Two Latin excerpts (Sacramentarium Gregorianum, and Isidore, Sententiae) with Old English translation.
The last article in Ker's description of the codex is the Old English poem Instructions Christians.(4) It is concluded on fo. [227.sup.v] at the end of line 13 with the invocation
Gefylste us Filius Dei, thaet we to tham earde becumon moton. Amen.
There follow, without a break, two Latin-Old English sentences written by the scribe of the preceding items:(5)
[a] Diesque nostros in tua pace disponas, atque ab eterna dampnatione nos eripi et in electorum tuorum iubeas grege numerari. And ure dagas on thinre sibbe thu gefadige, and fram thaere ecan genudherunga us beon generede and on thinre gecorenra eowode thu gehate us beon getealde. Sy hit swa.
[b] Deus autem non dimittit electos suos ire in perfectionem desideriorum eorum, sed in dolore[m] mentem eorum conuertit per id quod nequiter in secul[o] appetunt, ut hac experientia resipiscant reuerti ad dominum. God aelmihtig sodhlice ne laet his gecorenan on yfelre fremminge gefaren, ac he gewent heora mod on sarignysse forthan dhe hi thaet yfel on weorulda gesecen, thaet hi mid thaes yfelan undergytenysse magon beon ongeanwende to drihtne [dagger]-gehworfene.(6)
Excerpt (a) starts at the beginning of line 14, with a slightly enlarged and shaded d of the same degree of prominence as the openings of new verse-paragraphs in the Instructions. The copyist, evidently, did not realize that these two Latin-Old English sentences were not part of the poem. From the layout it must be inferred that the excerpts followed the Instructions in the scribe's exemplar. At an earlier stage of transmission, this material may simply have been entered to fill the space remaining blank after the text of the poem. But, more probably, the positioning of these notes after the Instructions was not only due to codicological circumstances. Both sentences are concerned with the mystery of predestination and man's hope for salvation, a subject which is repeatedly touched upon in the alliterative poem.(7) The first quotation shows close textual and possible syntactic coherence with the concluding invocation of the Instructions.(8) Arguably, a reader of the Old English poem was moved to enter the two excerpts on account of their topical relevance.(9)
Sentence (a) is a quotation from the Canon of the Roman Mass. It constitutes the second part of the consecratory prayer
Hanc igitur oblationem seruitutis nostrae sed et cunctae familiae tuae, quesumus, domine, ut placatus accipias diesque nostros . . . [etc.].(10)
Biographical and hagiographic sources relate that the petition diesque . . . numerari was added to the Canon by Gregory the Great. Because of the deep veneration in which the saint was held in Anglo-Saxon England on account of his role in the conversion of the English,(11) this prayer may have occupied a special place in the hearts and minds of the faithful. Primary evidence for the attribution to Pope Gregory is furnished by the Liber Pontificalis, the collection of early Papal biographies:
Hic augmentavit in praedicationem canonis: 'diesque nostros in tua pace dispone' et cetera.(12)
This precis was taken up in subsequent hagiographic and historical writings, so in John the Deacon's Vita Gregorii Magni (ninth-century),(13) or in the lesson read on the day commemorating the saint in the traditional Roman Breviary.(14) From the Annals of Rouen, the note even found its way into the Peterborough Chronicle.(15) But the most prominent writer to avail himself of this biographical information was the Venerable Bede. In his description of St Gregory's life (Historia Ecclesiastica, II.i) he notes:
sed et in ipsa missarum celebratione tria uerba maximae perfectionis plena superadiecit: 'Diesque nostros in tua pace disponas, atque ab aeterna damnatione nos eripi et in electorum tuorum iubeas grege numerari.'(16)
The authority for this account is certainly the Liber Pontificalis, but Bede's quotation of the formula in full must be derived from the ('Gelasian') Sacramentary.(17)
To sum up, the source of sentence (a) could be either the Canon of the Mass or the Historia Ecclesiastica.(18) The former seems more likely since the compiler or a reader of a devotional collection as partly reflected in the present copy - be it monk, nun, or cleric - would surely have been familiar with the wording of the Roman Mass.(19)
The second excerpt is fully equivalent to a section of Isidore's influential manual on Christian doctrine and practice, the Sententiae. The passage occurs in the second book, chiefly a treatise on the virtues and vices, in chapter xli: 'De cupiditate'. The elect of the sentence in question are contrasted with the reprobate, who live out their evil desires:
Saepe iniqui mala quae concupiscunt assequuntur, quatenus de affectu malt desiderii fortius puniantur. Electos autem suos Deus non dimittit ire . . . [etc.](20)
Isidore's compendium has been shown to be heavily indebted to other Christian writers, especially Augustine and Gregory, but a systematic and comprehensive enquiry into its sources has apparently not been published to date.(21) A search through the CETEDOC microfiche concordances(22) as well as through the CLCLT CD-ROM(23) reveals that the extract in question was not drawn from either of these Doctors of the Church nor from any other of the patristic texts accessible via the database. The closest parallel to the Isidore passage - subtly different in doctrine, however - occurs in Gregory's Expositiones in Primum Librum Regum:
electorum est peccare et resipiscere, culpas perpetrare et perpetratas confitendo detegere.(24)
Yet it is extremely unlikely that this unfinished commentary (1 Samuel 1-16:13), whose editing had devolved on the Pope's amanuensis, Claudius of Ravenna, and whose dissemination seems to have been very meagre,(25) was known to the archbishop of Seville who, much to his chagrin,(26) did not have access to the entire canon of Gregory's writings.(27)
In the present state of knowledge on Isidore's sources there is no alternative to specifying excerpt (b) as being derived from the Sententiae. That the book was available in Anglo-Saxon England is ensured by the surviving witnesses: Worcester Cathedral Library MS Add. 5 (s. [VIII.sup.2]), Lambeth Palace MS 377 (Tours s. IX, in England by s. X med.), and Salisbury Cathedral Library MS 7 (s. XI ex.).(28) Moreover, one copy of the Sententiae is mentioned - by their incipit title De summo bono - in a late Anglo-Saxon booklist,(29) at least a dozen being recorded in twelfth-century catalogues.(30)
The language of the Old English version attests to the remarkable conservatism which the scribe manifests throughout.(31) Spelling conforms to that of the late West-Saxon standard, with only a sprinkling of features associated with the transitional period: <u> for <y> in genudherunga; graphic reflexes of levelling in unstressed syllables: thinre (: tuorum) instead of thinra, resulting in syntactic ambivalence in the noun phrase, gefaren (infin.), and worulda (dat. sg.). Phonology and morphology have a decidedly Southern look.(32) As regards lexis, the verbal abstract undergytenysse - in spite of its status as hapax legomenon - may be mentioned in this connection since its derivational basis undergytan occurs (with one single exception)(33) only in late West-Saxon texts where it is especially frequent among writers of the Winchester group.(34)
The translation is neither as free as necessary nor as literal as possible. Formal correspondence in the accusative and infinitive construction with passive infinitive (a) must be due to the model of the Latin,(35) and the same arguably holds true for the use of the passive voice in the rendering of the deponent reuerti (to be discussed below). Whereas the Old English version of the liturgical prayer is characterized by strict lexical equivalence (and, as far as possible, adherence to the Latin hyperbaton with its neatly balanced word order), some renderings occur in (b) which lack precision: in perfectionem desideriorum eorum : on yfelre fremminge; nequiter : thaet yfel; hac experientia : mid thaes yfelan undergytenysse which means 'realization, knowledge' rather than 'trial, experience' (OE fandung).
The concluding Sy hit swa (a) has no equivalent in the Latin source and could be an addition by the translator or, perhaps, by a copyist. The formula occurs in Old English texts as a rendering of sentential Amen ('Fiat', 'So be it'),(36) for instance, in King Alfred's Soliloquies,(37) in the interlinear version of the Expositio Hymnorum,(38) or in AElfric's issue of the Lord's Prayer, the Apostles' Creed and the Nicene Creed.(39) Loss of Amen in the transmission of the Latin portion of excerpt (a) cannot be ruled out. In eleventh- and twelfth-century sacramentaries the prayer formulae of the Canon are increasingly set off against each other by the insertion of Amen (a usage which becomes prevalent in the thirteenth century).(40)
Two cases of presumptive textual deterioration remain to be discussed. Fremninge (MS freninge) seems to be a scribal error for fremminge: no instance of an Old or Middle English verbal derivative from *fram- with n-suffix (type nemnan/nemnian) has been reported so far.(41)
The second case, the last verb phrase in (b), defies an unequivocal editorial solution and has been marked above as a crux: ut . . . resipiscant reuerti ad dominum: thaet hi . . . magon beon ongeanwende to drihtne gehworfene. To start with the source text, resipiscere in Classical Latin means 'to regain consciousness', 'to recover one's reason'.(42) Patristic and medieval Christian writers employ it in the senses 'to repent' (intrans.), 'change one's ways, turn about', 'to recover from, turn away from' (a, de); seldom: 'turn back to' (ad, in).(43) The verb is very rarely construed with dependent infinitive.(44) Blaise quotes one example from Tertullian (resipuit ad patrem reuerti) and goes out of his way to translate it ('faisant un retour sur luimeme, il decida de . . .').(45) Following that example, the passage under discussion may be paraphrased: 'so that with this experience they turn about and decide to come back to the Lord'.(46)
The intransitive use of the phrasal verb ongean(ge)wendan, with postposition of the adverb in finite forms, is insufficiently documented in the dictionaries and in the pertinent lexical study.(47) It occurs in Old English either without further specification or with a prepositional to phrase:(48) (1.) 'to return' AElfric: Catholic Homilies, first series (ed. Thorpe), I, 400/21-2, 564/34, second series (ed. Godden), ii. 12, Passion of St Maurice (ed. Skeat), 155,(49) De Temporibus Anni (ed. Henel), 4. 47 (eft ongean);(50) anonymous texts: De Vitis Patrum (ed. Assmann), 81-2,(51) West-Saxon Gospels (ed. Liuzza), Lk. 23:48 (: reuerti),(52) Expositio Hymnorum (ed. Gneuss), 4. 6 (: reuerti), interlinear version of the Regularis Concordia (ed. Kornexl), 753 (: reuerti);(53) 'to turn (around)' (: conuerti) Gospels (ed. Liuzza), Matth. 7:6. - (2.) 'to return to, go back to' Catholic Homilies, first series (ed. Thorpe), I, 88/16, second series (ed. Godden), xl. 171-2; Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (ed. Plummer), EF 1048. 33-4, CDE 1052. 15 (E: eft ongean, reflexive), E 1052 16 (eft ongean), Regularis Concordia (ed. Kornexl), 789 (: reuerti); 'to revert to, relapse into' (: reuolui) Liber Scintillarum (ed. Rhodes), 17/5-6.(54)
As the basic meaning of ongean (ge)wendan is 'to return', it would appear that the phrasal verb is not an equivalent of resipiscere, but of reuerti. (This entails assuming that the translator - just as the present writer - had difficulties with resipiscant and confined himself to extracting the grammatical meaning hi magon). Such an assumption is substantiated by the fact that the passive is used (beon ongeanwende), a form which can best be explained as modelled on reuerti (middle voice).(55) If this is the correct assessment, it would follow that reuerti in the present text was rendered by a repetitive word-pair, ongeanwendan and (ge)hweorfan, unless gehworfene were an addition by a copyist who missed a counterpart of reuerti in his exemplar. Consequently, possible conjectural emendations would be thaet hi . . . magon beon ongeanwende [and] to drihtne gehworfene or else: Magon beon ongeanwende to drihtne, with editorial subtraction of gehworfene. On the other hand, it cannot be ruled out that hi . . . magon beon ongeanwende, in spite of the grammatical(56) and semantic(57) difficulties, does render resipiscant 'they turn around'. In order to arrive at an acceptable syntax one would have to emend to thaet hi . . . magon beon ongeanwende to drihtne [beon] gehworfene. On the strength of the passive infinitives beon generede and beon getealde in (a), such a conjecture seems defensible. Compare, for example, hu he . . . waes gemedomad on rode beon ahangen 'how He stooped to being hung on the cross' in the Old English Capitula Theodulfi; the passage occurs in an expansion of the Latin Capitula, a visualization of the passion of the Lord presumably based upon a Latin model (dignatus est crucifigi).(58) The editorial result may be felt to be stylistically exceptionable, but this would be beside the point. The aim of examinatio in textual criticism, after all, is to improve on the copy, not on the author or translator.
1 Described by N. R. Ker, Catalogue of Manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon (Oxford, 1957), no. 18 ('s. [XII.sup.2]'). See further J. C. Pope (ed.), Homilies of AElfrice. A Supplementary Collection, EETS, 259-60 (London, 1967-8). I, 35-9; M. Godden (ed.), AElfric's Catholic Homilies. The Second Series, EETS, s.s. 5 (1979), xliii-xlv; W. Schipper, A Composite Old English Homiliary from Ely: Cambr. Univ. Libr. MS Ii. 1,33', Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society, viii, 3 (1983), 285-98; idem, 'Orthography and Dialect in Cambridge University Library MS, Ii, 1.33'. Studies in Medieval English Language and Literature, i (Tokyo, 1986), 53-65; A. Nicholls, 'The Corpus of Prose Saints' Lives and Hagiographic Pieces in Old English and its Manuscript Distribution', Reading Medieval Studies, xix (1993), 73-96, xx (1994), 51-87, at 54-5.
2 See Schipper, 'Homiliary', 291-2.
3 See especially Schipper, 'Homiliary'
4 Catalogue, no. 18 art. 44.
5 Ker, loc. cit., failed to take this additional matter as a separate item. Facsimile of [224.sup.v]-[227.sup.v] in F. C. Robinson and E. G. Stanley, Old English Verse Texts from Many Sources. A Comprehensive Collection, EEMF, 23 (Copenhagen, 1991), no. 35.7. The text was published by J. L. Rosier, "Instructions for Christians". A Poem in Old English'. Anglia, lxxxii (1964), 4-22, at the end of his 'Notes to Text' (22). It bears the short title 'Lit 4.11' in A Microfiche Concordance to Old English. The List of Texts and Index of Editions, comp. A. diP. Healey and R. L. Venezky (Toronto, 1980), 127. Rosier's edition contains two misprints in the Old English sections (gecorena, fordhan) and more sense-distorting errors in the Latin of (b): imperfectionem, dolore, quertit, nequitur, seculum.
6 In the present edition, abbreviations have been expanded silently: editorial substitution is indicated by italics (MS freninge), editorial addition by square brackets (MS dolore, scl).
7 Lines 17-18, 21-7, 55-62, 166-72, 196-9, 214-20, 247-55, 263-4.
8 Unlike Rosier, who put a comma between Gefylste us and filius dei, I would take the clause as: 'May the Son of God help us . .'.
9 For this view I am indebted to Robinson and Stanley, Old English Verse Texts, 27b.
10 Ed. L. Eizenhofer, Canon Missae Romanae, I. Traditio textus, II. Textus propinqui, Rerum eccl. documenta, ser. min. 1 and 7 (Rome, 1954 and 1966), art. V (I, 30-1 and II, 110-17).
11 For evidence of St Gregory's popularity see B. Colgrave and R. A. B. Mynors (eds), Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People (Oxford, 1969), 122-3 n. 1, and the references quoted, to which the tribute of affection paid by the Old English martyrologist may be added: He is ure altor ond we syndan his alumni, dhaet is dhaet he is ure festerfaeder on Criste ond we syndon his festerbearn on fullwihte (Das altenglische Martyrologium, ed. G. Kotzor, Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, phil.-hist. Kl., N.F. 88 (Munich, 1981), 32/3-6).
12 T. Mommsen (ed.), Libri Pontificalis pars prior, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Gestorum Pontificorum Romanorum vol. I (Berlin, 1898), 161 / 12- 13. As to the correctness of this attribution see above all V. L. Kennedy, 'The Pre-Gregorian "Hanc igitur"', Ephemerides Liturgicae, I (1936), 349-58.
13 PL 75, 94 A.
14 Breviarium Romanum, ex Decreto SS. Concilii Tridentini restitutum, Proprium Sanctorum, die 12. Martii, lectio VI. (edn used: Regensburg, 1929).
15 Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, ed. C. Plummer (Oxford, 1892-9), I, 21, s.a. 591: Her Ceolric ricsade vi. gear. Gregorius papa hic augmentauit in predicatione canonem: Diesque nostros in tua pace disponas. As to the Latin entries drawn from Annals of Rouen (Annales Rotomagenses), there seems to be nothing more recent than Plummer II, xlv-lii ([sections] 43, 44, 49), and D. Whitelock, The Peterborough Chronicle, EEMF, 4 (Copenhagen, 1954), 27b-28a.
16 Bede's Eccl. Hist., ed. Colgrave and Mynors, 130/32-5.
17 This point is made, rectifying Colgrave's misleading comment (ed. cit., 130 n. 4), by D.A. Bullough, 'Roman books and Carolingian renovatio', [reissue in] Carolingian renewal: sources and heritage (Manchester, 1991), 1-33, at 22 n. 7. On the type of sacramentary current in Bede's Northumbria see Bullough, op. cit., 168 with n. 27 (211-12), and Kotzor (ed.), Martyrologium, [258.sup.*]-[63.sup.*].
18 The sentence does not appear in the Old English version where chapter II.i was considerably abridged by the translator. On textual condensation see D. Whitelock, 'The Old English Bede', 1962 Gollancz Lecture, reprinted in E. G. Stanley (ed.), British Academy Papers on Anglo-Saxon England (Oxford, 1990), 227-60, at 231-6 and 242.
19 For a census of relevant manuscripts see H. Gneuss, 'Liturgical books in Anglo-Saxon England and their Old English terminology', Learning and literature in Anglo-Saxon England. Studies presented to Peter Clemoes, ed. M. Lapidge and H. Gneuss (Cambridge, 1985), 91-141, at 101-2 (sacramentaries).
20 PL 83, 646 A/B, as well as Los tres libros de las 'Sentencias', de San Isidoro. Version, introduccion y notas de I. Roca Melia, Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 391 (Madrid, 1971), 213-525 (Latin text based on the same source (Arevalo) as Migne's reissue), at 386.
21 See above all J. Fontaine in Lexikon des Mittelalters (Munich and Zurich, 1977-), art. 'Isidor v. Sevilla', II.3 (with bibliography). Cf. also Roca's introduction: Sentencias, 218-22; finally, H. J. Frede, Kirchenschriftsteller. Verzeichnis und Sigel, Vetus Latina, 1/1, 4th edn (Freiburg, 1995), 578.
22 Thesaurus Patrum Lartinorum: Thesaurus Sancti Gregorii Magni and Thesaurus Augustinianus, Corpus Christianorum (Turnhout, 1986 and 1989).
23 Cetedoc Library of Christian Latin Texts, 2nd edn (Turnhout, 1994). Scope and potential of this research tool are outlined by D. Beguin, 'Le CLCLT de Brepols: La litterature latine patristique et medievale interrogeable sur CD-Rom', Revue d'histoire des textes, xxiv (1994), 485-93.
24 Sancti Gregorii Magni Expositiones . . . in Librum Primum Regum, ed. P. Verbraken, Corpus Christianorum, ser. lat. 144 (Turnhout, 1963), V, 3840-1.
25 Only one complete medieval witness (s. XII ex.) has come down, discovered by Vebraken; see his edn, vii-xi. Cf. further A. de Vogue (ed.), Gregoire le Grand: Commentaire sur le premier livre des Rois, I, Sources chretiennes, 351 (Paris, 1989), 18-61 and 466-8; Frede, Kirchenschriftsteller, 504.
26 In his outline of Gregory's chief writings Isidore avows his ignorance of the Pope's homilies on the Gospels, giving vent to his feelings: Felix tamen, et nimium felix, qui omnia studiorum ejus potuit cognoscere (De viris illustribus liber; PL 83, 1103 A).
27 Cf. L. Robles, 'Isidoro de Sevilla y la cultura eclesiastica de la Espana visigotica. Notas para un estudio del libro de las "Sentencias"', Archivos Leoneses, xxiv (1970), 13-185, at 26-30; see also de Vogue (ed.), Gregoire: Commentaire, 120 and n. 80.
28 H. Gneuss, 'A preliminary list of manuscripts written or owned in England up to 1100', Anglo-Saxon England, ix (1981), 1-60, nos 773 (frgm.), 515, 698. On manuscripts containing Sententiae II.vi a n d xvii-xxi appended to Liber Scintillarum see Ker, Catalogue, no. 256 art. 2. First steps towards a comprehensive inventory, preparatory to the projected edition for Corpus Christianorum, are attempted by Robles, 'Sentencias', 80-153.
29 Presumably from Peterborough (s. XI/XII); M. Lapidge (ed.), 'Surviving Booklists from Anglo-Saxon England', [revised version] in M. P. Richards (ed.), Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts, Basic Readings in Anglo-Saxon England, 2 (London/New York, 1994), 87-167, at 151 (XIII. 48).
30 Five at Durham (catalogue s. XII med.), two at Bury St Edmunds (s. XII ex.), one each at Reading (c. 1192), Reading-Leominster (c. 1192), Rievaulx (c. 1190-1200), Rochester (1202), and Whitby (s. XII ex.). For Durham: G. Becker (ed.), Catalogi Bibliothecarum Antiqui (Bonn, 1885), 117.84, 85, 502, 527, 542; for Rievaulx Abbey: D. N. Bell (ed.), The Libraries of the Cistercians, Gilbertines and Premonstratensians, Corpus of British Medieval Library Catalogues, 3 (London, 1992), Z19. 79i; for the remainder: R. Sharpe et al. (eds), English Benedictine Libraries. The Shorter Catalogues, CBMLC, 4 (1996), B13.197 and 198a, B71.58a, B75.25, B79.81b, B109.3.
31 The best account of the language of CUL MS Ii. 1.33, in my view, is that of Pope (Homilies I, 38-9). Schipper's 'Orthography' (quoted above n. 1) proves quite heterodox in its classification of linguistic data.
32 In this, the text appears to differ from the two preceding articles, AElfric's adaptation of Bede's Visio Dryhthelmi (43) and Instructions for Christians (44): both items show non-West-Saxon features (West Midlands?), in contrast to the other texts (disregarding art. 1).
33 The Old English Orosius, ed. J. Bately, EETS, s.s. 6 (1980), 62/17, against very frequent ongitan.
34 See S. Ono, 'Undergytan as a "Winchester" word', Linguistics across Historical and Geographical Boundaries, in Honour of Jacek Fisiak, ed. D. Kastovsky and A. Szwedek, Trends in Linguistics, 32 (Berlin, 1986), 569-77, and W. Hofstetter, 'Winchester and the standardization of Old English vocabulary', Anglo-Saxon England, xvii (1988), 139-61, at 143.
35 See especially B. Mitchell. Old English Syntax (Oxford, 1985), [section]3753 (with ample references).
36 Cataphoric, adverbial Amen in the Gospels (Amen dico vobis/tibi) is usually translated by sodh, sodhlice or witodlice.
37 W. Endter (ed,), Konig Alfreds des Grossen Bearbeitung der Soliloquien des Augustinus, Bibl. d. ags. Pr., 11 (Hamburg, 1922), 14/7.
38 H. Gneuss (ed.), Hymnar und Hymnen im englischen Mittelalter, Buchreihe der Anglia, 12 (Tubingen, 1968), 1.3, 2.8, 3.9, etc.
39 B. Thorpe (ed.), The Homilies of AEIfric (London, 1844-6), II, 596/10, 23, 598/14.
40 See especially E. Salmon, 'Les Amen du canon de la messe', Ephemerides Liturgicae, xlii (1928), 496-506.
41 On the other hand, framning 'performance' is current in Old Icelandic devotional literature, cf. R. Cleasby and G. Vigfusson, An Icelandic-English Dictionary (2nd edn, with a supplement by W. A. Craigie; Oxford, 1957), s.v.; Supplement, s.v. It would be a major philological exercise to show true or false the hypothesis that OE fremni(an), in fact, exists, but has been misread as fremm(an) by the editors.
42 Oxford Latin Dictionary (Oxford, 1968-82) s.v. resipisco.
43 Lexical equivalents based on A. Blaise, Dictionnaire latin-francais des auteurs chretiens (Turnhout, 1954), s.v. resipisco, buttressed by scrolling through the CLCLT CD-ROM (about 400 occurrences).
44 CLCLT yielded four instances, two of them in Isidore's Sententiae (PL 83, 731 B: resipiscant . . . retorquere, in a comparable context).
45 Dictionnaire, s.v. Neither Augustine nor Gregory uses resipiscere with dependent infinitive.
46 Roca, Sentencias, 386, translates: 'a fin de que con esta prueba vuelvan en si ["they come to their senses"] para convertirse a Dios'.
47 B. Weman, Old English Semantic Analysis and Theory, with Special Reference to Verbs Denoting Locomotion, Lurid Studies in English, 1 (Lund, 1933), 137-46.
48 Compilation based on the Microfiche Concordance.
49 W. W. Skeat (ed.), AEIfric's Lives of Saints, EETS, o.s. 94 (1890), no. xxviii.
50 H. Henel (ed.), Aelfric's De Temporibus Anni, EETS, o.s. 213 (1942).
51 B. Assmann (ed.), Angelsachsische Homilien und Heiligenleben, Bibl. d. ags. Pr., 3 (Kassel, 1889), no. xviii.
52 R. M. Liuzza (ed.), The Old English Version of the Gospels, EETS, o.s. 304 (1994).
53 L. Kornexl (ed.), Die 'Regularis Concordia' und ihre altenglische Interlinearversion, Texte und Untersuchungen zur Englischen Philologie, 17 (Munich, 1993).
54 E. W. Rhodes (ed.), Defensor's Liber Scintillarum, EETS, o.s. 93 (1889).
55 Ongean(ge)wendan is used in the passive to translate Latin verbs in the middle voice, twice the semi-deponent reuerti (Gospels ed. Liuzza, Lk. 23:48, and Expostrio Hymnorum ed. Gneuss, 4.6), once reuolui 'to relapse' (Liber Scintillarum ed. Rhodes, 17/5-6) and conuerti 'to turn around' (Matth. 7:6). On the passive forms for (semi-)deponent verbs see especially M. Kilpio, Passive Constructions in Old English Translations from Latin, Memoires de la Societe Neophilologique de Helsinki 49 (Helsinki, 1989), 178-80.
56 But see Kilpio, op. cit., who mentions Latin verbs with the inchoative suffix -sco to be occasionally rendered by passive constructions (176-7). However, the material is scanty and defies a uniform explanation.
57 But compare Gospels (ed. Liuzza), Matth. 7:6 ongean gewende: conuersi (past part.), 'turning around (they tear you to pieces)'.
58 H. Sauer (ed.), Theodulfi Capitula in England, Texte und Untersuchungen zur Englischen Philologie, 8 (Munich, 1978), A 21.63: see introduction, 162 and 169-71.
ROLAND TORKAR Munich
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