa, including a section on Algeria, one on Tunis, another on Tunis and Tripoli, one on Abyssinia and the Nile and one on Zanzibar and East Africa. Finally, departing from the main focus of the book, there was a section on the Belgian Congo, designed to present a factual account of King Leopold II's brutalities there. The third part of the book, entitled "Reflections and Conclusions," considered the effects of economic imperialism and the future of Africa. It was to the second part of the book that Virginia Woolf's research notes made an extensive contribution.

In developing the research for the book, Leonard Woolf set up a team of three people. After himself, the second member of the team was Alix Sargant-Florence. Following the title page of the published book, Leonard Woolf has added a "Note": "I have to thank Miss Alix Sargant-Florence, who has given me valuable help in research for Part II. of this book." Among Leonard Woolf's papers for Empire and Commerce in Africa are the notes made by Alix Sargant-Florence, along with many of her covering letters to him: she read and summarized many of the "blue books" published by the UK government on trade issues, and she went through parliamentary papers and reports for him. Alix was later to marry James Strachey, and had by this time tried and quickly given up working for the Woolfs at the press. Wayne Chapman's informative paper about her takes its title from one of many lukewarm diary entries made by her employer's wife: "We went to the London Library, as usual; coming out ran in to the hatless dusky figure, L. 's dame secretaire: Alix; on her way to grope for facts, which L.'s eye finds a good deal quicker" (D1 71; Chapman 33-57).

The third member of the research team was Virginia Woolf. Wayne Chapman and Janet Manson have analyzed an earlier co-operation between Leonard and Virginia Woolf, a paper on International Relations which was eventually published under Leonard Woolf's name but for which a draft exists in her handwriting (58-78). Chapman and Manson provide a careful account of the development of that paper on International Relations, and the "complexly reciprocal" influence the Woolfs had on each other (77). Chapman, in writing about Alix Sargant-Florence's work on the Empire and Commerce project, briefly describes the filing system and notes that Virginia Woolf made for the book and the main texts she studied (38). Janet Manson touches again on Empire and Commerce in a paper on colonial scholar Marjorie Perham, itemizing some of the sources she consulted and concluding that Virginia Woolf thus "became acquainted ... with the intense rivalry over Africa which drew France and Britain to the brink of war" (186).

Virginia Woolf's notes were largely made by hand, in ink (usually turquoise ink, although occasionally royal blue or violet), and they take the form of index cards, albeit made of thin paper rather than thick card. There are several stacks of these note cards in the archive at Sussex. Some of the material is typed, often corrected in her distinctive hand. The notes fall into two main categories.

The first category is that of materials that found their way into the text of Empire and Commerce in Africa. These consist of a pile of notes an inch or so high, mainly of quotations from the books that Virginia Woolf consulted. These include works such as the Memoirs of Francesco Crispi (in three volumes); F. D. Lugard's The Rise of Our East African Empire (in two volumes); P. L. McDermott's British East Africa; and Augustus Wylde's Modern Abyssinia. In addition to works such as these in English, Virginia Woolf made extensive notes (in French) from a book by Jean Darcy about Anglo-French conflict in the African sphere, France et Angleterre: Cent Annees de Rivalite Coloniale, and from Alfred Rambaud's book on Jules Ferry. She also made notes in Italian from Lincoln de Castro's Nella Terra Dei Negus: pagine raccolte in Abissinia. These notes made in Virginia Woolf's longhand were then organized into regional and thematic classifications, added in the top right hand corner in Leonard Woolf's handwriting.

The second category, larger than the substantial pile of notes that were to be used in Empire and Commerce, consists of the notes that Virginia Woolf made from British Consular Reports around the world when the project was defined broadly as "International Trade." These begin with "the Argentine" (as it then was) and end with Zanzibar, and include lengthy quotations and very detailed reproductions of information in tabular form, covering imports and exports, immigration and other subjects. In total there are 666 pages, in Virginia Woolf's own hand, of notes from these British Consular Reports on international trade.

Empire and Commerce in Africa was published in January 1920, on the same day as the second London printing of Virginia Woolf's second novel, Night and Day. (6) Although the book itself acknowledges the research of Alix Sargant-Florence, it does not (perhaps unsurprisingly) acknowledge that of the author's wife. However, there can be no doubt that Virginia Woolf's extensive reading and research contributed to the distinctive factual ambition of this book. When the book was published, reviewers made much of the empirical bases of the argument, and Leonard Woolf's coverage and grasp of the materials. The Nation said that Leonard Woolf had carried the anti-Imperialism argument "a great deal further" than previous exponents, and had given it "a definitely Socialistic statement, and driven it home with a tremendous battering-ram of historical knowledge." This reviewer concluded that "His mastery of facts is more than impressive, it is even at times a little overwhelming" (I/L/6). The Glasgow Herald described it as "a most fascinating book, packed full of information, brilliantly written and sound alike in statistics and judgment" (I/L/6). The Dublin-based Freeman's Journal referred to it as an "imposing and invaluable work of research" (I/L/6).

Reviewers were united in their admiration for the research that went into the book. Common Sense noticed the book twice, declaring that "no such profound, searching and fully documented study of economic Imperialism in action has yet happened," and later that "the whole rests on a masterly marshaling of indisputable fact" (I/L/6). The Ceylon Daily News explained the importance of the empirical approach that Leonard Woolf had taken: "Mr Woolf ... lets the stern facts, supported by chapter and verse, speak for themselves. This testimony is far more illuminating and appalling than any rhetoric would be" (I/L/6). The reviewer for the TLS made the point with a more critical edge, noting that "the merits of the book are that it bears evidence of much research, though always on the one side and directed to proving what the author wants to prove" (I/L/6).

Virginia Woolf's research for the book

Virginia Woolf's research notes on sources used in Leonard Woolf's Empire and Commerce in Africa run to a total of 117 sides of notecards. Of these, sixty-seven are in her handwriting and approximately fifty of the typed notecards can also be attributed to her. Virginia Woolf's reading notes are mainly in the form of carefully referenced quotations rather than summaries of arguments.

Part II of Empire and Commerce in Africa begins with a cartographical comparison of Africa in 1880 and 1914. The first map is virtually blank, with a few territories such as Portuguese Angola, French Senegal or British Natal marked on the coastal margins. By sharp contrast, the 1914 map, showing the "scramble for Africa" of the intervening period, has the continent completely blocked out, including extensive areas of hinterland, owned by the colonial powers of Europe: for example Italian Tripoli, French Sahara, German Kamerun, Belgian Congo, British East Africa and German East Africa, and the huge tract of land from Northern Rhodesia down to Cape Colony in the hands of the British. The map is completely colored in, covering even the most interior parts of Africa.



Leonard Woolf accompanies these stark images with a statistical digest and a discursive summary of the events. In 1815, Europe's claims on Africa amounted to less than 500,000 square miles, most of which was not "actually occupied or administered." From 1815 to 1880, the European penetration of Africa began, but it was "vague, spasmodic and, for the most part, feeble" (55). Woolf's argument is that in the fifty years between 1830 and 1880 this changed only in two specific, albeit important, ways--the British occupation of some 130,000 square miles in South Africa and the French conquest of Algeria. From 1880 all this was to change dramatically, and Woolf argues that the decade following 1880 was the crucial one: "In the next twenty years the whole of the remainder of the continent, except Morocco and Tripoli, was seized and divided up among the European States, and by far the greater part of the process was actually completed in the ten years following 1880" (56). Many of Virginia Woolf's notes from British Consular Reports, as we will see, focus on trade statistics during the decade of the 1880s, the key decade for the central argument of Empire and Commerce in Africa.

Leonard Woolf goes on to argue that a different ethos obtained in European policy on the North African Mediterranean coast from the operations in the rest of Africa. He thought that the Northern coast was historically folded into a gentlemanly, militaristic view of foreign policy, as was associated with Wellington or Metternich. What followed was a new political and national ideology of naked economic imperialism, characteristic of Cecil Rhodes and Joseph Chamberlain. Thus the statesmen who played for and won and lost Egypt, Tunis, Tripoli, and Morocco all believed that commerce was the greatest of political interests, and on the Niger, the Congo, and the Zambezi they put their beliefs into practice: but in Egypt, Tunis, Tripoli, and Morocco their economic imperialism was never pure; it was always mixed with considerations of European strategy and alliances and the balance of power. (58)

This means that for Leonard Woolf "the history of the northern coast" was "very different from that of the rest of Africa" (58). It was, he suggests, particularly the western and eastern coasts of the continent that European economic imperialism "seized and divided up among the predatory States of Europe" (59). Among Leonard Woolf's papers for the book is a typed list of the titles that he was considering for it: Empire and Commerce in Africa; Power Policy and Commerce in Africa; Economic Imperialism in Africa; African Imperialisms; and The Capitalist State in Africa (1/L/6). Empire and Commerce in Africa's main section then begins with three chapters on Mediterranean Africa: on Algeria, Tunis and Tripoli. Then follow two substantial chapters on "Abyssinia and the Nile" and on "Zanzibar and East Africa", with a concluding discussion of the Belgian Congo.

One of Leonard Woolf's main sources of evidence was a book by the French historian Jean Darcy, France et Angleterre: Cent Annees de Rivalite Coloniale: L Afrique (1904). Darcy had previously published La Conquete de l Afrique, which Leonard Woolf had also read, and quotes from in Empire and Commerce; his frequent references to Darcy's Cent Annees draw on Virginia Woolf's reading notes, of which there are 23 sides of handwritten notecards in the collection. Jean Darcy's Cent Annees was, according to Leonard Woolf, with de Constant's book La Politique francaise en Tunisie (1891), "chosen for the facts because they are fervid supporters of the policy of imperialism, and their evidence is therefore unimpeachable" (Empire and Commerce 83, note 1). Darcy's book ran to over 470 pages. The organization of the book must have to some extent inspired Leonard Woolf's book, for Darcy begins with Algeria and Tunis and "les cotes barbaresque" before tackling the Niger, the Congo and the Nile. Virginia Woolf's extensive notes from Darcy include some where she has embarked on an altogether scholarly style of footnoting. One quotation from Darcy is embellished with two footnotes, in superior script and underlined in the text, in French, citing such mundane British sources as the Daily Chronicle and The Times, suggesting that Virginia Woolf was perhaps enjoying her work of transcription.


The Woolf notes include many on Britain and her colonies. Under "Br. Policy Egypt Suez Canal" are two pages, handwritten by Virginia Woolf, being notes in French from Jean Darcy's France et Angleterre. Virginia Woolf has faltered on the word isthmus in French, and the transcription has corrections to it in her own, and some annotations in Leonard Woolf's hand about Disraeli and the House of Commons.



Virginia Woolf also took notes, in Italian, from a book by Dr. Lincoln de Castro, Nella Terra dei Negus: pagine raccolte in Abissinia (1915); Leonard Woolf explains that the Negus was the figure who governed as a single emperor (Empire and Commerce 140) but this work does not otherwise figure in his book. Virginia Woolf's Italian accenting on the word difficolta is corrected in her own hand.


She also read Les Italiens en Erythree: Quinze Ans de Politique Coloniale by C. de La Jonquiere (1897), and Leonard Woolf has translated one of her extracts and reproduced it in his book: Virginia Woolf has typed out, adding the French accenting by hand, "Cependant le gouvernement francais ..." and this appears in the text of Empire and Commerce as "It 'was chosen', as a French writer explains, [here LW footnotes Jonquiere 42] 'as a stepping-stone on the route to the Far East; from that point of view its position at the exit of the Strait of Bab-el-Mandeb gave it a real strategic importance. At the same time it was possible to hope that it would become a centre of commerce with the Harrar and Shoa, that is to say, with the south of Abyssinia'" (Empire and Commerce 152-153).


This run of notecards includes one that has been made by Leonard Woolf; it is distinguishable from Virginia Woolf's notes as he made summaries of arguments rather than simply copying out quotations, and he has typed in his own subject headings at the top. It is from Harry Johnston's A History of the Colonization of Africa by Alien Races (1899), which Woolf abbreviates to "C of A"; other works by Johnston, including The Opening Up of Africa (1911) and The Black Man's Part in the War (1917), are found among Leonard Woolf's books in his own library, held at Washington State University at Pullman.

There are few notes in this collection in which any researcher has made a personal comment, and none by Virginia Woolf. Leonard Woolf, who annotated many of his own books, has added an exclamation mark.

Virginia Woolf made substantial notes on P. L. McDermot's British East Africa (1895), many of which she typed and corrected by hand. Leonard Woolf refers to it as "a most important book for the student of economic imperialism. It was written by the Secretary of the British East Africa Company, and is, for that Company and therefore for British economic imperialism on the East Coast, an apologia pro vita sua" (Empire and Commerce 234).


For his chapter on "Tunis and Tripoli" Leonard Woolf relied heavily on the memoirs of Francesco Crispi, particularly the third volume, published in 1914. The extensive research notes on this source are all made in Virginia Woolf's hand. At one point the text of Empire and Commerce incorporates a long quotation from Crispi's memoir, starting and finishing exactly as Virginia Woolf had copied it out, with the addition of an editorial "he writes." Leonard Woolf refers to "the following remarkable words" of a "distinguished French statesman," a M. Hanotaux, and quotes him as saying:

Bizerta has the Mediterranean by the throat. At this decisive point Nature herself has dug a lake which offers an area of 15,000 hectares, 1300 of which are sufficiently deep to float the largest vessels. Thus one of the finest ports in the world is situated at one of the world's most important points. It was necessary that we should have that point and that port. (Empire and Commerce 117-118)

This quotation appears in Virginia Woolf's notes from Volume 3 of Crispi's memoirs, which include the relevant passage from Hanotaux. She has copied her material exactly as the Hanotaux quotation is given in English translation in Crispi, including two arresting exclamation marks and underlining the dramatic last sentence. These are missing in Leonard Woolf's version of the passage. This would appear to be an example where Virginia Woolf has identified a dramatic passage, for it to be used--but toned down a little--in Leonard Woolf's book.


Empire and Commerce in Africa, after considering the Mediterranean coast of Africa, devotes a long section to Abyssinia and the Nile. Leonard Woolf uses the term "Ethiopian Africa" to refer to "the whole block of territory which includes Abyssinia, Eritrea, and the three Somalilands" (British, French and Italian) (Empire and Commerce 139). Three of the sources that he used for this section had been read by Virginia Woolf: Augustus Wylde's Modern Abyssinia, C. de la Jonquiere's Les Italiens en Erythree and Jean Darcy's book on Anglo-French colonial rivalry, usually abbreviated to Cent Annees or C.A. by Virginia Woolf.

One reference to Wylde's 1901 book illuminates further the modus operandi of the Woolfs on this project. Virginia Woolf has copied out a long quotation beginning with the ringing words "Look at our behaviour to King Johannes from any point of view and it will not show one ray of honesty, and to my mind it is one of our worst bits of business out of the many we have been guilty of in Africa, and no wonder our position diplomatically is such a bad one with the rulers of the country at present." The quotation continues in the same vein:
   England made use of King Johannes as long as he was of any
   service and then threw him over to the tender mercies of Italy, who
   went to Massowah under our auspices with the intention of taking
   territory that belonged to our ally, and allowed them to destroy
   and break all the promises England had solemnly made to King
   Johannes after he had faithfully carried out his part of the
   agreement. The fact is not known to the British public and I wish
   it was not true for our credit's sake; but unfortunately it is, and
   it reads like one of the vilest bits of treachery that has been
   perpetrated in Africa or in India in the eighteenth century.


Leonard Woolf has picked up this vehement point, but blunted the rhetorical force of the quotation as Virginia Woolf rendered it, by prefacing "Look at our behaviour" with the more neutral sentence that precedes it in Wylde's book ("From the north he ought to have been safe") (Empire and Commerce 164). Virginia Woolf searched out the ringing, often accusatory, quotations and later Leonard Woolf revisited the book and folded these passages more neutrally into his argument.

One of the most interesting figures in Leonard Woolf's book is the British imperialist F. D. Lugard. Woolf's uncompromising critique of his actions in the colonization of Uganda and more generally in-to use the words of the title of Lugard's own two-volume work The Rise of Our East African Empire--was controversial. Many years later, when she was researching her biography of Lord Lugard in 1955, Marjorie Perham wrote to Leonard Woolf to ask him if he had changed his mind at all in the intervening period. "You must surely see," she wrote, "that Economic Imperialism in the hands of a man like Lugard ... has been used for the benefit of people so that the Gold Coast for example is in a far better condition to start life as a nation, than Liberia." Woolf's reply was ambiguous, conceding that "I daresay too I was unfair to Lugard, though not entirely, for I remember how distasteful a good deal of what he said seemed to me at the time and I don't think I can have been altogether wrong about him" (1/L/6).

Leonard Woolf introduces Lugard as an apologist for economic imperialism in his general thesis at the beginning of the book, as well as describing him as a practitioner of it who "added an immense territory to the British Empire." Quoting from The Rise of Our East African Empire Leonard Woolf shows us a Lugard who saw the scramble for Africa plainly in terms of "growing commercial rivalry" and claimed that "it is for our advantage"-rather than a duty-to "foster the growth of the trade of this country, and to find an outlet for our manufacturers and our surplus energy" (26-27).

Later in his book, Leonard Woolf summarizes his verdict on Lugard: "Captain Lugard invaded Uganda without any moral or legal right. He went there with the intention of acquiring for a joint-stock company [the Imperial British East Africa Company] a kingdom to which neither he nor the Company had any right. He was prepared from the first to attain his ends by war and bloodshed" (289). Here Leonard Woolf introduces a footnote, on Lugard's defense of war. Virginia Woolf, reading Lugard's voluminously detailed memoirs, in which he sought to defend his actions against his critics and an official investigation, copied out a long passage beginning with the following: "The introduction of law, order, & restraint into a savage country is necessarily accompanied at times by strong measures, involving perhaps war--...--with its attendant suffering, to many who are not the principal offenders." Lugard's attempt to defend himself by making a comparison with Gordon's bloodshed was copied out in full by Virginia Woolf. Leonard Woolf has classified the note as "Necessity of War," and this is how Lugard's point figures in his footnote: "Captain Lugard himself ... explains the necessity of war and bloodshed in such cases" (Empire and Commerce 289; Lugard 256).

Leonard Woolf's conclusion about Lugard is patronizing, which may account for its controversial nature: "Captain Lugard acted throughout on the highest principles and from the noblest of motives. But in confused minds, high principles and noble motives are the greatest of public dangers" (293).

Lugard looms large in Empire and Commerce, both in terms of his actions and his personal values. Leonard Woolf has gone to the trouble of sorting out his contentious strategy, and discusses his movements in some detail. Virginia Woolf seems to have read his long memoir with an eye to finding quotations that illustrate his imperialist attitudes. She it was who noted the point, which is included in the book (257), that Lugard was upset by French attitudes towards Germans. Leonard Woolf contextualized this by pointing out that Lugard regarded the French rather than the Germans as his main rival in Africa, and then quotes exactly what Virginia Woolf has copied out:
   I object to the mean accusations against the honour of the Germans.
   This sticks in my throat dreadfully. I may note that a year later,
   when war broke out, there were almost precisely the same
   innuendoes, & the Germans were, I believe, appealed to for aid, but
   my conception of German honour and good faith proved more correct
   than that of the [French, Catholic] Fathers.



These materials on imperialism in Africa provide us with evidence of a Virginia Woolf who was even more incensed by British imperialism than her publicly anti-imperialist husband. They show her familiarity with the rhetoric of imperialism and with its poor historical record. Her research on these materials was extensive, but the amount of background research that she undertook on the global economic context of imperialism in Africa in the 1890s was yet more so. This work involved not reading and making notes from discursive books on the subject, but plowing through factual reports, made by British consular officials around the world, and representing a considerable amount of quantified empirical data.

Virginia Woolf's notes from British Consular Reports

The papers included in Leonard Woolf's archive for Empire and Commerce in Africa include a large collection of notes made by Virginia Woolf for the broader purposes of a book on international trade. These notes are largely made up of quotations, mostly though not exclusively from these British official consular reports, and they contain a great deal of factual information-particularly about imports and exports during the 1890s. For the presentation of this information Virginia Woolf frequently copied it out by hand in tabular form. As with the materials eventually used in Empire and Commerce these notes are typically in longhand, although some are typed, and they carry in the top right hand corner Leonard Woolf's classification of the subject matter (occasionally this is in Virginia Woolf's hand).

The Argentine Republic was at the beginning of the British consular alphabet and Virginia Woolf started with several note cards she made from an 1893 Consular Report. All her notes are properly referenced, in this instance with an underlined Cons Rep Argentine Republic no 1147-1893 (see Fig.13). Many of the cards are made up simply of tables of imports or exports, a typical example being one she has headed "Return of Foreign Trade of the Argentine Republic during the years 1893-1891." The years 1883 through to 1891 form the left-hand vertical column and the horizontal spread is made up of percentages of trade with Great Britain, France, Germany, Belgium, the USA and Italy. The card has been ruled by hand, and the cells completed manually. The contents of the card are in Virginia Woolf's hand, other than the writing at the top, where Leonard Woolf has written "1883-1891," and the top right hand corner, where he has written "Argentine" followed by "Foreign Trade."

Several cards relate to these general trade statistics of the Argentine Republic. They are usually defined, in Leonard Woolf's hand, by themes such as "Commercial Treaties" or the "Foreign Trade." Other cards cover specific trading issues, and under the headings of 1889-1890, "Frozen meat," Virginia Woolf has copied out, from the 1893 Consular Report, the following prosaic details: "Another large item was 662,000 Kilos of frozen cattle. The frozen sheep export trade has developed immensely, from 12,000 carcasses in 1887 to 20,000 carcasses in 1890. Of exports under this head England took about one-fourth, & Brazil took most of the fallow, fat, preserved tongues, preserved meat, all the frozen cattle, & nearly all the frozen sheep."


The Argentine Republic accounts for 13 pages of these note cards, and is followed by Austria. The 25 sides devoted to Austria are largely made up of discursive quotations in Virginia Woolf's hand, but also include a typed table (which does not appear to be her typing) and one table in her hand. Virginia Woolf has painstakingly reproduced a table of imports to Austria-Hungary, with an introductory quotation: "In order to adequately illustrate the development of the import trade of the Dual Monarchy during the past decade, the following tabular statement might be found useful." This is taken from the 1896 Consular Report, published from Vienna. Leonard Woolf has headed it as "1895 Austria Foreign Trade."

From the report of the following year (1892, no. 1114) Virginia Woolf has copied out a lengthy summary of the situation with regard to protective tariffs, concluding that:
   a certain stability has been created, 427 items of the tariff
   having been 'bound', i.e. been fixed for the said period of 12
   years. This gives to foreign manufacturers exporting into Austria &
   merchants here importing foreign goods a certain stability in their
   transactions, preventing any sudden increase of duty, through wh. a
   difficulty might at once be raised by the import, & wh. in some
   cases formerly almost amounted to a prohibition.

Further notes on this issue were taken, following changes in the tariffs imposed over the years. From the 1910 Consular Report Virginia Woolf documents the ongoing political issues around protection and the resumption of specific conflict with Serbia on this front:

The difficulties placed in the way of the import of cattle from various Balkan States wh. the agrarian parties force the Austro Hungarian Governments to maintain has led these countries to retaliate by levying their highest rates of duty on merchandise in wh. the Austrian exports mainly consist. The result is that commercial rivals are in some degree supplanting the Austrian manufacturers in those markets in the South-East wh. should form the natural field for expansion of Austrian trade. After a short interruption in 1908 the tariff war with Servia began again. Negotiations are still going on with that country, Montenegro & The Argentine for the conclusion of commercial treaties (Report no 4599, 1910). (7)

From the 1908 report from "Bohemia" Virginia Woolf had noted that this tariff war with Serbia had "adversely affected the trade of the Dual Monarchy" and that "it has been estimated the textile exports from Austria-Hungary alone were diminished by 300,000L., & Iron & Ironwares by 100,000L.; the leather trade was also adversely affected, & colonial products wh. Servia formerly imported via Trieste go by another route" (Report from Austria-Hungary (Bohemia) no. 4092, 1908).

Virginia Woolf made out thirty-eight note card entries for the two countries beginning with A (Argentine and Austria-Hungary). The Bs were more complicated, containing one note on Belgium, eleven on Brazil and sixty-five sides of the notes (including seven tables) on Britain.

The British entries fell under headings from Leonard Woolf such as "commercial treaties" or "competition." A report from Turkey, no. 945, dated 1891, shows, according to Virginia Woolf's notes, that "The total trade of Great Britain, exports & imports, nearly equalled in value that of all the other great powers put together, the figures being...." The figures were Great Britain 14,978,000 [pounds sterling], France 6,812,000 [pounds sterling], Austria & Germany 5,524,000 [pounds sterling], Russia 2,057,000 [pounds sterling] and Italy 1,113,000 [pounds sterling], making a total of 15,506,000 [pounds sterling], all duly copied out in Virginia Woolf's longhand on an unruled note card.


Among the detailed accounts of Britain's trading situation appear some items of more general political interest. Possibly misfiled, as more at home in the notes that were incorporated into Empire and Commerce in Africa, are notes on the British East Africa Protectorate. Under Britain here, and subtitled by Leonard Woolf simply "Imperialism," Virginia Woolf has copied out the following passage from G. L. Beer's The English Speaking Peoples (1917):
   Imperialism as a political doctrine has often been represented as
   something tawdry & superficial. In reality it has all the depth &
   comprehensiveness of a religious faith. Its significance is moral
   even more than material. It is a mistake to think of it as
   principally concerned with extension of territory, with 'painting
   the map red'. There is quite enough painted red already. It is not
   a question of a couple of hundred thousand square miles more or
   less. It is a question of preserving the unity of a great race, of
   enabling it, by maintaining that unity to develop freely on its own
   lines, & to continue to fulfill its distinctive mission in the
   world. (171)

At this point in the archive, towards the end of the Bs in a sequence that will end with Zanzibar, the number of note cards that Virginia Woolf had handwritten is 115. On the material transcribed, there are no comments from the scribe, other than the choice of what she was copying. One of the reports documents presented a sharp business opportunity. From the Consular Report for Spain, 1892, no. 1055, Virginia Woolf quoted:

Last year the Indemnity Marine Insurance co., of London, purchased for 2,000L. or 3,000L, the goodwill of the Lloyd Adaluz, a Spanish Insurance Co. in liquidation. By this purchase the English Co. hopes to monopolise the Marine Insurance business in this part of Spain. This Co. is affiliated with another small English Co., having different offices but the same agent; & here being no competition a most lucrative business is being done. In many cases the premiums which the Spaniards are quite content to pay can be underwritten at Lloyds in London, for one-fourth the amount of the premiums paid in Cadiz (Cons. Rep. Spain. 1892. No. 1055).


The collection runs on with notes on Bulgaria, Chile, China, "Corea," Costa Rica, Cuba, Denmark, Ecuador, Egypt and a large section of ninety-five sides of comments on France. Leonard Woolf has headed an opening page "France Trade of France for past 12 years Consular Report 1889. No 622. Important for French Colonial Policy and Statistics." General statistical information is presented here, as in another hand-drawn table by Virginia Woolf, on the "Value of French Trade with Chief Commercial Nations Exports," itemizing trade with the UK, Belgium, Germany and the United States. Somewhat amateurishly, she has not left enough space for the far right column of 1898.


This table underlines the emphasis that was later to appear in Empire and Commerce on the last decade of the nineteenth century.

The research on France incorporates material about French Guinea, New Caledonia and Tahiti. Tahiti's imports, we learn, place the USA food-producing states of California and Oregon in the lead, followed by imports from Britain and its colonies in second place. "France occupies third rank, 12,426L., notwithstanding that her imports pay at Tahiti a duty of 10 to 15 per cent. only, as against that of 30 to 40 per cent. levied on all goods of foreign origin." Cons. Rep. France (Tahiti) No. 1931. 1897. Further quotations in the France section of the research notes point forward to Leonard Woolf's emphasis on the politics and economics of the French colonies in North Africa: much is made of conflicting trade interests as between Tunisia and Algeria and the resultant problem of smuggling: "Algeria has not only to suffer from fictive imports from Tunisia into its markets, but it has equally to support smuggled imports from foreign countries ... principally in groceries, such as sugar." Cons. Rep. France (Algiers).

A second batch of notes runs from Germany to the end of the British consular alphabet. An overview of the notes on Germany shows that though many are in Virginia Woolf's hand, others were made by Alix Sargant-Florence. On the top card of the pile in the image here, she has made a note from a text in German, which is headed in Leonard Woolf's hand "Germany Shipping subventions." Underneath that are the more typical entries made by Virginia Woolf from the Consular Reports, for example her own heading "Germany Methods of Encouraging Trade" or the note headed "Germany Shipping" by Leonard Woolf, whose contents concern the German East Africa Line. (8) These records pile on: the sixty-three pages on Germany are followed by Greece, Guatamala, Hayti [VW's spelling], Holland and Italy, which takes these notes, counting only those in Virginia Woolf's own hand, to 391 sides. On through thirty-nine cards on Japan, nine on Mexico, and through Morocco, Nicaragua, Norway, Paraguay, Persia, Portugal, "Roumania"--all in modest numbers until we reach Russia with its forty-eight pages, and on through Serbia, Siam, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Tunis and to Turkey.

At 46 sides, Turkey clearly merited extensive consideration, one of the more shocking reports being the one cited by Virginia Woolf as Cons. Rep. Turkey Trebizond. No 1864. 1897. Leonard Woolf has rather neutrally classified this as "1896 Trebizond Turkey Germ. Competn." Trebizond, on the southern coast of the Black Sea, was the western terminus of the Silk Route and was a significant place in the Armenian Massacres of this period (1894-96) of the Ottoman Empire, when many members of the Armenian community, heavily involved in trade, were killed. Armenian shopkeepers and traders were massacred in order to alter the balance of Muslims and non-Muslims involved in trade. This brutal episode is regarded by some as the precursor to the Armenian Massacres of the First World War period. Virginia Woolf's official source notes that "Commerce in 1896 was almost completely paralysed by the gravity of the political situation," and that "a specific review of the trade of the year wd. scarcely serve any useful purpose." However, the relative decline of British strength against Germany and Austria was a cause for great concern, it seems:
   Suffice it to say that the inhabitants plunged deeper than ever
   into poverty, sought cheapness, the non-Moslems going to the extent
   of buying the worst to lose the least, in their apprehension of
   possible disturbances. Competition under such conditions lost much
   of its keenness. British goods in particular coped with ill-success
   against those of Germany & Austria, especially as the latter,
   though intrinsically inferior, look the same & are in prices lower.
   Thus, slowly but surely, are we being pushed out of these markets,
   a fact which should make us consider how to render our position
   less untenable.

What was she thinking as she copied this out? Virginia Woolf's references to the later Armenian massacres of the First World War in Mrs. Dalloway (1925) are controversial. "She cared much more for her roses than for the Armenians. Hunted out of existence, maimed, frozen, the victims of cruelty and injustice (she had heard Richard say so over and over again)--no, she could feel nothing for the Albanians, or was it the Armenians? but she loved her roses (didn't that help the Armenians?)--" (120). Trudi Tate has argued that Woolf is here satirizing and condemning Clarissa Dalloway's "preposterous" childishness and refusal of responsibility (471). However, nearer to the time of taking these notes (which are roughly in the period from late 1917 through 1918), than to the composition of Mrs. Dalloway, Virginia Woolf noted in her diary in May 1919 a conversation with Margaret Llewelyn Davies, Lilian Harris and Janet Case as follows: "Indeed this is a melancholy season for them all; but J has more than the usual shadows to depress her. I laughed to myself over the quantities of Armenians. How can one mind whether they number 4,000 or 4,000,000? The feat is beyond me" (D1 271). (9)


The economic position for Britain was looking rather better in another area of Turkish control, this time in the southern Mediterranean. An elaborate table, taken from the (Tripoli) Consular Report of Turkey of 1898 (No 2125), ruled in blue crayon and completed in royal blue ink in Virginia Woolf's hand, shows Britain's share of the imports to Tripoli rising healthily during the period 1887 to 1897. From Turkey to Uruguay and thence to the United States, where several notes are devoted to America's acquisitions of new states, for example Hawaii and "Porto Rico".

Thence finally to Zanzibar, whose imports and exports in a tabular form were faithfully copied out by Virginia Woolf from the 1902 Consular Report.


The country column on the left starts with "British India" and "German East Africa," an emphasis that well concludes this immense series of notes about international trade--by this last entry on Zanzibar there are a total of 666 sides of notes in Virginia Woolf's hand, all taken from the relevant British Consular Reports. Zanzibar provides a fitting end to the series, linking all this broad contextual research on international trade with the more precise, and more political, research that Virginia Woolf undertook for Leonard Woolf's Empire and Commerce in Africa.

Virginia Woolf and Empire and Commerce in Africa

Virginia Woolf's considerable labors on this research project were not acknowledged at the time, nor subsequently. I take it for granted that she herself did not want her work to be acknowledged--as the research assistance of Alix Sargant-Florence was--in Empire and Commerce in Africa as published. A literary reviewer and published novelist would scarcely relish the public image of being her husband's research assistant. However, Leonard Woolf's autobiography, published in 1967, long after her death and at a better moment for candor, glosses over the assistance in saying "I wrote Empire and Commerce in Africa in 1918 for the Fabian Society. It is a formidable book of 374 pages and I did a great deal of intensive reading for it" (Downhill All The Way 83).

Later in that volume of his autobiography, Leonard Woolf suggested that after writing that book, and his International Government, he was treated by the Webbs as "more or less the Fabian and Labour Party 'expert' in international and imperial questions" (219). Victoria Glendinning's recent biography of Leonard Woolf goes over some of the arrangements for the book's research, and tells us that "His research was primary and his material raw. As for International Government, for Empire and Commerce in Africa Leonard embarked on a crash-course of self-education.... Facts, uncovered with difficulty, had to be assessed and quantified" (209). She quotes from Leonard Woolf's correspondence with Marjorie Perham about Lugard, contained in the same archive box as these research notes by Virginia Woolf (436). Natania Rosenfeld, in a book on the working relationship of Leonard and Virginia Woolf, does not mention Empire and Commerce in Africa, although she states that in general "Virginia pays homage to what she considers Leonard's superior capacity for facts" (114).

We don't know exactly when this research was done. Kathy Phillips, in her Virginia Woolf against Empire (1994), relies on an editorial footnote from the first volume of Virginia Woolf's Diary to the effect that the work on the consular reports was done in the summer of 1917 (viii). There Virginia Woolf mentions in December 1918 that "L.'s book is almost done; February will see it finished most likely," suggesting that no more research was needed. That suggests that Virginia Woolf's involvement on the research side must have ended at some point during 1918. The Diary annotation does not refer to the work that was more directly undertaken for Empire and Commerce by Virginia Woolf, in fact the wording of the note suggests that the editorial team was not aware of it: "LW later decided to restrict his study to Africa, and Alix Sargant-Florence helped him with the research" (D1 229). Virginia Woolf's note to Leonard about "the notes" (quoted at the top of this paper) is dated October 29th 1917. On that occasion Leonard Woolf was away from home, giving lectures in the north of England and the fact that Virginia Woolf refers to the notes only when he was away suggests, given the volume of work that she put in on them, that this was a topic of everyday conversation for the Woolfs, accompanying them, perhaps, on their visits to the London Library or the 1917 Club.

Among the papers in the archive is a detailed list of how many words Leonard Woolf had written on the book each day, with a running total. A fascinating document, it reveals that on 23 October, 1917, he started with 313 words, writing 2001 by the 26th. By the 4th December he had completed 12,894; in 1918 he wrote steadily, getting up to 30,136 by the end of February and 40, 364 by the 16th March. (On the 12th March Virginia Woolf had commented in her diary that "lately we've written at a terrific pace: L. 40,000 words.") By the end of April he was up to 58,539, reached 100,000 at the beginning of August, and by the end of 1918 he had 148,758 words written. With a final 214 words on the 26 February, 1919, he had reached the total of 166,608 words of Empire and Commerce. Leonard Woolf's own diary, from which he assembled the volumes of his published autobiography, records that as well as writing at this pace he was reading as he went along; a typical entry suggests "work morn" with perhaps a library trip in the "aftn" and in the "even" "read a book on Abyssinia" or "read La Jonquiere even" (2/R/1). This reference to La Jonquiere, which is one of the books that Virginia Woolf made notes from, confirms the supposition that both of them read the books that he cites in Empire and Commerce, albeit the quotations he used were often the ones that she had copied out.

Quentin Bell, in his biography of Virginia Woolf, refers to Empire and Commerce in Africa as "a book which Virginia greatly admired" (74). Hermione Lee's more recent biography comments, in discussing Virginia Woolf's attitude to her husband's work, that "her thinking was influenced by his anti-imperialism." Lee refers to a key diary entry in the terms of "she could be wifely, all the same" (339). The entry is for 7 January, 1920, a week before the publication of their books, and Virginia Woolf writes: "Reading Empire & Commerce to my genuine satisfaction, with an impartial delight in the closeness, passion, & logic of it; indeed it's a good thing now & then to read one's husbands work attentively" (D2 50). Knowing, as we now do, that she had spent so long contributing research to the book, casts a different light on this "impartial" delight.

Why was she doing it? The most plausible interpretation of this research assistance is that it was considered therapeutic: a useful but mindless task that would enable her to be in a world of books and information without taxing her critical or creative powers. Between 1913 and 1915 Virginia Woolf had by far her worst breakdown, and her own writing time was measured out very carefully. It has been estimated that it took her six years to write Night and Day. Julia Briggs, drawing on Leonard Woolf's belief that Night and Day had been started as early as 1913, emphasized the context in which it had been begun: "Virginia Woolf slipped into her worst breakdown ever, extending from the summer of 1913 to the autumn of 1915, and bringing her close to death and permanent imprisonment in an institution" (34). Briggs goes on to chart her recovery: by late 1915 she was allowed to resume her writing in short spells, and Briggs quotes Woolf's letter to Lytton Strachey in which she declared "I write one sentence--the clock strikes --Leonard appears with a glass of milk" (48). According to Julia Briggs, Virginia Woolf was "strictly rationed to an hour's work each day" on her novel (51), on which basis she completed the typescript in March 1919 (D1 259). It seems possible, indeed likely, that reading and taking factual notes for Leonard in the period from autumn 1917 onwards was construed as a form of work that was not too taxing on her brain, and could be used to fill the time when her own work was deemed too dangerous. The material provided, too, some ground on which she could practice her languages, as we have seen with both French and Italian sources. (10)

The research notes lend themselves to this interpretation, particularly in that she refrained from making summaries of arguments, or commenting on what she was reading, simply copying out passages or tables that had attracted attention. This is very different from the way in which she made notes when she was reading for herself rather than for Leonard's work, as we can see from her own reading notebooks. (11) Her own notes are alive and interactive, full of summaries and summative comments, with quotations bound into her responses to what she was reading. The scholarly apparatus of her own note-taking tends to be fairly light, and many of the publication details and other sources have been provided by Brenda Silver, her later editor. From her reading in 1918 we can take as an example the preface to the Lyrical Ballads: "34 Poetry. 'takes its origins from emotion recollected in tranquility'"; also on the romantics, she notes about Colvin's Life of Keats "This large book came out a month or two ago. It is an old-fashioned, scholarly work. I suppose irrefutable as far as the facts go ..." (12)

It is possible to make a direct comparison between the notes she took as a research assistant and the notes she took for herself, by looking at some reading notes she made in April 1919 very shortly after the period she was doing the work for Empire and Commerce. Here, there is some overlap of subject matter, as she was reading Defoe's fiction and spent some time on his descriptions of Africa and of slavery in The Life, Adventures, and Piracies of Captain Singleton. Her notes are telegraphic: "43 Account of Central Africa--lezards [sic] and lions. The shoes they wore. Wild cats. Civet cats.", and full of reflection: "60 so literal it's hard to read, knowing it fiction--that's the difficulty--imagination won't work." "Probably a much better writer than Stevenson" she notes, before going on to record "143 The Quakers arguments against slavery," "150 William sells the negroes," "191 William the Quaker comes to life." In her plan for the piece she was writing on Defoe, for which she read many of his books, she noted that "he was a man of facts." (13)

The contrast between the pace at which Virginia Woolf was obliged to write Night and Day and the speed at which Leonard Woolf was able to write Empire and Commerce may lie behind an observation she made in her diary: "The other day L. began his book, & has already done two chapters. He's like one of those mowing machines I used to watch from my window at Asheham; round and round they go, without haste without rest, until finally the little square of corn in the middle is cut, & all is done" (D1 76).

Leonard and Virginia Woolf's Working Relationship

These research materials raise some complicated questions about the working relationship of the Woolfs. They are analogous to the materials that Wayne Chapman and Janet Manson discussed some twenty years ago, when they wrote about the paper Leonard Woolf published on "International Relations"--a paper whose draft in the archive is made up of "twenty-one hand-written pages in his wife's longhand" ("Carte and Tierce" 62). That work dates from 1917 and immediately precedes the research notes for Empire and Commerce in Africa. Was she simply acting as an amanuensis or secretary? Was it a more jointly-developed work, later to be credited only to Leonard and if so, why? Was her assistance in preparing his non-fiction some kind of pact around the decision that he would stop writing fiction? (14) The valuable work of Chapman and Manson was published in a collection edited by Mark Hussey, and has since been reprinted, (15) but feminist critics of Woolf have remained relatively silent on the implications of this uncomfortable division of labor between the Woolfs. (16) Chapman and Manson used a fencing metaphor to negotiate the delicate balance between Leonard's and Virginia Woolf's contributions to the paper--Carte and Tierce, in the title of their article, refers to "attitudes of the wrist in fencing." Chapman and Manson emphasize that Leonard Woolf's position, in this paper as elsewhere, was that international law might need to be enforced, a view not shared by what they call the "hardline idealists" or pacifists--the latter view "tangibly embodied by his wife and half the conference for which they were preparing the paper" ("Carte and Tierce" 63). Chapman and Manson note that "possibly the most interesting impression to arise" from the document "is the way its logic courted her approval" ("Carte and Tierce" 73). They conclude that "Virginia Woolf's authority is inestimable." "How differently," Chapman suggests in a later article, "over the last fifty years scholars might otherwise have judged Virginia Woolf in Leonard Woolf's province!" had her contribution been acknowledged ("L.'s Dame Secretaire" 40).

The research notes for Empire and Commerce lend credence to the view that Virginia Woolf was an unequivocal supporter of her husband's very public stance as a leading critic of imperialism. If anything, her notes are more anti-imperialist, more tending towards the damning quotation, than the final book that he published. This sits well alongside the knowledge we have that her critical stance on imperialism in her fiction pre-dates her marriage to Leonard Woolf. (17) Furthermore, as Panthea Reid has convincingly shown, Virginia Stephen had already inherited her father's anti-colonialism, in a specifically African context, by the time of his death in 1904. Reid paints a portrait of Virginia Stephen's father, Leslie Stephen, as an outspoken opponent of colonial violence such as the British attack on Abyssinia in the 1860s. At the time of his final illness in 1903, when his youngest daughter spent a lot of time with him, he was writing lectures that were to be "his final word on colonialism." Reid concludes that "such a sense of history and of the need to reform the colonialist enterprise were thus among Stephen's last legacies to his daughter" (340). (18) Virginia Stephen's background in this regard has been clear since the publication of Quentin Bell's biography in 1972; discussing the life of her paternal great-grandfather Bell wrote that James Stephen "first realized the infamy of slavery when he saw how monstrously a Negro might be treated by the West Indian Courts ... he made himself a restless and consistent friend of the oppressed ... he became the trusted ally of Wilberforce, whose sister he married" (3). Her grandfather, another James Stephen, sacrificed his income as a lawyer in order to work in the Colonial office, with a mission to bring about the policy of emancipation: "the protection of the negro was the grand business of his administration" (Bell, 5).

Virginia Woolf's father Leslie Stephen, in a biography of his brother James Fitzjames Stephen, published in 1895, was at pains to emphasize the role their family had played in ending the slave trade. Their father, James Stephen, had family and friends who were all "deeply engaged in the anti-slavery agitation" (The Life of Sir James Fitzjames Stephen 46); more than this, he had even drafted the bill himself: "The elaborate Act ..., by which previous legislation against the slave trade was finally consolidated and extended was passed in 1824 ... It was drawn by my father and dictated by him in one day and at one sitting" (The Life of Sir James Fitzjames Stephen 46-47). James Stephen was also a key drafter of the legislation that abolished slavery itself, in 1833: the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography says of him that "after Stanley, the secretary of state, gave up the task of drafting a bill, it fell to Stephen to do so," adding that "he produced the complex bill, covering twenty-six pages, in forty-eight hours, playing the part of the perfect public servant in helping his minister to implement his policy and making an enormous contribution to its success." (19)

Virginia Stephen was thus the grand-daughter of the civil servant who had drafted the 1824 British legislation regarding the slave trade and the 1833 legislation to abolish slavery. Quentin Bell refers to James Stephen as carrying on "the great family campaign against slavery" (Bell 5). She was, naturally, aware of her family's progressive record in this respect; in 1924 a publication by Leslie Stephen appeared from "Leonard and Virginia Woolf at the Hogarth Press." Stephen's Some Early Impressions was introduced by a note, informing the reader that these reminiscences were written by the late Sir Leslie Stephen in 1903 (shortly before he died). Stephen characterized his background as a family that "belonged to the second generation of the so-called "Clapham Sect," who were "men who swore by Wilberforce" (Some Early Impressions 14).

Virginia Stephen thus brought to her marriage an assured inherited familiarity with liberal critiques of the evils of imperialism; these attitudes were not learned from her husband. There were differences of perspective between her and her husband, which can be clearly seen in their personal papers as well as their published works. If anything, she is the more radical. (20) I have suggested elsewhere that the question of Virginia Woolf's personal political agency is a complex one, characterized by ambivalence. (21) However, on many occasions she made it clear that Leonard Woolf's political work was done on her behalf too. Much later, during the 1930s, she wrote to Ethel Smyth saying, "have just written a firm letter to resign my only office, on the ground that my husband does all that for two--or even one dozen" (L6 51). Similarly, she noted in her diary a moment when Leonard was discussing strategies with regard to refugees, saying, "I go in, out of courtesy. He is doing a job for me" (D5 205).

Virginia Woolf as Scholar

The research notes Virginia Woolf compiled for her husband throw some light on a greater interest she had in empirical information than is often supposed. Virginia Woolf the research scholar sits somewhat at odds with the view she presented of herself. She is an unreliable witness in this regard. Her own annotated Greek texts (in the Woolf library at Washington State University in Pullman) counter-ndicate the image of a writer who is better known for her essay "On Not Knowing Greek." Her reading notebooks also contain examples where she has rendered the Greek in the original and attempted her own translation (Silver 155). Her own books include Her own books include many works that are ambitious for the age at which we know she read them--Macaulay's substantial volumes of English history, for example. (22) Similarly, Woolf made a great play of being merely self-educated, on which topic people used to exclaim at what a privileged form of self-education she had, given the run of Leslie Stephen's library and reading most ambitiously as a teenager. It transpires, we now know from the work of Anna Snaith and Christine Kenyon Jones, that from the age of fifteen she took courses in English and continental history, beginning and advanced Greek, intermediate Latin and German grammar in the Ladies Department of King's College London during the period 1897-1901. Like most people of her class at the time, she had some knowledge of French and, as we saw in the illustrations, was attempting to learn Italian at the time of this research. She was also involved in translations from Russian. (23)

Woolf's attitude towards "research" was somewhat contradictory: she was amused when readers sought to correct factual errors in her fiction; on the other hand she was adamant that Three Guineas rested on "getting up the facts," facts which figure in pseudo-academic footnotes in that text. To Vita Sackville-West she wrote "I took more pains to get up the facts and state them plainly than I ever took with any thing in my life" (L6 243), and to Ethel Smyth she said that she had put them at the end of the book rather than at the foot of the page "thinking people might read them, the most meaty part of the book, separately" (L6 235). To Smyth she added that "I had a mass more and still have. Yes--very hard work that was."

We already know (not least from the pastiche in A Room of One's Own) that Virginia Woolf was familiar with working in the reading room at the British Museum, and that she visited the London Library on a regular basis. The research notes for Empire and Commerce show that she had the London School of Economics library at her disposal, and that she was a dab hand at gutting British Consular Reports as well as plowing through weighty tomes such as Lugard, Wylde or McDermot's books. The notes themselves, as I indicated in running through them, demonstrate a pleasure in bibliographic referencing and in footnoting conventions. Virginia Woolf as a researcher and scholar is inimical to the reputation she and at times her estate (24) have cherished of her as a writer of genius, but it is nonetheless an element that played an important part in her fiction. Katharine Hilbery, in Night and Day, is usually referred to as modeled on Vanessa Bell, but perhaps there is something of her author in her "love of facts" (201). As we saw from the reviews of Empire and Commerce, "the stern facts, supported by chapter and verse, speak for themselves" and were more illuminating "than any rhetoric would be" [I/L/6].

The subject of imperialism is one that Woolf scholars and critics have recently explored in some depth, often through a post-colonial reading of key texts. To the early influential studies by Jane Marcus and Kathy Phillips have now been added a range of analyses of Woolf's fiction. (25) Attempts have also been made to situate Leonard Woolf's writing in relation to concerns about his work as a colonial administrator and the fiction he wrote drawing on that experience. (26) More general considerations of Virginia Woolf and empire can be found in excellent essays by Helen Carr and Anna Snaith. (27)

Leonard Woolf's Empire and Commerce in Africa was published on January 14, 1920, the same day as the second printing of Woolf's second novel, Night and Day, which was published in London in October 1919. That work has often been seen as somewhat apolitical, although Julia Briggs noted its allusions to Conrad's Heart of Darkness (51). Re-reading it now in the light of the research project that accompanied the writing of it is instructive. It is peppered throughout with references to imperial questions, and Fox gives examples of some of the imperial topics aired at teatime conversation at the Hilberys (262). References abound: to Galton on race (ND 36) to relatives "from India" (39), to "the plains of India (49), to emigration to the colonies (72), and "living with savages" (72). Mary Datchet finds herself in the Assyrian galleries at the British Museum and "conjured up a scene of herself on a camel's back, in the desert, while Ralph commanded a whole tribe of natives" (83). We are told about Uncle John bringing back his manservant from India, the ladies of Melbury House with their "monkey and the little black dwarf' (116) and Queenie Colquhoun, who "took her coffin out with her to Jamaica" as "you couldn't get coffins in Jamaica" (117). Ralph's sister Joan "suspected the East" and feared to see her brother "toiling through sandy deserts under a tropical sun" (126).

Night and Day gives us a description of a suffrage campaign office, "at the top of one of the large Russell Square houses" that, we are told are now "let out in slices to a number of societies which displayed assorted initials upon doors of ground glass, and kept, each of them, a typewriter which clicked busily all day long" (79). The typewriters, as Mary Datchet goes to her office at the top, were "already at work, disseminating their views upon the protection of native races, or the value of cereals as foodstuffs" (79-80). Woolf's treatment of these diverse political activities, in the words of Katharine Hilbery, is distinctly unimpressed: "On the ground floor you protect natives, on the next you emigrate women and tell people to eat nuts" (88).

These research notes elaborate the evidence about the damage done by economic imperialism, and also reveal a feel for the language in which imperial sentiment was articulated, and both of these clearly contributed to her own writing. They point to a writer who had at her disposal a multitude of facts and critical political opinions, but who sought to incorporate these social materials in a way that subordinated them to literary means of representation. Virginia Woolf's familiarity with the discourse of the economic can be seen in the way, recording an evening with their friend Maynard Keynes, she rattles off an account of his conversation on an aspect of international trade. He was "very fertile" on that occasion, and she gives an easy rendition of Keynes's style of talking about German politics; but her mind is not on the subject at hand, she is thinking about her own literary preoccupation:
   They're doing something very queer with their money. I cant make
   out what. It may be the Jews are taking away their capital. Let me
   see, if 2000 Jews were each to take away 2,000 [pounds sterling]
   --Anyhow they cant pay their Lancashire bill. Always the Germans
   have bought cotton from Egypt, had it spun in Lancashire: its a
   small bill, only 1/2 a million, but they cant pay. Yet theyre
   buying copper all the time. Whats it for? Armaments no doubt.
   That's one of the classic examples of intn trade--Now Holden
   has been over & says we wont go in. 20,000 people out of work.
   But of course there's something behind it. What is the cause
   of the financial crisis? Theyre doing something foolish--no
   Treasury control of the soldiers.

Woolf continues "(but I am thinking all the time of what is to end Here & Now. I want a Chorus. a general statement. a song for 4 voices. how am I to get it? I am now almost within sight of the end. racing along: becoming more & more dramatic. And how to make the transition from the colloquial to the lyrical, from the particular to the general?)" (D4 235-236). And so it is more generally, perhaps, with these research materials on imperialism in Africa, and the global economic context of the 1890s: they sit in the background, informing her work as a writer of fiction.

Works Cited

Bell, Quentin. Virginia Woolf: A Biography. London: Hogarth Press, 1972. Print.

Briggs, Julia. Virginia Woolf: An Inner Life. London: Allen Lane, 2005. Print.

Carr, Helen. "Virginia Woolf, Empire and Race." The Cambridge Companion to Virginia Woolf. Ed. Susan Sellers. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2010: 197-213. Print.

Chapman, Wayne. "L.'s Dame Secretaire": Alix Strachey, the Hogarth Press and Bloomsbury Pacifism." Women in the Milieu of Leonard and Virginia Woolf. Eds. Wayne K. Chapman and Janet M. Mason. New York: Pace UP, 1998. Print.

Chapman, Wayne K. and Manson, Janet M. "Carte and Tierce: Leonard, Virginia Woolf, and War for Peace." Virginia Woolf and War: Fiction, Reality and Myth. Ed. Mark Hussey. New York: Syracuse UP, 1991. Print.

--. Leonard and Virginia Wool Working Together and the Hitherto Unpublished Manuscript 'In'l Re'ns.' Ed. and Intro. Wayne K. Chapman and Janet M. Manson. London: Cecil Woolf, 1997. Print.

Crispi, Francesco. The Memoirs of Francesco Crispi, Volume III. Trans. Mary Pritchard-Agnetti. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1912. Print.

Darcy, Jean. France et Angleterre: Cent Annees de Rivalite Coloniale: L 'Afrique. Perrin & Cie: Paris, 1904. Print.

Glendinning, Victoria. Leonard Woolf. London: Simon and Schuster, 2006. Print.

Gottlieb, Laura Moss. "The War between the Woolfs." Virginia Woolf and Bloomsbury: A Centenary Celebration. Ed. Jane Marcus. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1987. Print.

Greene, Graham. Journey Without Maps. London: Penguin, 1981. Print.

Hochschild, Adam. King Leopold's Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror and Heroism in Colonial Africa. London: Pan, 2000. Print.

Hudson Fox, Susan. "Woolf's Austen/Boston Tea Party: The Revolt Against Literary Empire in Night and Day. " Virginia Woolf: Emerging Perspectives. Eds. Mark Hussey, Vara Neverow and Jane Lilienfield. New York: Pace UP, 1994. 259-665. Print.

Kenyon Jones, Christine and Anna Snaith. '"Tilting at Universities': Woolf at King's College London." Woolf Studies Annual 16 (2010): 1-44. Print.

Lee, Hermione. Virginia Woolf. London: Chatto and Windus, 1996. Print.

Manson, Janet M. "Margery Perham, the Fabians, and Colonial Policy." Women in the Milieu of Leonard and Virginia Woolf. Eds. Wayne K. Chapman and Janet M. Manson. New York: Pace UP, 1998. Print.

McVicker, Jeanette. "Vast Nests of Chinese Boxes, or getting from Q to R: Critiquing Empire in 'Kew Gardens' and To the Lighthouse." Virginia Woolf Miscellanies: Proceedings of the First Annual Conference on Virginia Woolf. Eds. Mark Hussey and Vara Neverow-Turk. New York: Pace UP, 1992. 40-42. Print.

Phillips, Kathy J. Virginia Woolf Against Empire. Knoxville: U of Tennessee P, 1994. Print.

Reid, Panthea. "Virginia Woolf, Leslie Stephen, Julia Margaret Cameron, and the Prince of Abyssinia: An Inquiry into Certain Colonialist Representations." Biography 22.3 (Summer 1999): 322-356. Print.

Rosenfeld, Natania. Outsiders Together: Virginia and Leonard Woolf. Princeton: Princeton UP, 2000. Print.

Silver, Brenda. Virginia Woolf's Reading Notebooks. Princeton: Princeton UP, 1983. Print.

Snaith, Anna. "The Exhibition is in Ruins": Virginia Woolf and Empire. Southport: Virginia Woolf Society of Great Britain, 2005. Print.

Stephen, Leslie. The Life of Sir James Fitzjames Stephen. London: Smith, Elder & Co., 1895. Print.

--. Some Early Impressions. London: Hogarth Press, 1924. Print.

Tate, Trudi. "Mrs Dalloway and the Armenian Question." Textual Practice 8:3 (Winter 1994): 467-486. Print.

Woolf, Leonard. Downhill All The Way: An Autobiography of the Years 19191939. London: Hogarth Press, 1967. Print.

--. Empire and Commerce in Africa: A Study of Economic Imperialism. London: Labour Research Department, 1920. Print.

Woolf, Virginia. A Passionate Apprentice: The Early Journals 1897-1909. Ed. Mitchell A. Leaska. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1990. Print.

--. A Room of One's Own/ Three Guineas. Ed. Michele Barrett. London: Penguin, 2000. Print.

--. The Diary of Virginia Woolf Volume One 1915-19. Ed. Anne Olivier Bell. London: Hogarth Press, 1977. Print.

--. The Diary of Virginia Woolf Volume Four 1931-1935. Ed. Anne Olivier Bell. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1982. Print.

--. The Diary of Virginia Woolf Volume Five 1936-1941. Ed. Anne Olivier Bell. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1984. Print.

--. Mrs Dalloway. San Diego: Harvest/Harcourt Brace Jovanovich Inc., 1981. Print.

--. Night and Day. New York: Harvest/Harcourt Brace Jovanovich Inc., 1973. Print.

--. The Letters of Virginia Woolf Volume Two, 1911-1922. Eds. Nigel Nicolson and Joanne Trautmann. London: Hogarth Press, 1976. Print.

--. The Letters of Virginia Woolf Volume Six, 1936-1941. Eds. Nigel Nicolson and Joanne Trautmann. London: Hogarth Press, 1980. Print.

--. The Waves. New York: Harvest/Harcourt Brace Jovanovich Inc., 1959. Print.

(1) Leonard Woolf Papers, University of Sussex Library, Work Life Section, I/L/6. Where possible, further references to the Leonard Woolf Papers are embedded in the text. My thanks to the University of Sussex and the Society of Authors as the literary representative of the Estate of Leonard Woolf for permission to quote unpublished material in this article.

(2) On 22 February, 1915, Virginia Woolf wrote to Margaret Llewelyn Davies about the excitement of their printing press "I think there's a chance of damaging the Webb influence irretrievably, (which is my life's ambition)" (L2, 59).

(3) Sidney Webb to Leonard Woolf, 9 November 1916, Leonard Woolf Papers, I/L/6.

(4) Sidney Webb to Leonard Woolf, 27 January 1917, Leonard Woolf Papers, 1/L/6.

(5) Oddly, in light of the contributions of two women to the book, the image used on the opening page contrasts the reader of the book as a "a gentleman" who is to question the lessons imparted by his mother "or, more probably, at a kindergarten table under the worried eye of a most ill-informed lady" (Empire and Commerce 3).

(6) According to Julia Briggs the first edition of Night and Day had been published on 20 October 1919 in the UK (52).

(7) Virginia Woolf, when copying from the Reports, uses the spelling "Servia," whereas Leonard Woolf uses the spelling "Serbia." These are alternative transliterations from the Cyrillic script.

(8) Presumably Alix Sargant-Florence had a better command of German than Virginia Woolf as there are no notes in German from the latter in this collection, despite the fact that we know she passed examinations in German in the Kings College Ladies Department (Kenyon Jones & Snaith, 1-44).

(9) For background on the Armenian massacres see Tanner Akcam, A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility (London: Constable and Robinson, 2007); Vahakn N. Dadrian, The History of the Armenian Genocide (Providence: Berghahn Books, 1995); Donald Bloxam, The Great Game of Genocide (Oxford: OUP, 2005); Mark Levene, Genocide in the Age of the Nation State (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1995); Akaby Nassibian, Britain and the Armenian Question 1915-1923 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1984).

(10) Hermione Lee points out that her learning Italian during this period was a "therapeutic" as well as practical task (359).

(11) Virginia Woolf's reading note books are held at the University of Sussex, the Berg Collection of the New York Public Library, and the Beinecke Library at Yale University; Brenda Silver has published a very useful comprehensive record of them, including quotations, although Woolf's notes themselves are as yet unpublished.

(12) [A Writer's Diary] Holograph Notebook. November 16, 1918--January 24, 1919, The Henry W. and Albert A. Berg Collection of English and American Literature, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations.

(13) Holograph reading notes. Vol. 3. "The Novels of Defoe," The Henry W. and Albert A. Berg Collection of English and American Literature, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations. This is from the same notebook, described by Brenda Silver in Virginia Woolf's Reading Notebooks (Princeton: Princeton UP, 1983), p.49.

(14) Suggestion made by Clara Jones. Laura Moss Gottlieb has suggested this division of creative and political pursuits may have inspired resentment, particularly on Leonard's part: "Having given up his strictly literary efforts early in their marriage Leonard may have felt that if his wife was going to be the literary genius, he was entitled to be the sole political commentator" (242).

(15) Leonard and Virginia Woolf Working Together and the Hitherto Unpublished Manuscript 'In'l Re'ns,' ed. and intro. Wayne K. Chapman and Janet M. Manson (London: Cecil Woolf, 1997).

(16) Gina Potts does, however, cite the important work of Chapman and Manson in her essay "Woolf and the War Machine," The Theme of Peace and War in Virginia Woolf's War Writing: Essays on her Political Philosophy, ed. Jane Wood (Lewiston: New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 2010):39-59.

(17) See Kathy Phillips, Virginia Woolf Against Empire and Andrea Lewis, "The Visual Politics of Empire and Gender in Virginia Woolf's The Voyage Out," Woolf Studies Annual 1 (1996): 106-119.

(18) That Virginia Stephen came from a background highly critical of colonialism complicates Susan Hudson Fox's interesting reading of Night and Day in which, she argues, "Woolf heaves overboard her inherited subscription to status quo British imperialism" (260).

(19) A. G. L. Shaw, "Stephen, Sir James (1789-1859)," Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, ed. H. C. G. Matthew and Brian Harrison (Oxford: OUP, 2004); Online edition, ed. Lawrence Goldman, Jan. 2008, 4 Feb. 2013

(20) One of the most interesting is the conversation that took place on 6 January, 1918, which both recorded in their diaries, about the psychological effects of owning capital (a conversation in which Alix Sargant-Florence was a participant). Virginia Woolf records: "L. gave us a great many reasons why we should keep what we have, & do good work for nothing; I still feel, however, that my fire is too large for one person. I'm one of those who are hampered by the psychological hindrance of owning capital. Alix represented some sturdy & hardheaded economy, derived from Strachey's" (D1 100-101). Leonard Woolf's account of the conversation is more abrupt: "Alix and Fredegond to supper. Talked about Tolstoiism. Gerald has given up smoking because it's an indulgence. V. said we ought to give up all our capital. I said it was nonsense" (2/R/1). I noted the significance of this discussion my introduction to the 1979 collection of Woolf's essays Virginia Woolf On Women & Writing (London: The Women's Press, 1979), pp.16-17.

(21) See "Introduction," A Room of One's Own/ Three Guineas ed. Michele Barrett (London: Penguin, 2000).

(22) Library of Virginia and Leonard Woolf, Washington State University, Pullman, http://

(23) Rebecca Beasley, "On Not Knowing Russian: The Translations of Virginia Woolf and S.S. Kotelianskii." Modern Language Review 108 (2013): 1-29.

(24) In the late 1970s, when I was editing Virginia Woolf: Women and Writing, Virginia Woolf's literary estate was controlled by the Hogarth Press and, although Quentin and Olivier Bell were very supportive of the project (as the Society of Authors now supports critical scholarship), there was much discussion about how Woolf's non-fictional ideas were to be presented. D J Enright, representing the press, refused to allow the word "theory" to be attached to Virginia Woolf's perspective on literature.

(25) Both Jane Marcus and Kathy Phillips read Virginia Woolf texts to demonstrate an anti-imperialist political agenda. Jane Marcus's "Britannia Rules The Waves," first published in 1992 and reprinted in Hearts of Darkness (New Brunswick NJ,: Rutgers UP, 2004) was a key influence on these. Kathy Phillips's Virginia Woolf Against Empire (1994) sought to show that Virginia Woolf's critical attitude to imperialism, evident in The Voyage Out, predated her marriage to Leonard Woolf. Subsequent contributions include David Adams, Colonial Odysseys: Empire and Epic in the Modernist Novel (Ithaca: Cornell UP, 2003); Marianne DeKoven, Rich and Strange: Gender, History, Modernism (Princeton: Princeton UP, 1991) and June Harwood, "Bloomsbury and the Literature of Empire: Virginia Woolf and Her Voyage Out," Virginia Woolf Bulletin 17 (September 2004): 27-34 on The Voyage Out; Adam Barrows, "'The Shortcomings of Timetables': Greenwich, Modernism, and the Limits of Modernity," Modern Fiction Studies 56.2 (Summer 2010): 262-289; Scott Cohen, "The Empire from the Street: Virginia Woolf, Wembley, and Imperial Monuments," Modern Fiction Studies 50.1 (Spring 2004): 85-110; and Nicholas Crawford, "Orientalizing Elizabeth: Empire and Deviancy in Mrs Dalloway," Virginia Woolf Miscellany 70 (Fall 2006): 20 on Mrs Dalloway; Sara Gerend, "Ghosts of Empire in Virginia Woolf's To The Lighthouse and Elizabeth Bowen's The Last September," Virginia Woolf: Art, Education and Internationalism, eds., Diana Royer and Madelyn Detloff, (Clemson: Clemson UP 1997): 51-56, and Jeanette McVicker "Vast Nests of Chinese Boxes, or getting from Q to R: Critiquing Empire in 'Kew Gardens' and To the Lighthouse," Virginia Woolf Miscellanies. Proceedings of the First Annual Conference on Virginia Woolf, eds. Mark Hussey and Vara Neverow-Turk (New York: Pace UP, 1992): 40-42; Urmila Seshagiri, "Orienting Virginia Woolf: Race, Aesthetics, and Politics in To the Lighthouse," Modern Fiction Studies 50.1 (Spring 2004): 58-85 and James F. Wurtz, "I have had my vision:" Empire and the Aesthetic in Woolf's To the Lighthouse" Woolf Studies Annual 16 (2010): 95-110 on To The Lighthouse; Laura Doyle, "Sublime Barbarians in the Narrative of Empire: or, Longinus at Sea in The Waves," Modern Fiction Studies 42.2 (Summer: 1996): 323-47; and Christie Purifoy, "Melancholic Patriotism and The Waves," Twentieth Century Literature 56. 1 (Spring 2010): 25-46 on The Waves; and Ann E Harris, "Scraps and Fragments of Empire: The Pageant as Metaphor in Woolf and Walcott," Virginia Woolf: Texts and Contexts, eds., Beth Rigel Daugherty and Eileen Barrett (New York: Pace UP, 1996): 210-215 on Between the Acts.

(26) See Elleke Boehmer "Immeasurable Strangeness in Imperial Times: Leonard Woolf and W. B. Yeats," in Modernism and Empire, eds. Howard J. Booth and Nigel Rigby (Manchester: Manchester U P, 2000); Lilamani Chandra De Silva, "'Imperialist discourse': Critical Limits of Liberalism in Selected Texts of Leonard Woolf and E. M. Forster," Diss. University of North Texas, 1991; Yasmine Gooneratne "Leonard Woolf in Ceylon," Journal of Commonwealth Literature 39.3 (September 2004): 1-3.

(27) Carr, Helen. "Virginia Woolf, Empire and Race." The Cambridge Companion to Virginia Woolf, 2nd ed. ed., Susan Sellers (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2010): 197-213; Anna Snaith, "The Exhibition is in Ruins": Virginia Woolf and Empire (Southport: Virginia Woolf Society of Great Britain, 2005).

My thanks to the University of Sussex and the Society of Authors as the literary representative of the Estate of Leonard Woolf for permission to quote unpublished material in this article. I am grateful to The Henry W. and Albert A. Berg Collection of English and American Literature, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations for permission to quote unpublished material by Virginia Woolf. Thanks also to Nadia Atia and Clara Jones for research and editorial assistance, to Gilly Furse for technical assistance and arrangements for a trip to Pullman WA (home of the Woolfs' library). Thanks to Ellen Ross and Dick Glendon for putting me up during my visit to Woolf's reading notebooks at the Berg Collection in New York. I am grateful to Fiona Courage for giving permission from Sussex, and to Rose Lock at the Sussex University Library Special Collections for her unfailing helpfulness. Thanks also to Brenda Silver. This paper developed from research originally undertaken to speak on Virginia Woolf's "Thoughts on Peace in an Air Raid" at a conference on "Shock and Awe: A Hundred Years of Aerial Bombardment," held in London in 2011 and I am grateful to Paul Gilroy and Les Back for that initial invitation.
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Author:Barrett, Michele
Publication:Woolf Studies Annual
Article Type:Essay
Geographic Code:4EUUK
Date:Jan 1, 2013
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