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Two Biographies of Sakyasribhadra, The Eulogy of Khro phu Lo-tsa-ba and its "Commentary" by bSod-nams-dpal-bzang-po: Texts and Variants from Two Rare Exemplars Preserved in the Bihar Research Society, Patna.


In the handsome booklet under review, David P. Jackson's versatile and prolific pen has offered us yet another treat, this time with a fine study and editions of the Tibetan texts of two biographies of the great twelfth-and early thirteenth-century Kashmirian scholar Sakyasribhadra or, more simply, Sakyasri. The first is the versified biography-cum-eulogy in thirty-eight verses by Khro phu Lo tsa ba Byams pa[i] dpal (1172-1236), entitled Pan chen shakya shri'i rnam thar [bsdus pa], or, alternatively, Dpal chos kyi rje sa'i steng na 'gran zla dang bral ba'i bsod snyoms pa chen po / pandi ta chen po shakya shri'i rnam thar bsdus pa, hereafter abbreviated as KHRO, whereas the second is Bsod nams dpal bzang po's Sa'i steng na 'gran zla dang bral ba kha che pandi ta shakya shri bhadra'i rnam thar, hereafter abbreviated as BSOD. These fairly colorless and rather sober tides stem from both a "short-page" xylograph in eight plus sixty-five folios in five lines per folio (pp. 8-9) - hereafter x - and a "long-page" handwritten manuscript in cursive dbu med in twenty-three folios with eight lines per folio - hereafter M (p.19) - which Jackson recovered from the substantial holdings of the library of the Bihar Research Library, Patna, for which he has compiled a superb catalogue.(1) Text BSOD-X, catalogued by him under nos. 1511-1 and 1511-2, is based at least in part on the blocks that were prepared in Grwa phyi Tshong 'dus tshogs pa in Lho kha, with the financial support of a certain Sde pa Dpal Idan (p. 37, line 5), not "Dpal 'dzin" as on pp. 8, 88, an indication we only find at the end of Khro phu Lo tsa ba's work on fol. 8a(2) A copy of these blocks is apparently also to be found in the G. Tucci collection in Rome, to which it is still quite difficult to obtain access; a translation of it was published by Tucci in 1949.(3) Jackson suggests that it may date from "the 17th century or later." Text BSOD-M was catalogued by him under nos. 981-1 and 982-2; it is but slightly incomplete, with fols. 5 and 22-23 missing, and it omits the tide given to Bsod nams dpal bzang po's text in BSOD-X. All the texts reproduced here were painstakingly and laboriously copied out by him by hand while working in the library of the Bihar Research Society in Patna.

Jackson begins his book with brief descriptions of the importance of the subject of these biographies for Tibet's cultural and intellectual history, and provides some basic particulars about their authors (pp. 1-6). Although Khro phu Lo tsa ba is fairly well known, only a few aspects of his life have been discussed - by such writers as 'Gos Lo tsa ba Gzhon nu dpal (1392-1481) and Dpa' bo Gtsug lag phreng ba (1504-66).(4) A rather crucial source for his life and scholarly activities is a very large collection of his writings and translations in one volume, which the tide page calls the Ma byon pa'i sangs rgyas kha che'i pandi ta chen po shakya shri dang / sin gha gling gi / dgra bcom pa'i lo rgyus, hereafter abbreviated as KHRO1, which I located in the Tibetan library of the C.P.N. under catalogue no. 002454. It consists of 279 folios, with seven lines per folio, excluding the interlinear notes. It has the marginal notation "KHA" and the upper center of the title page bears the notadon 'bras spungs nang 139 which indicates that it may have been part of the Dga' ldan pho brang library of 'Bras spungs monastery and that it was intended for "internal (nang) circulation" only. However, the title that appears on the title page is but the title of the first text in KHRO1 fols. 1b-4b, which is a record (lo rgyus) of a meeting between Buddhacandra, Sakyasri's brother, and a Singhalese arhat who gave the former a number of precious items, including relics of the Buddha and flowers. A tradition current among the followers of Sakyasri and the 'Bri khung/gung pa holds that Buddhacandra had given these to Sakyasri in 1201 and that the Singhalese arhat had stipulated that some ought to be given to 'Bri khung pa Rin chen dpal (1143-1217), alias 'Jig rten mgon po, whom he (and Tara and a small brook, as we shall see below) held to be a second Nagarjuna.(5) It remains something of a mystery why, according to the vast majority of sources, Sakyasri apparently never succeeded in meeting 'Jig rten mgon po directly, in spite of the several attempts the latter had made to this effect. Ultimately, some of these relics and flowers were deposited within the grand statue of Maitreya which Sakyasri consecrated at Khro phu monastery from 7 to 13 March 1212.(6) It is this work that is cited in part by Bsod nams dpal bzang po and almost in full by Dpa' bo, albeit via yet to be determined [intermediaries.(7) The colophon on fol. 279a of this sizable cluster of texts appears to entitle KHRO1 as Byang chub sems dpa' rnams kyi yongs su bsngo ba'i man ngag : rin po che'i za ma tog. The compendium itself most likely postdates Khro phu Lo tsa ba by maybe as much as one generation. For example, the colophon of one of its texts, the Man dal rgyas par dbul ba'i man ngag,(8) elicits the following line of transmission: Sakyasri - Khro phu Lo tsa ba - Bla ma Bsod [nams] dbang [phyug] the was Khro phu Lo tsa ba's nephew and his successor to the abbatial throne of Khro phu monastery) - Mkhan chen Bde bar gshegs pa.


Basic to Khro phu Lo tsa ba's life is a work that, although untitled in KHRO1, both manuscripts of the * Khro phu Lo tsa ba man ngag brgya rtsa rgyas pa entitle Chos rje khro los pan grub gdan drangs pa'i rnam thar bsdus pa. Owing to its importance, it is reproduced below in the appendix. The year of Khro phu Lo tsa ba's death is sometimes given as 1225,(9) but this is incorrect. The colophon to the Sil snyan bdun pa'i lo rgyus, a text contained in KHRO1, and with different tides in BRGYA and BRGYA1, and otherwise also known as the Sil snyan bdun pa'i tshig lhug, states quite plainly that he translated it in 1228.(10) Aside from the numerous treatises in KHRO1, BRGYA and BRGYA1 that have quasi-autobiographical and biographical content, the same library also contains a slightly damaged, seventy-eight folio blockprint of the much more fundamental Pan grub gsum gyi rnam thar dpag bsam 'khril shing, under C.P.N. catalogue no. 002853(2) It is more or less identical to a handwritten, slightly incomplete ninety-folio dba med manuscript of this text under C.P.N. catalogue no. 002786(4), the title page of which gives as its title, Khro lo chen pos mdzad pa'i dpag bsam 'khri shing.(11) This suggests that it is an autobiography, which, in fact, is substantiated by the first colophon, wherein is mentioned that it was written at the behest of a certain Bzad rings. It deals with the events of his life up to the age of sixty-three, one year before his death. However, the latter text (and probably also the blockprint) includes an afterword which gives some details about Khro phu Lo tsa ba's last years and the exact date of his passing. The second colophon states that it was compiled by a Bsod nams rgyal ba in the course of a convocation held shortly after his [passing..sup.12] Structured around his apprenticeships with Mitrayogin, Buddhasri and Sakyasri, and therefore either the basis for the Chos rje khro los pan grub gdan drangs pa'i rnam thar bsdus pa, or, perhaps less likely, an expanded version of the latter, it provides many hitherto unknown details of his life, including the fact that he passed away towards the very end of 1236 at the age of sixty-four. The contents of the lengthy section on Sakyasri make it quite transparent that it served as the major source for all the later biographies of the Kashmirian master. Sporadically referred to in the later biographical literature, we find it cited in, for instance, Lha'i rgyal mtshan's (1319-1401) biography of Dol po pa Shes rab rgyal mtshan (1291-1362).(13) The first reference titles it identically to the one found in the blockprint and in the second we learn that when Dol po pa, as a senior scholar, read and lectured on it before Khro phu monastery's grand statue of Maitreya he was so moved by it that he wept for a long time.

The Tibetan library also has a manuscript in thirteen folios of an undated and anonymous versified biography of Khro phu Lo tsa ba, in conjunction with his invitation of and meeting with Mitrayogin(14) in the year 1197, under C.P.N. catalogue no. 002790(7); the indigenous catalogue number is phyi ra 150. The title page gives two titles, the Yab sras mjal ba and the Chos tie lo tstsha ba'i rnam thar grub thob mitra dzo ki dang mjal ba'i? tshigs su bcad pa; fol. 13a appears to entitle it the Yab sras mjal ba'i gtam rgyud.

There are serious problems with the identity and floruit of Bsod nams dpal bzang po. Jackson was clearly on the right track when he indicated that the individual by the name of "Bsod nams dpal" kpp. (pp. 4, 19-20, n. 9 - of course "dpal" is a frequent short form for "dpal bzang po," sribhadra), noted as the sixth abbot of the Tsha mig or Tshogs chen community that issued from Sakyasri's vinaya transmission, might be the author of BSOD; the fifth abbot of the Chos lung community, named "Bsod nams bzang po," would not qualify. He also pointed out on pp. 5-6 that 'Gos Lo tsa ba knows of an individual by the name of "Bsod nams dpal" (1216-77) who "fits the profile to some degree" of what can be deduced from the biography of the great Kashmirian master. However, owing to the fact that this "Bsod nams dpal" had three sons and that in Sakyasri's biography the author styles himself a monk (shakya'i btsun pa), he rightly concludes that this "Bsod nams dpal ... remains a possible candidate as the author of the biography, but further confirmation is not yet possible." It may of course be the case that he had sired his three sons prior to having taken his monk's vows. Whatever the case may have been, Jackson is inclined to date this work to "perhaps the late 13th or 14th century" (p. 4). It is true that (p. 4) Bsod nams dpal bzang po refers to his subject as "our lama" (bdag cag gi bla ma) on p. 10, line 7, and he conjectures that these may have been simply copied from earlier biographies that have so far not been recovered. Some of the extant biographical literature on Sakyasri amply supports this contention, for which see below.

In terms of the literature used for his study, Bsod nams dpal bzang po himself mentions in BSOD (pp. 50 11. 21-23, 57 11. 21-22) the so-called Dpag bsam 'khri shing ma by Khro phu Lo tsa ba - this would of course refer to the sketch of Sakyasri's life in DPAG - and a biography by Dpyal Lo tsa ba Chos kyi bzang po. Moreover, he also signals the Sil snyan bdun pa (p. 541. 13). To be sure, the latter refers to none other than the seven verses quoted in BSOD (pp. 52 11. 22-53 1. 24) and in Dpa' bo, to name but a few.(15) These seven are equally contained in the collection of Khro phu Lo tsa ba's oeuvre, where it is cited in the Sil snyan bdun pa'i lo rgyus.(16) All of Bsod nams dpal bzang po's sources therefore belong to the early thirteenth century and, for this reason, do not really help us in dating him, if we presuppose, and there are reasons for doing so, that he was not one of Sakyasri's Tibetan disciples.

A potential measure of light on Bsod nams dpal bzang po's identity is. shed by an interesting work, ostensibly devoted to the three lines of vinaya transmissions in Tibet. The text in question, of which we have available a handwritten dbu med manuscript, is entitled Mkhan rgyud rnam gsum byon tshul gyi rnam thar, hereafter abbreviated as MKHAN. It consists of twenty-five folios with a large number of interlinear notes, and bears the C.P.N. catalogue no. 002775(6). As is common with such texts, many of the personal names and the beginnings of quotations are written in red ink. The author does not give his name. However, he appears to have been a Sa skya pa scholar, not only because he refers to one or another chronicle of the Sa skya pa Lam 'bras teachings, but also because he first sets out to delineate the vinaya transmissions that ran through members of this school. The Tibetan tradition associates four main vinaya transmissions-cum-communities (tshogs pa [sde] bzhi) with Sakyasri, namely the Tsha mig/Tshogs chen pa, the Bye rdzing pa, the Dge 'dun sgang pa, and the Chos lung pa.(17) There are definite indications in the text that suggest that its author most likely flourished sometime during the end of the fifteenth century, at the earliest.(18) Towards the end of MKHAN, he enumerates his literary source material,(19) where he writes that the author of the commentary on KHRO was a Bsam yas pa Bsod nams dpal. However, a supralinear corrective note written in an unknown hand has it that: "He, a direct disciple of [?Khro phu] Byang sems chen po, was the Jo bstan [= Jo gdan] preceptor (slob dpon) of the Tshogs [chen vinaya community]. To allege that he was from Bsam yas is wrong." ('di byang sems chen po'i dngos slob : tshogs kyi slob dpon jo bstan yin : bsam yas pa zer ba nor 'dug). Byang sems chen po may be none other than Bsod nams seng ge, Khro phu Lo tsa bas disciple, successor (after Bla chen Bsod nams dbang phyug) to the abbatial throne of Khro phu monastery, and apparently his biological son. lbs dates do not appear to have been unambiguously preserved. While Tshe dbang rgyal po does not explicitly date Khro phu Lo tsa ba's passing, he does write that the birth of his son took place in the year thereafter, so that we may tentatively assume that Bsod nams seng ge was born in 1237.(20) Of course, we do know that he was among the very first teachers of the young Bu ston and that, therefore, he must have passed away sometime after 1297. Moreover, he was instrumental in having Bu ston recognized as the reembodiment of Sakyasri, who then reembodied himself as the Jo nang pa scholar Shar ka ba Kun dga' blo gros rgyal mtshan (1365-?1430/43).(21) All of this might confirm Jackson's tentative dating of this Bsod nams dpal bzang po, although it is not altogether transparent whether MKAN'S anonymous editor would have wanted to identify him as the sixth abbot of the Tsha mig community, for "preceptor" (slob dpon, acarya) and "abbot" (mkhan po, upadhyaya) are, of course, not the same thing. MKHAN 23a notes this abbot in the Tsha mig pa line of vinaya transmissions that is surveyed in MKHAN 22a-24a:

Shakya dpal bzang po (=Sakyasribhadra) 1. Rdo rje dpal bzang po; ordained by Sakyasri with

Gtsang so ba Bsod nams mdzes as his ritual master

(las kyi slob dpon)(22) and Bsod nams rgyal mtshan as

confessor (gsang ston). This information is apparently

based on an unidentified work by a Chos kyi

rgyal mtshan; he may be the one listed below as the

fourth abbot. Rdo rje dpal bzang po was abbot for

twenty-three years and passed away at the age of

seventy-three (= seventy-two). According to Mang

thos (and A mes zhabs), his ordination took place in

the year 1205, according to MKHAN 22a in 1206.(23) 2. Snye mo ba Sangs rgyas dpal; abbot for seven

years, who passed away at the age of seventy-two. 3. Rgyal gsar sgang pa Mkhan chen 'Od zer dpal; abbot

for fourteen years, passed away at the age of

seventy-eight. 4. G.yag sde pa Chos kyi rgyal mtshan; abbot for fourteen

years, passed away at the age of sixty-six. 5. G.yag sde pa Sangs rgyas rin chen; abbot for two

years. 6. Snye mo Bong ra ba Bsod nams dpal; abbot for thirteen

years, passed away at the age of sixty-seven.(24)

Inasmuch as the community was headed by Gtsang so ba after Sakyasri left for Kashmir in 1212, we can roughly place Bsod nams dpal's tenure around the turn of the fourteenth century. Tshal pa observes in his survey of the abbots of Tshal Gung thang monastery that, in 1315, he was the initiatory abbot of Yon tan rin chen, whom the myriarch Smon lam rdo rje (1284-1347) appointed abbot of Tshal Yang dgon monastery.(25)

A second "Bsod nams dpal" is quoted in MKHAS 18a in connection with the ordination of Mkhan chen Rin chen rgyal mtsban dpal bzang po (1348-1430), alias Spos khang pa, in 1367, during the procedures of which he functioned as "time keeper" (dus go ba). And MKHAN 18b mentions yet a third "Bsod nams dpal bzang po," namely, in connection with the passing of Bshes gnyen Rgyal mchog dpal bzang po (1370-1424). Spos khang pa's successor of the Chos lung pa. He is styled there "precentor" (dbu mdzad). As is indicated below, this man may actually have been the author of the biography.



Structurally speaking, Bsod nams dpal bzang po's work is a commentary on Khro phu Lo tsa ba's eulogy and incorporates every single verse in its narrative, albeit not without certain irregularities. This circumstance could very well be the origin for the phrase "so it has been said" (gsungs) with which he often, but not consistently, ends his exegesis of the verses. For this reason, his work is among the very earliest examples of the literary genre consisting of an exegesis of a petition-cum-eulogy, which, later on, became so developed, especially among members of the Bka' brgyud pa school, and which in turn gave rise to the various gser 'phreng biographical cycles. It is also, by and large, based on the information found in Khro phu Lo tsa bas autobiography. On p. 5, Jackson states that Bsod nams dpal bzang po "is somewhat unsympathetic towards the junior Pandita Vibhuticandra, the so-called gDan-gcig-pas (who were strict upholders of a Vinaya-based system of discipline), and the bKa' gdams pas" and that this "negative attitude towards gDan-gcig-pas and the bKa'-gdams-pas reveals a bias which, if not actually anti-monastic, was at least opposed to the more doctrinaire and "purist" monasticism current in early-13th century Tibet..." As will be outlined below, I believe his assessment of the author's attitude towards the Bka' gdams pa and gdan gcig pas(26) to be somewhat problematic; Bsod nams dpal bzang po's references to these and Vibhuticandra (together with his remarks on the 'Bri khung pa, Sa skya pa and Rnying ma pa) will also be briefly discussed there.

Somewhat later, on p. 6, Jackson expresses his well-founded disappointment at the lack of detailed information about Sakyasri's intellectual development and activities as a spiritual master while still in the Indian subcontinent (until 1203-4), and suggests that "evidently the author was cut off from his subject by a generation or more and he had to base himself on a few meager written sources." He also states more harshly that he "was neither a highly accomplished scholar nor an outstanding historian" and that the "biography is obviously the work of a pious, credulous and in some ways simple man, and his limitations and preoccupations make themselves felt on nearly every page." Owing to the availability of hitherto unknown sources we are now in a position to maintain that these "limitations" were not so much intellectual as they were due to the constraints imposed upon him by his basic source material, namely pbrtions of Khro phu Lo tsa ba's autobiography and the large collection of little texts that is attributed to him, both of which are weak on firm historical facts(27) I believe, therefore, that he must at least be credited with having created some kind of an organization of the scattered information contained in the latter, if his work were not but a partial paraphrase of Khro phu Lo tsa ba's autobiography. It is for these reasons that he can hardly be faulted for the two-dimensional picture of his subject. In a more charitable tone, Jackson does affirm that the merit of Bsod nams dpal bzang po's work resides in the circumstance that it was the longest known biography of this important teacher, and the remainder of his book is devoted to an extremely useful survey of the contents of Bsod nams dpal bzang po's biography (pp. 9-16), notes to the introduction (pp. 18-23), bibliographies (pp. 24-25), critical editions of the texts (pp. 29-37, 38-85), and indices of proper names (pp. 87-90).

The two exemplars of Bsod nams dpal bzang po's text do not always provide the best possible readings, but there are several other sources that have been available for some time which can be used for textual criticism and further appreciation of his work. For one, it is clear that Dpa'bo had his work in hand - he calls him "Bsod nams dpal" - while writing his chapters on the history of the vinaya transmissions in Tibet and the various panditas from the Indian subcontinent and Tibetan translators. An explicit reference to the text is found in the former where he gives a fairly lengthy account of Sakyasri's biography, "since," as he writes, "the Pan chen's life does not appear to very well known at present."(28) He styles his story a synopsis, without personal reconstructions (rang bzo med par), of Bsod nams dpal bzang po's "summary of the Dpag bsam gyi' khri shing of Ma ha Lo tsa ba [= Khro phu Lo tsa ba] and various miscellaneous biographical writings of Khro [phu Lo tsa ba and] Dpyal [Lo tsa ba]." It is as yet unclear whence Stag tshang pa Dpal 'byor bzang po drew his biographical sketch of Sakyasri in his compilation, and the same must be said of the narrative of his invitation to and sojourn in Tibet by 'Gos Lo tsa ba.(29)

Jackson (pp. 1, 18) in signals a note, sublinear to Yar lung Jo bo's chronicle, in which reference is made to a "biography requested by [a] Spyi bo lhas pa [(?1144-?)."(30) He is undoubtedly correct in interpreting this phrase to mean that the work in question was yet another biography of Sakyasri. Indeed, it may very well be identical to the Bla ma kha che pan chen gyi rnam par thar pa, of which I located a handwritten manuscript in dbu can script in the C.P.N.'s Tibetan library.(31) According to the colo

(*) This is a review article of: Two Biographies of Sakyasribhadra, The Eulogy of Khro phu Lo-tsa-ba and its "Commentary" by bSod-nams-dpal-bzang-po: Texts and Variants from Two Rare Exemplars Preserved in the Bihar research Society, Patna. by David P. Jackson. Tibetan and Indo-Tibetan Studies 4. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner verlag, 1990. Pp. 90. DM 28.

The present paper, in which a number of hitherto unknown sources are signalled, is based on the results obtained during my stay in Beijing from October to December of 1992 and from July to September of 1993. This sojourn was made possible by a generous grant from the Committee on Scholarly Communication with the People's Republic of China (now: Committee on Scholarly Communication with China), Washington, D.C. My thanks are also owed to the Chinese Center for Tibetological Research, Beijing, for their kind assistance. I should also wish to express my gratitude to Messrs. Li Jiuqi, Chief Librarian, Shao Guoxian, Deputy Librarian, and Ngag dbang nor bu, Assistant Researcher, of the library of the Cultural Palace of Nationalities, for the warm cooperation I received, which made it possible for me to survey a slight portion of the enormous collection of Tibetan texts in their library. My thanks are likewise extended to Prof. Chen Jianjian of the Central Institute for Nationalities, Beijing, for her kind help, and last but not least, I am also very much indebted to Ms. Wu Wei of the Chinese Center for Tibetological Research for all the support given to me. phon, this particular work was written by Seng ge dpal, at which point there is a footnote which glosses the name by "Spyi bo Ihas pa, the *karmacarya of Sa skya Pan chen['s ordination ritual]." This is of course inaccurate, for the most authoritative biographies of Sa skya Pandita, by his immediate disciples, identify the individual from Spyi bo Ihas who functioned in that capacity as Byang chub 'od.

Although Yar lung Jo bo begins his account with dating the birth of Sakyasri to 1140, the work of this Spyi bo Ihas pa commences with Sakyasri's statement that he studied grammar, etc., at the age of ten and does not in the least provide any leads as to when he was born, so that we must conclude that either Spyi bo Ihas pa authored yet another work on him or that we have here two different individuals, both of whom were associated with Spyi bo Ihas, or, perhaps more likely, that Yar lung Jo bo took the alleged year of his birth from another source. Later on in the text, in connection with the master's departure for Mnga' ris with his entourage, Yar lung Jo bo writes:

In the smin drug month [the tenth lunar month] of that very year [of 1212], the master together with his entourage went to Mnga' ris stod. Staying in Spu rangs during the water-female-bird year [1213-14], he acted [as] the preceptor of *dharmaraja Stag tsha and then gradually traveled to Kashmir.(32)

Here another sublinear note suggests, apparently quite accurately, that this was, written in accordance with Khro phu Lo tsa ba's "sealed biography," the Rnam thar bka' rgya ma.

In addition to the dossier on Sakyasri mentioned thus far, there are several other studies of his life. For one, Mang thos refers to a biography Wy i certain Jo gdan Mkhan chen Chos grub seng ge in connection with his lengthy observations on the dates of the Kashmirian pandita.(33) While this work has yet to become available,

I should here like to draw attention to one further study of Sakyasri's life that has now come to light, which in places is certainly more impressive than the one by Bsod nams dpal bzang po, although it too seems to be based on the latter and is equally weak on his activities in the Indian subcontinent. This is a slightly damaged and at times somewhat illegible manuscript in a rather pleasant cursive Tibetan script, consisting of thirty-five folios with seven lines per folio. It is housed in the Tibetan library, where it is catalogued under no. 002770(1). The tide page of this exemplar reads Kha che'i pan chen gyi rnam thar rin po che'i phreng ba - hereafter abbreviated as KHA - and its colophon (KHA 35a-b) states:

dpal sa'i steng na' gram pa'i zla thams cad bral ba: kha che'i pandi ta chen po shhakya shri bhadra'i rnam par thar pa : sems dpa' chen po khro phu lo tstsha ba byams pa'i dpal gyis mdzad pa gzhi byas : de dag [35b] bde blag tu gtogs [read: rtogs] par byaba'i phyir du : bla ma dpyal lo tstshp ba dang : 'jam dbyangs rin chen rgyal mtshan : shakya'i btsun pa bsod nams dpal bzang po rnams kyis rim par mdzad pa'i zin bris thor bu ba rnams phyogs 1 ti khrigs su bsdebs : kha ba can gyi ljongs su 'gro don dpag tu med pa mdzad tshul : rnam thar dpag bsam khri shing nas kha bskangs te : lcags mo glang gi lo zla ba dang po cho 'phrul chen po'i dus chen gyi tshes bco Inga'i nyin : mam ga lam tistha ma kha arya zhes bya bas yi ger bkod pa'o

This work was then conceived as a supplement (kha bskangs) to Khro phu Lo tsa ba's Dpag bsam 'khri shing and the author made use of various sources, including the writings of Dpyal Lo tsa ba, [Spos khang pa] 'Jam dbyangs Rin chen rgyal mtshan and Bsod nams dpal bzang po's study. To be noted here is the occurrence of the adverb rim gyis, "respectively," in this enumeration of his sources which, if taken chronologically, might indicate that the Bsod nams dpal bzang po of Jackson's book may in fact postdate Spos khang pa. He would then have to be identified as mkhan's third Bsod nams dpal bzang po! The author of Kha was a certain "Mam ga lam tistha makha arya (sic!)" (the "Tibskrit" calque of his name can only refer to Tibetan "Bkras shis ?? 'phags pa"), who completed his study on the fifteenth day of the first month of an iron-female-ox year. The year must therefore have been at least 1421 or 1481. As with Bsod nams dpal bzang po's work, Kha is divided in three parts.

KHA 1b-11a: his birth, his education and activities;

the Indian subcontinent and the invitation to

come to Tibet by Khro phu Lo tsa ba; KHRO, vs.

1-30. KHA 11a-30a: his arrival Tibet and his activities;

KHRO, vs. 31-32. KHA 30a-35a: his departure for Kashmir and his

passing; KHRO, vs. 33-38.

KHA, too, is woven around Khro phu Lo tsa ba's eulogy with its disproportional textual space given to the section on Tibet. Similarly, it already refers to Sakyasri as "our lama" (bdag cag rnams kyi bla ma) in, for instance, KHA 2a, although it was written at least two hundred years or more after his death!

It goes without saying that the newly recovered narratives in DPAG and Kha, as well as Dpa' bo's account o Sakyasri's life and portions of the text of mkhan are of considerable importance to the textual criticism of the eulogy and Bsod nams dpal bzang po's text. An example of the former will suffice here for the moment: KHRO-X 1:d and 2:d read pan chen gro ba'i mgon la phyag 'tshal lo // and byon gyur drang strong de yi zhabs la 'dud; the latter reading of zhabs la 'dud is somewhat anomalous since, with the exception of verses 37-38, all verses end in phyag 'tshal lo. On the other hand, KHRO-M, BSOD-X/M (p. 10 lines 7, 11), KHA fol. 1b and their quotation in MKHAN 10b read these lines as pan chen 'gro ba'i gnyen cig gyur cig and byon gyur drang srong de yi rnam thar bri, which appears preferable in the light that Khro phu Lo tsa ba himself(?) states that KHRO is a biography (rnam thar) in his colophon.

Either Bsod nams dpal bzang po or, perhaps less likely, his subsequent editor has taken two interesting liberties with Khro phu Lo tsa bas eulogy. Although the latter appears to present a, progressive sequence of Sakyasri's life, in all fairness we are obliged to say that the content of most of the verse are conceptually neutral and result in a suspended chronology. While the verse-sequence of KHRO is quite meticulously adhered to in KHA, there are two curious inconsistencies in Bsod nams dpal bzang po's text, the first of which occurs anent (KHRO:22) the narrative of his stay in India, which Bsod nams dpal bzang po's text places between KHRO:16 and 17. The second anomaly concerns the adjacent position of KHRO:33 and 35, where KHRO:34 iS placed between KHRO:30 and 31.


What were Sakyasri's relations with Tibet's own Buddhist traditions, according to Bsod nams dpal bzang po's text, and what kind of conclusions can be drawn from its narrative in this connection? To attempt to provide a point of departure for an answer to these questions, it will be well first to list those passages in which the latter refers to indigenous Tibetan doctrinal (and praxis-oriented) entities and correlate these with the virtually identical statements in DPAG and KHA:

'Bri khung pa: pp. 37, II. 19-20; 42, II. 12, 16, 19; 43, II. 1, 9, 13 [DPAG 64b, 69a-70a; KHA 19b, 22b-23b] Rnying ma pa: p. 41, I. 19 [DPAG 68b; KHA 22a] Rin chen sgang pa: pp. 42, I. 12; 43, II. 23, 27 [DPAG 69a, 70a; KHA 22b, 23b] Bka' gdams pa: p. 43, II. 2, 11 [DPAG 69b-70a; KHA 23a-b] gdan gcig pa: p. 43, II. 2, 10 [DPAG 69b-70a; KHA 23a-b] Sa skya pa: p. 46, II. 10-14

We saw above that Jackson concluded from his text that Bsod nams dpal bzang po was unsympathetic to the Bka' gdams pa and the gdan gcig pa, the precisians, (and Vibhuaticandra). The textual basis for this must have been the single passage under the first and fifth items above. The text of BSOD (p. 43, II. 1-7 states, with some fairly inconsequential variant readings, that while he was in Srin po ri (in 1207?), Bsod nams dpal bzang po was met by a party of monks from 'Bri khung (and the Bka' gdams pa monastery of Rin chen sgang) who had come to invite him to their institutions. After some members of his immediate entourage had voiced their objection to accepting the invitation from 'Bri khung - Vibhuticandra is singled out as being the most vocal - Sakyasri apparently told the 'Bri khung pa, "since there are many Bka' gdams pa and gdan gcig pa, etc., in my entourage, it is possible that wrong karma may be accumulated in you" (nga'i khor la bka, gdams pa dang gdan gcig pa la sogs pa mang bas / khyed la las phyin ci log bsags pa srid ... )(34) Refraining from making good on the invitation, he then gave them several presents for the monastery and 'Jig rten mgon po, one of which was to serve as a substitute for his physical presence, after which they apparently departed. Excepting the variant readings in BSOD-X/M, the narrative found in KHA 23a is identical to the above - instead of gdan gcig pa it reads stan gcig pa - and these ultimately go back to the same passage in DPAG 69b-70a. Hence, we cannot attribute this statement to Bsod nams dpal bzang po, per se, and the same would hold for the possible sentiments he may have felt for those men. Since all our sources report a state of affairs, without making an explicit negative value judgment, I do not think that they can provide grounds for a clearcut conclusion that their authors were ill disposed to either the Bka' gdams pa or the gdan gcig pa. They may have been and probably were - in view of the problems some of these men had apparently created for Sakyasri. However, there was no overt disposition of this kind on the part of the latter, since his visits to Rwa sgreng and Rin chen sgang, both Bka, gdams pa monasteries, would show that he may not have shared these feelings. Some Tibetans explicitly associate the gdan gcig pa with Sakyasri, stating that he had initiated this disciplinary tradition in Tibet,(35) so that, if historically correct, it might be somewhat imprudent to assume on the basis of a single statement that Bsod nams dpal bzang po, himself an adherent of Sakyasri's vinaya transmission, was at odds with this tradition as a whole.

As for Vibhuticandra, Bsod nams dpal bzang po first introduces him as a member of Sakyasri's entourage and one of the so-called nine lesser pundits who accompanied him to Tibet. There, his area of expertise is said to have been Sanskrit linguistics and abhidharma, although there is ample evidence that he was also well versed in Indian Buddhist pramanavada.(36) When Sakyasri was invited to 'Bri khung and Rin chen sgang, the lesser pundits conferred among one another and Vibhuticandra apparently expressed his reservations vis-a-vis the 'Bri khung pa, and Jig rten mgon po in particular, by saying: "[In] wealth the 'Bri khung pa are great; this Mahamudra practitioner is great in deception ..." (nor 'bri khung pa che zer te phyag rgya chen po ba di rdzun che ba yin ... ).(37) At this point, Sakyasri reprimanded him by relating, or by reminding him of, a mishap that had taken place the previous year (na ning) while in Slas mo che in Gtsang.(38) A ragged man from Khams belonging to Bri khung had come to him to request religious clothing, but he was unwilling to comply with the request. Parenthetically, we learn that at that time his Tibetan attendant was Jo sras Nyi ma. The tattered Khams pa pulled at his master's robe and Nyi ma pushed him away, causing him to hit a pillar whereupon he bled fiercely from his nose.(39) Now, Sakyasri's daily practices included the propitiation of Tara. Having propitiated her in vain for some seven days after this event, she finally appeared with her back turned toward him. Sakyasri questioned her about the reason of her absence and she replied that it was due to the fact that his attendant had mishandled a disciple of Nagajuna, that is, 'Jig rten mgon po. He then told Vibhuticandra to go to him and obtain some teachings: later Vibhuticandra also erected a Samvara statue at Srin po ri as an additional expiatory act.(40) While the account of 'Jig rten mgon po as a reincarnation of Nagarjuna, a notion that had been related to his brother Buddhacandra by the Singhalese arhat prior to his departure for Tibet, is prefigured in Bsod (p. 25 lines 2 - 10), it is absent in DPAG and KHA. But, as was seen above, the source for this is found in the Khro phu man ngag brgya rtsa collection.

We also find this equation of 'Jig rten mgon po with Nagarjuna in the biography by his nephew Shes rab 'byung gnas, in an entry just prior to one that is dated 1188!(41) If authentic, then this idea would of course predate the text of the Khro phu man ngag brgya rtsa by several decades, giving rise to a host of hopelessly complicated questions. The individual in whose mouth this identification is placed was a certain Bla ma Gnas nang pa, who suddenly appears from nowhere in 'Bri khung monastery, makes this assertion, and is heard of no more, in this biography. However, this very same Gnas nang pa, together with a few others, figures in a passage of an anonymous study of 'Jig rten mgon po's life, wherein is stated that 'Jig rten mgon po apparently manifested himself to them as Nagarjuna.(42) While this particular study is chronologically erratic and unsystematic, we read, just before this note, that he aided the Tangut (Me/Mi nyag) emperor in averting a disaster from a Mongol called "De mu dzu" by sending him a consecrated statue of Manjusri, whereafter all was quiet on the Tangut-Mongol front.(43) To be sure, "De mu dzu" would be an approximation of "Temujin," the proper name of Cinggis Qan, whose armies, starting in 1209, repeatedly and, at first, unsuccessfully invaded the Tangut state, and ended up by obliterating it in 1227.(44) A little earlier, the same text writes that a nervous Tangut emperor had sent him a large piece of cloth and gold. In response, Jig rten mgon po created unspecified favorable conditions for a twelve-year peace. Wu Tianchi's tables of the main events in the history of the Tangut state do not suggest a twelve-year interval in the military campaigns the Mongols waged against it.(45)

The available literature does not enlighten us very much, where 'Jig rten mgon po's connections with the Indian subcontinent are concerned, and what might have led the Singhalese arhat to identify him with Nagarjuna, if this has historical veracity. No reference whatsoever is found in the earliest biographies of 'Jig rten mgon po, written by masters of the 'Bri khung sect. Of course, Bstan 'dzin pad ma'i rgyal mtshan knew of the account involving the arhat but also includes in his biography of Jig rten mgon po a different scenario that is based either on literary sources that remain unpublished so far, or on oral traditions current at Bri khung.(46) Thus we read, in an entry just prior to his notice of the foundation of Bri khung Byang chub gling monastery in 1179,(47) that while 'Jig rten mgon po was seated on a throne that had been built by the children of the village of Rdzan thang in the vicinity of the monastery and giving instructions, even the nearby stream heard what he was saying. The stream then murmured a very loud "Nagarjuna!" This throne, made from rocks and straw, can apparently still be seen there.(48) Later, when Sakyasri came to the lower terrace of Gzho rong, not far from Bri khung monastery, he clearly heard "Nagarjuna" being pronounced by the murmuring stream and when the petals of one of the lotus flowers that had been given to him by the Arhat opened of themselves, he offered it to 'Jig rten mgon po. He also writes that this white lotus, along with other numinous objects, was ultimately deposited in 'Jig rten mgon po's reliquary, called the "'Dzam gling rgyan," around which a temple of the same name was built.(49)

Indeed, at best, our sources but permit us to conclude that 'Jig rten mgon po's relations with India were rather tenuous. Shes rab 'byung gnas writes that on one of his trips to Tsa ri in ca. 1190 he wished to go there in order to visit Bodhgaya, but he changed his plans. A little later, he once again thought of going to India, but again his intention was not realized.(50) That Jig rten mgon po's reputation had penetrated at least as far as Varanasi appears from a passage in his anonymous biography, where there is a brief narrative about the king of Varanasi, by name "Mgo rtse deva," who had visited 'Bri khung at an unspecified time.(51) When this king returned to Varanasi it was taken by the Du ru ka (*Turuska), the Turks, an event that may be datable to the years 1194 to 1197 and associated with Qutubuddin ibak. This narrative is absent from Shes rab byung gnas work.

BSOD (p. 37 11. 19-20) and the cognate passages in DPAG and KHA suggest that 'Jig rten mgon po first invited Sakyasri to Dbus, to Bri khung, when he had just arrived in central Tibet and was sojourning in Khro phu monastery in 1204. Shes rab 'byung gnas mentions Sakyasri by name only once, to the effect that the 'Jig rten mgon po himself went to meet him but was unsuccessful.(52) This particular passage is sandwiched between entries for the years 1202 and 1208, which vouchsafes dating it to 1204.

While it is possible that civil unrest in the area also had something to do with Sakyagri not going to 'Bri khung, it is untransparent at the present stage of research why some Tibetans belonging to the Bka' gdams pa would have opposed his meeting 'Jig rten mgon po, especially since his biography by Shes rab byung gnas states that, beginning at the age of eight, he was associated, on and off, with a certain master Skyes bu pa and a "great mediator" (sgom chen) who had ties with the Bka' gdams pa monastery of Rwa sgreng.(53) In the late 1170s or early 1180s, Jig rten mgon po went to the Bka' gdams pa monastery of Gsang phu ne'u thog, where such men as Rtsags and Jam wag requested teachings anent the bodhisattva-vow from him.(54) This would, of course, indicate that he was not anathema to the Bka, gdams pa community as a whole. Similarly, Shes rab byung gnas explicitly mentions "Bka' gdams pa" on just two occasions, the first of which is immaterial to the present paper.(55)6 The second intimates a measure of ill-feeling towards him on their part, we read in an entry for circa 1200:

de nas dwags(a) por byon pa la(b) mu ge chen po(c) byung nas /(d) gser zho res nas bre bdun bdun yang mi khugs(e) /(f) mi bsad nas mi sha za ba yang mang du yod /(f) bka' gdams pa dag na re yang bla ma de thams cad du brnyogs(g) pa cig 'dug pa la(h)/(f) da res ni sna Iteb par 'ong bya ba yang zer/(f)

(a) dbon1, dbon2: dags. (b) dbon2: adds /. (c) dbon1: ched. (d) dbon, dbod2: omit. (e) dbon1: khug. (f) dbon: omits (g) dbon: snyogs, dbon1:

brnyog (h) dbon: 'dug ste.

Then, when he arrived in Dwags po a great famine took place, and a zho of gold would not fetch even seven measures (bre) of barley. There were many who, having killed a person, were even eating human flesh. Bka' gdams pa-s said: "Well, the Lama seems to be the one to cause trouble everywhere and now will also become disappointed.(56)

In fact, for obvious reasons, not many offerings were made to him while he was in the area.

As for the Rnying ma pa, the only passage where they are mentioned in Bsod nams dpal bzang po's text has it that when Sakyasri was in Bsam yas he requested the local ruler Jo bo lha(57) to show him the Sanskrit books in the library. Jo bo lha came back with the texts of the Guhyagarbhatantra and the Rtsa itung gi rgya cher 'grel [pa], that is, the [Vajrayana]mulapattika, by either Bhavi pa/[?Ananda]garbha, or the one by Atisa. The Guhyagarbha manuscript may have been the same as the one that was later "rediscovered" by Bcom Idan [Rig/Rigs pail pai] gri (ca. 1230-1310), and their association with this text was considered crucial by certain Rnying ma pa scholars in their defenses of its and their school's scriptural and doctrinal authenticity. Dmyal/Gnyal Zhang Lo tsa ba prepared a dense and voluminous exegesis of the text at Sakyasri's instigation, which was then entrusted to a Shakya seng ge. An interesting passage concerning some reservations vis-a-vis Sakyasri on the part of the Bka' gdams pa is found in the biography of the great Rnying ma pa teacher of treasure[s] (gter ston) Nyang ral Nyi ma 'od zer (1124-92), written by his son Mnga' bdag 'Gro ba mgon po Nam mkha' dpal (?1164-1220) in connection with the consecration of his fathers reliquary.(58) The story goes that when Nam mkha' dpal wished to invite him for the consecration, he met with some opposition by a certain Bsod nams dbang phyug, a dge bshes - I take this title to indicate that his primary religious affiliation was with the Bka' gdams pa - Snang gyi ba. He told him not to invite the Kashmirian and that it would be sufficient if Nam mkha, dpal were to perform die ceremonies, However, at the end, Sakyasri did consecrate the enshrined relics and also transmitted to him various teachings.

Given the importance the Sa skya pa attach to Sakyasri, it is curious that none of the biographies are very explicit where the descriptions of their subject's relations with the school ate concerned, creating the impression that these were not considered to be of special significance. Bsod nams dpal bzang po mentions Sa skya monastery, the Sa skya pa and Sa skya Pandita but twice - the first of which in the larger context of Sakyasri having used gifts from Sa skya and a host of other places for offerings to the Maitreya statue. This is also found in DPAG and KHA. It was at this time that he resided in Sa skya where he first instructed Sa skya Pandita in the Kalacakra, vinaya, linguistics, poetics, logic and epistemology and phenomenology (mngon pa, abhi[dharma]), after which the latter (together with Sakyasri) retranslated Dharmakirts Pramanavarttika; from Sa skya Pandita's biographies we know that this must have taken place sometime in 1210.(59) This passage is absent in both DPAG and MA, both of which go on to relate further particulars concerning the construction of the Tara statue which, in turn, are not found in BSOD.

Of course, Sakyagri functioned as the upadhyaya in the ordination of Sa skya Pandita as a monk; the latter's earliest available biographies state this to have taken place in 1208(60) at Rgyan gong in Nyang smad, not far from Zhwa lu monastery - the water basin where the young Sa skya Pandita's hair was cut is now found in a small chapel about half-way down the road to Zhwa lu from the main road connecting Rgyal mkhar rtse with Gzhis kha rtse. These same sources also have it that Spyi bo Ihas pa Byang chub od functioned as the las slob and a Zhu ston Hrul mo/Zhu don mo ri ba as the confessor (gsang ston). MKHAN 22a wrongly states that these three men ordained Sa skya Pandita in Nyung chung gser sdings, Dpyal pas monastery, in 1206 and that he was ordained at the time time as Mkhan chen Rdo rje dpal bzang po, the first Tsha mig abbot.

Lastly, Bsod nams dpal bzang po's biography, DPAG, and KHA contain two interesting items that go beyond their immediate geographic and cultural frame. The first is a reference to gifts sent to him by an unnamed Tangut emperor.(61) The textual location in which this passage occurs suggests the last years prior to his departure for Tibet. This would indicate that the emperor in question was the Xuanzong Emperor (r. 1193-1206). Moreover, Bsod nams dpal bzang po also relates an invitation by an unidentified Chinese emperor (rgya nag gi rgyal po zhig) handed to him by an envoy (bang chen) well before his departure for Tibet.(62) This emperor would most likely be the Guangzong (r. 1190-95) or the Ningzong Emperor (r. 1195 - 1225)

The influence wielded by Sakyagri over Tibetan cultural and intellectual history can hardly be overestimated. From his transmissions of certain doctrinal cycles, to his activities as an author and co-translator of Buddhist texts, and his establishment of various vinaya traditions, Tibets subsequent intellectual history is unthinkable without him. Care should be taken, however, with the origins of the transmission of Buddhist logic and epistemology that is attributed to him, for the attribution has a number of rather implausible, if not outright impossible, features.(63) The Sa skya pa tradition, of course, was very much indebted to the Kashmirian, for their major vinaya transmission and line of Buddhist logic and epistemology passed through him via Sa skya Pandita, who was destined to become one of his most illustrious students. MKHAN 12b suggests that he was responsible for four different traditions of learning (bka' babs):

Sa skya Pandita: the tradition of exoteric philosophy (mtshan nyid) Khro phu Lo tsa ba: the tradition of oral instructions (man ngag) Dpyal Lo tsi ba: the tradition of tantric theory and praxis Gtsang so ba: the vinaya tradition.

Jackson (p. 3) points out that the next step to be taken in the assessment of Sakyasri's activities should be a systematic search for and analysis of the colophons of the Tibetan canonical writings, and the notices of his name in the various mM of the teachings received by Tibetan scholars. This ought to be combined with some of the other sources that have now come to light. (1) See The 'Miscellaneous Series' of Tibetan Texts in the Bihar Research Society, Patna: A Handlist, Tibetan and Indo-Tibetan Studies 2 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1989). (2) Four other prints, all of which carry the same title, Kha che pan chen gi rnam thar gsol 'debs, that are housed in the Tibetan library of the Cultural Palace of Nationalities (hereafter C.P.N.), do not have a printer's colophon that would otherwise identify their place of origin; these are no. 002758(1) with the indigenous catalogue number of phyi ra 150, 9.7 x 51.4 cm, three folios with seven lines per folio; and nos. 002758(2), phyi ra 150, 002758(3), and no. 002758(4) in three folios. The expression phyi ra 150 would indicate that the monastic library which had originally housed these manuscripts - most probably Sa skya monastery - allowed their external circulation (phyi), and that the two texts were catalogued under "RA, no. 150." (3) G. Tucci, Tibetan Painted Scrolls, vol. II (Rome: La Libreria dello Stato, 1949), 336-39. (4) See, respectively, `GOS 618-21 [Roerich, 708-11; 'GOS1 828-31; Guo, 460-62] and DPA' 515-23, 8242-43 [DPA'(P) 512-20, 858-59]. An earlier sketch of his life may be found in TSHE 186b-89a, the enormous study of the history of the various Bka' brgyud pa schools and sects completed by Tshe dbang rgyal po in 1446-47. This work is also known as the Lho rong chos'byung. (5) See Bstan 'dzin thar lam, 27, where Sakyasri's Chos skyes me tog 'phreng ba is also quoted. The latter is in part a eulogy to 'Bri khung 'Jig rten mgon po, which Sakyasri had sent him in lieu of a visit to 'Bri khung monastery. The study of the monastery's abbatial succession of 1800-3 by Bstan 'dzin pad ma'i rgyal mtshan (1770-18??) writes in PAD 128 [PAD1 87] that some held that "'Jig rten [gsum gyi] mgon po" and "Skyob pa rin po che" were names given to him by his master Phag mo gru Rdo rje rgyal po (1110-70). He also states that some identified "Skyob pa rin po che" by Spyan snga 'Bri gung gling pa, that is, his biographer and nephew (dbon) Shes rab 'byung bnas (1187-1241). This, he says, is a great error. (6) The in-house catalogue of the Tibetan library attributes the Rje btsun byams pa'i lo rgyus mdo nas btus pa, catalogue no. 002451(3), to Khro phu Lo tsa ba, no doubt owing to his involvement with the Maitreya cult and also to a misreading of the colophon. The text in question is a blockprint in five folios with seven lines per folio and measures 7.8 x 53.5 cm. The colophon states quite plainly, after enumerating canonical sources:... dang / khro phu lo tstsha bas mdzad pa'i cho ga sogs nas `gal 'khrul med par bsgrigs te / lho brag phyag rdor ba'i bskyed rabs rnams bzhengs pa'i / yig par gyi phar du lho brag bla bo dgon pa'i chos sder bsgrubs pa'o. The concluding three quatrains are of pious intent and do not provide any further information on the blockprint's sponsor. (7) BSOD (pp. 52 line 4-54 line 5) and DPA' 497-500 [DPA'(P) 495-98] is a reproduction of KHRO1 1b-4a. We find the same text also in the Khro phu man ngag brgya rtsa rgyas pa or in BRGYA 232a-35a - entitled Pan chen shakyashri dang singgha gling gi dgra bcom pa'i lo rgyus and BRGYA1 183a-84b, text no. 202, first line Ma byon pa'i sangs rgyas kha che'i pandi ta chen po shakyashri dang : sing gha gling gi dgra bcom pa'i lo rgyus.... BRGYA1 is prefixed by a detailed catalogue of its contents, in which some three hundred and eighty-six treatises are enumerated. Pending an in-depth study, it appears that KHRO1 is a rearranged and shorter version of the Khro phu man ngag brgya rtsa rgyas pa. A catalogue of a version of the Man ngag brgya rtsa of middling length ('bring po) is given in the gsan yig, "record of teachings heard" by Bu ston Rin chen grub (1290-1364), for which see BU 26-31; the extensive version (rgyas pa) is found in BU 41-53. He received the former from Yang rtse pa Rin chen seng ge and the latter, comprising three hundred and eighty-six texts, from Bsod nams mgon, alias Tshad ma'i skyes bu. In BU 3, he writes that he heard the Man ngag brgya rtsa during one or two sessions (chos thun) from Khro phu Lo tsa ba's son, Rin po che Khro phu ba Bsod nams seng ge dpal bzang po, but that he could not recall any of it (gang yin ma dran) - the interpretation in Ruegg (1966:68) of the phrase man ngag zab chos 'dra ba of Bu ston's biography by Sgra tshad pa Rin chen rnam rgyal (1318-88) needs to be abandoned, since it cgn only refer to the Man ngag brgya rtsa and does not involve Rdzogs chen teachings. This is also confirmed in fol. 3b of KHYUNG, Bu ston's biography by Khyung po lhas pa Gzhon nu bsod nams, another one of his disciples. The reason for his lack of remembrance would, of course, be that he was but a little child when he was witness to this transmission. Aside from several insignificant different readings, only the text in BRGYA1 does not have the interlinear notes in which we find Tibetan reconstructions of the Sanskrit names. (8) KHRO1 229a-31a, BRGYA 417a-18b; but BRGYA1 333a-34a, under text no. 351, does not have this lineage. (9) See, for instance, Zhang, 3228. (10) KHRO1 31b-33a. This work is also found in BRGYA 256b-58a, where it is entitled Pan chen sku gshegs dus pandi ta bzhis sbyar ba, as well as in BRGYA1 200b-201b (text no. 226), the catalogue of which refers to it as Kha che patz chen gshegs dus kyi rnam thar. The colophon reads tshigs su bcad pa 'di dag ni kha che grib brtan gyi grong khyer chen po de nyid du rang gi bu'i thu bo pandi ta'i mchog chen po ra hu la shri dang : shan ti ma ti dang : ka ma la di ti dang : su bhu ti can tra bzhis byin gyis rlabs kyi[BRGYA1 kyis] ting nge 'dzin de nyid dang ma bral ba la / mchi ma'i rgyun char ltar[BRGYA1 omits] 'bab bzhin du / rnam pa thams cad dang lhan pa'i 'khor gyi dkyil 'khor chen por : pandi ta brgya phrag gnyis kyis[BRGYA1 kyi] mdun du bstar mngon sum du yi ger bris pa yin no // // kha che'i pandi ta sam ga ma shri bha dra dang : trai lo kya shri dznya na dang : lo tsha ba byams pa'i dpal gyis : sa pho byi ba'i lo la bsgyur ba'o // lho bod bnyis kyi 'tshams mig zlum dgon gsar du kho bos bris pa'o. BRGYA1 Confirms sa pho byi, but BRGYA has shing pho byi, which would be 1204 or 1264! BRGYA also omits the locale where it was rendered into Tibetan. (11) This blockprint, which I was only able to peruse very briefly, is divided into three parts: Early years and studies with Mitrayogin, 1b-36b Studies with Buddhasri, 36b-40b Studies with Sakyasri and final years, 40b-76b Centered at the bottom of fol. 1b we read: nam mkha' bsam grub brkos, "Printed [?by] Nam mkha' bsam grub." And on fol. 26b: nam rin gis [b]rkos, "Printed by Nam [mkha'] rin [chen]." I do not understand these notices. DPAG, the handwritten manuscript, is, of course, divided into the same sections: Early years and studies with Mitrayogin, 1b-42a Studies with Buddhasri, 42a-46a Studies with Sakyasri and final years, 46b-89a (12) DPAG 90a. (13) See fols. 28b and 44b of die Chos rje jo nang pa kun mkhyen chen po'i rnam thar, fifty-seven folio handwritten dbu med manuscript, C.P.N. caudogue no. 002815(1). (14) For a sketch of his life and the lineages of transmission of his teachings, see 'GOS 915-25 [Roerich, 1030-43; 'GOS1] 1200-13; Guo, 673-81]. The Tibetan Library has at least five biographies of this man:

No. 002783(4) Grub chen mi tra dzho ki mzdad pa nyi shu pa'i rnam thar, fols. 8; author: Rat na pradznya [= Rin chen/Dkon mchog shes rab], a student of Mkhan chen Grags pa tshul khrims.

No. 002807(2) Rgyal sras mi tra dzo ki'i rnam thar 'bring po, fols. 37: Khro phu Lo tsa ba's translation of a Sanskrit original which functioned as a preliminary (sngon 'gro) reading for the Gsang sgrub lha bcu gsum cycle.

No. 002816(4) Chos rje mi tra 'dzo'i ke'i rnam thar, fols. 8; author?

No. 002822(12) Mi tra'i rnam thar, fols. 11; author: ?Thog ston Chos kyi rgya mtsho shes rab rdo rje. As in no. 1, it is also based on an account of his twenty wonders (nyi shu ya mtshan can gyi gtam). No. 002833(7) Rgyal ba'i sras po mi tra dzo ki'i rnam par thar pa ma rig pa'i mun pa sel ba'i sgron me, fols. 5; author: ?Khro phu Lo tsa ba. Fol. 5a gives the following lineage, along which this work was transmitted: Khro phu Lo tsa ba - Rtsangs pa Dbang phyug grags - rgya ston Kun dga' brtson 'grus - Mkhan chen Bo de bha dra [= Byang chub bzang po]. The latter may perhaps be identified as the third abbot of the Dge 'dun sgang pa community of monks, for which see below.

Another text that sheds some light on this period is the biography of a Bla ma Dran ston mtha' bral (1154-1212), alias Mtha' bral rdo rje 'dzin pa, of which an eight-folio dbu med manuscript is found under no. 002783(9); the indigenous catalogue number is phyi ra 192. This anonymous work was petitioned by a Slob dpon Lhas pa. The subject had been a disciple of inter alia Gtsang nag pa Brtson 'grus seng ge and Mchims Don grub rgyal mtshan. (15) DPA' 501-2 [DPA'(P) 499-500]. (16) For different versions of the first of these seven verses and its crucial impact on the problem surrounding Sakyasri's dates, see my "On the Dates of Sakyasribhadra," under preparation. (17) As observed by Jackson (pp. 21-22, n. 11), the four main vinaya transmissions that issued from Sakyasri are called the jo gdan sde bzhi, "the four jo gdan"; he refers here to a passage in the chronicle of Yar lung Jo bo Shakya rin chen of 1376 in YAR 107b [YAR1 179; YAR2 170; Tang, 102]. This is not met with in the cognate passage of Tshal pa Kun dga' rdo rje (1309-64) in TSHAL 59-60 [Chen and Zhou, 53-54; TSHAL1 25a-b; Inaba and Sato, 128-29]. The origin and precise meaning of the expression jo gdan are obscure. It is, however, already in use in (at least) the beginning of the twelfth century, hence prior to Sakyasri's arrival in Tibet, as its variant jo stan is used in connection with, for instance, Nag po dar tshul, who was a disciple of Sne'u zur Ye shes 'bar (1042-1118), a major exponent of the Bka' gdams pa; see, for example, Las chen Kun dga' rgyal mtshan's study of this school of 1494 in Bka' gdams kyi rnam par thar pa bka' gdams chos 'byung gsal ba'i sgron me, vol. 1 (New Delhi, 1974), 454. The earliest available history of the vinayas in Tibet is Bu ston's `Dul ba'i spy'i rnam par gzhag pa 'dul ba rin po che'i mdzes rgyan (The Colllected Works of Bu ston [and Sgra tshad pa] [Lhasa print], pt. 21 [New Delhi: International Acadcmy of Indian Culture, 1971]) of 1357; it very briefly treats Sakyasri's vinaya transmission on pp. 137-38. (18) MKHAN 16b-21b gives a detailed discussion of the Chos lung pa community, beginning with Mkhan chen Bsod nams bzang po (1292-1356) - Mkhan chen Gzhon nu mgon po (1292-1368) - Mkhan chen Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1313-73) - Mkhan chen Grags pa bshes gnyen dpal bzang po (1329-1401) - Mkhan chen Nam mkha' rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po (1346-1409) - Mkhan chen Itin chen rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po (1348-1430) - Mkhan chen Bsbes gnyen rgyal mchog dpal bzang po (1370-1424) - Mkhan chen Rgyal dbang grags pa (1361-1444) - Mkhan chen Zla ba blo gros (1371-1442) - Mkhan chen Rgyal ba phyag na dpal bzang po (1388-14??) - Mkhan chen Bshes gnyen bzang po (1398-1461) - Mkhan chen Mgon po bkra shis (1411-?) - Mkhan chen Nyi ma rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po (1406-?, abbot in 1463). Moreover, MKHAN 25a notes Lhun grub rgyal mtshan as the last abbot of the Bye rdzing Tshogs pa community in the me lug year, after adding two further individuals to the list in 'GOS 953 [Roerich, 1072; 'GOS1 1248; Guo, 702], namely, Byang chub 'od zer and Bzang she ba (= ?Bzang po shes rab), each of whom reigned as abbot for nine years. This would indicate that the me lug year could perhaps be 1487. (19) MKHAN 25a. In addition to Bsod nams dpal bzang po's sources, the author also mentions the writings of Spos sgang [read: khang] pa ['Jam dbyangs] Rin chen rgyal mtshan (1348-1430), the sixth abbot in the Chos lung pa lineage of Sakyasri's vinaya transmissions, after which he retired to Spos khang monastery per se, aged sixty-three, in 1411, where he wrote his famous Sdom gsum rab dbye commentary in 1423; for his biographical sketch, see MKHAN 18a. Furthermore, MKHAN is also based on the works by Gnyag dbon Bsod nams bzang po (1341-1433), the seventh abbot of the Dge 'dun sgang line of Sakyasri's vinaya transmission and Mkhan chen Sher (= Shes rab) 'phags pa, the sixteenth abbot of the Bye rdzing line. The brief biography of Gnyag dbon in MKHAN 21a states inter alia that he was bom in the iron-female-snake year (1341), that he retired to Mtshal min after he had been head of the Dge 'dun sgang pa for sixteen years, and that he passed away in the iron-male-ox year (1421), at the age of ninety-two. Obviously, there is something awry with this chronology. The correct one is found in Mang thos Klu sgmb rgya mtsho's (1523-96) chronological study, in Mang 189-92, which gives the water-female-ox year, 1433, as the year of his death. However, there is also a slight chronological problem with Mang thos' text, for it states that he was appointed abbot of the Jo gdan Dge `dun sgang pa by gong ma Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1374-1432,) the (future) ruler of Central Tibet, in the wood-male-rat year (1384). MANG 192 reads here that he was forty years old at the time and that he held this post for sixteen years, up to the earth-female-hare year (1399) when he was fifty-five! Grags pa rgyal mtsban became ruler of Central Tibet only in 1385. Mang thos signals several of his writings, namely, a work on vinaya, the 'Dul ba'i dka' 'grel bdud rtsi nying khu, which he wrote at the age of seventy-two; a commentary to Nagarjuna's Dharmadhatustava, at the age of seventy-seven at the behest of 'Jam dbyangs Kha che; a Pramanavarttika commentary at seventy-nine; a reply to Lo tsa ba Skyabs mchog [dpal]'s refutation of gzhan stong at eighty: additional works on vinaya at eighty-two; and an Uttaratantra exegesis and several texts anent the notion of the tathagatagarbha, at the age of eighty-four. To my knowledge, none of these have turned up so far. (20) TSHE 189b. (21) In BU 2-3, Bu ston writes that he received from him the Bodhisattva vow according to the madhyamaka school, an initiation of Cakrasamvara according to Ghantapa, and Khro phu Lo tsa ba's Man ngag brgya rtsa. His biography by Sgra tshad pa refers to him as "Sems dpa' chen po Khro bu pa" and transparently distinguishes him from Yang rtse pa Rin chen seng ge dpal bzang po, who was also active at Khro phu at that time. An allusion to him being a reembodiment of Sakyasri is found in Sgra tshad pas work, as well; for these, see Ruegg, 55, 66-68. It is only Khyung po Lhas pa who explicitly states that Khro phu Bsod nams seng ge recognized him as Sakyasri's reembodiment, see KYUNG 3a-b. For Shar ka ba's biography, see the ninety-six-folio handwritten dbu med text by Ratna bha dra (= Rin chen bzang po), Dpal ldan bla ma dam pa'i rnam par thar pa dngos grub kyi rgya mtsho, C.P.N. no. 002776(1). There the link between Sakyasri and Bu ston is said to have been Kun mkhyen Chos sku 'od zer, but this would present a serious chronological problem. There is also a problem with the year of his passing. Rin chen bzang po's text states on fol. 94b that he died in the pig-year at the age of seventy-eight, which would be 1443. On the other hand, 'Jigs med grags pa's biography of his nephew Si tu Rab brtan kun bzang 'phags (1389-1442) has it that he passed away in 1430; see the Dharma ra dza'i rnam thar dad pa'i lo thog rgyas byed dngos grub kyi char 'bebs (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1978), 459 [ibid., ed. Tshe don (Lhasa: Bod ljongs mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1987), 225]. (22) TSHAL 59 [Chen and Zhou, 54; TSHAL1 25a; Inaba and Sato, 128] also refers to Gtsang so ba as "Jo brtan" or "Jo stan," both of which are homophones of " Jo gdan," as does BSOD on p. 41 lines 7-8 see also DPAG 68b. RGYA 508 [Chen, 297] notes his name as "Tshul khrims mdzes," but DPA' 503 [DPA'(P) [501] has "Bsod nams mdzes," as do Mang thos in MANG 155 and A mes zhabs Ngag dbang kun dga' bsod nams (1597-1659) in his study of the Guhyasamajatantra of 1634, in A 164. Both write that Gtsang so ba met and was ordained by Sakyasri in the ox-year (1204). The wording of MANG 154-57 and A 163-66 is virtually identical, so that either A mes zhabs is indebted to Mang thos for this passage, or both go back to a common source. The first scenario is the more likely one. However, the origin of Mang thos' detailed chronology of the dates where Sakyasri stayed while in Tibet is unclear. (23) MANG 156, A 165. (24) Neither the listings of the Tsha mig/Tshogs chen abbots in the chronicles of Tshal pa in TSHAL 60 [Chen and Zhou, 54] and TSHAL1 25b [Inaba and Sato, 129] and YAR 107b-108a [YAR1 180; YAR2 171;,Tang, 102], nor those of `Gos Lo tsa ba or Dpa' bo prefix his proper name with the place-name with which he is associated. Of the sources used in this paper, only RGYA 512 [Chen, 298] has "the one from Mdo khra [in] Snye mo" (snye mo mdo khra ba). (25) See TSHAL 137 [Chen and Zhou, 119]. (26) Zhang (p. 1100) defines stan gcig - stan and gdan are in this case interchangeable variants - as: "A discipline [consisting of] not eating more than one meal a day" (nyin rer lto chas za thengs re las mi za ba'i brtul zhugs). What complicates matters is that the expression jo gdan can be used as an abbreviation of jo [bo] gdan gcig pa; see, for example, R. Kaschewsky, Das Leben des lamaistischen Heiligen Tsongkhapa Blobzan grags pa (1357-1419), 1. Teil, Asiatische Forschungen, Band 32 (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1971), 212 and 290, n. 27. (27) For one, it is very short on basic dates: pp. 26 1. 17 (1204), 27 1.5 (1204), 45 ll. 14-15 (1212) and 47 1. 21, 48 1. 18 (1212). However, in all fairness to him this very same feature is met with in each and every one of Sakyasri's biographies signaled in this paper. The date found in the quotation of the Sil snyan bdun pa on p. 52 ll 22-24 will be discussed in my paper, signaled above in note sixteen. (28) DPA' 502-3 [DPA'(P) 500]. Sakyasri's biographical sketch, together with his vinaya lineage, is found in DPA, 488-502 [DPA(P) 486-500]. (29) RGYA 506-9 [Chen, 296-97] and `GOS 946-52 [Roerich, 1064-71; 'GOS1 1239-47; Guo, 696-701]. (39) The year of his birth is taken from Zhang (p. 3221), where its source is not identified. The reference to this work is found in YAR 106b [YAR] 178; Tang, 101, note 1]; it is missing from the cognate passage in YAR2 169. (31) See the seven-folio dbu med manuscript under catalogue no. 002833(4); the indigenous catalogue number is phyi ra 150. Its incipit reads; fol. 1b: bcom ldan 'das'jam pa'i dbyangs la phyag 'tshal lo // bla ma chos kyi rgyal po [sublinear note: chen po] kha [supralinear note: che] ba'i mdzad pa dang rnam thar dang / chos la swo J. sogs] pa gsung zhing dris pa rnams bdag nyid mchog tu dad cing gus pa'i bsam pas cung zad bri bar 'dod pa'di rgyal bar gyur J. The colophon mM On fol. 7a:, Chos kyi rgyal Po kka che ba'i gsung thor bu ba rnank.. dad pa thob nas: seng ge dpal [note at bottom of page: sa[ ] skya pan chen gyi las slob spyi bo lhas pal gyi [read: gyis] bris pa'o. (32) YAR 107b [YAR] 179; YAR2 170 Tang, 101]. (33) MANG 158. One Wonders if he might be "Mkhan po Chos grub pa," the abbot of the Dge 'dun sgang pa community who served in this capacity at the time Stag tshang Dpal 'byor bzang po compiled his chronicle, for which see RGYA 514 [Chen, 299]. See also MKHAN 21a, where we learn that he was abbot for some twenty years. (34) For a different assessment of this line, see Jackson's synopsis on p. 14 ad Q. (35) See, for instance, RGYA 508, 514 [Chen, 297, 299]. (36) He was also rather important for the transmission of Buddhist pramanavada, for which see E. Steinkellner, "Some Sanskrit-Fragments of Jinendrabuddhi's Visalavati," in A Corpus of Indian Studies: Essays in Honour of Professor Gaurinath Sastri (Calcutta: Sanskrit Pustak Bhandar, 1980), 99ff., and "Philological Remarks on Sakyamati's Pramana-varttikatika," in Studien zum Jainismus und Buddhismus: Gedenkschrift fur Ludwig Alsdorf, ed. K. Bruhn and A. Wezler, Alt- und Neu-Indische Studien 23 (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1981), 287ff., and the literature cited in these papers. For a comprehensive study of Vibhuticandra and, especially, his contributions to tantric theory and practice, see C. Stearns' forthcoming "The Life and Tibetan Legacy of the Mahapandita Vibhuticandra." (37) See bsod, p. 42 line 16; identical passages are found in DPAG and KHA. 'Gos Lo tsa ba omits Vibhuticandra's reference to the 'Bri khung pa's wealth, but adds here that he had also said. "It will be right for us to go to the Bka' gdams pa." ('o skol bka' gdams pa'i sar'byon pa 'thad), see 'GOS 523 [Roerich, 600; 'GOS1 706; Guo, 390]. In pad 127 [pad1 86, Bstan 'dzin pad ma'i rgyal mtshan includes his recommendation to go to the Bka' gdams pa, universalizes the original "this Mahamudra practitioner" to "Mahamudra practitioners" (phyag chen pa di tsho), but excludes the reference to 'Bri khung's wealth. DPA' 523 [dpa'(p) 520-21] repeats the account in bsod. Jackson (p. 20, n. 19) feels that Bsod nams dpal bzang po's reference to 'Bri khung's wealth is historically suspect, being usually associated with the Sa skya pa. However, its occurrence in DPAG, well before Sa skya became the recipient of Mongol imperial patronage, would have to allay this suspicion. (38) MANG 156 [A 165] dates his stay in Slas mo che to the summer of 1205 (glang lo'i dbyar gnas)! (39) One wonders whether this jo sras, a title indicating that Nyi ma was of aristocratic descent, was in part to blame for this mishap. He is first introduced early on in DPAG 55b; see also KHA 13a. (40) See also pad 127-28 [pad1 86-87]. (41) dbon 104 [dbon1 375, dbon2 75]. (42) chos 165. Of course, an early Tangut connection with 'Jig rten mgon po is established by the fact that the original founder of the hermitage of 'Bri khung was the Tangut Sgom rings/rin. In addition, one of 'Jig rten mgon po's disciples, Mgar Dam pa Chos sdings pa Shakya dpal (1180-?1240), was a frequent guest at the Tangut courts of the Shenzong (r. 1211-23) and, possibly, the Xianzong (r. 1223-26) emperors. For tables of the Tangut emperors, see Wu, 43, 292; for Mgar Dam pa, see the references in my "On the Life and Political Career of Ta'i-si-tu Byang-chub rgyal-mtshan (1302-?1364)," in Tibetan History and Language: Studies Dedicated to Uray Geza on His Seventieth Birthday, ed. E. Steinkellner (Wien: Arbeitskreis fur Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien Universitat Wien, 1991), 296, n. 21. Aside from a reference to him having Tangut disciples in dbon 118 [dbon1 391, dbon2 88] Shes rab 'byung gnas is silent on his connection with this empire. The textual relationship between his work and CHOS remains to be gauged. We may point out here that both have a number of virtually identical passages; see, for instance, dbon 95 [dbon] 367, dbon2 65-66] and chos 148. (43) CHOS 165. The emperor in question could either be the Xiangzong (r. 1206-10) or the Shenzong Emperor. (44) CHOS 157. According to dbon1 1377, 'Jig rten mgon po also ensured a twelve-year peace in Ngam shod; the texts of DBON 106 and dbon2 76 have eighteen years." (45) This information is taken from Wu, 334-37. For the Mongol campaigns against the Tangut, see the chronological study of H. D. Martin, "The Mongol Wars with the main Hsi Hsia," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1942): 195-228; Wu, 122-38; and the notes in P. Ratchnevsky, Genghis Khan: His life and Legacy, tr. Th. N. Haining (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1991), 103-5. Mongol-Xixia military relations commenced in 1205. (46) For a survey of some of his literary sources, see PAD 480-81 [PAD] 78-79, 85-86]. What follows is based on PAD 117-18, 126-27 [PAD1 78-79, 85-86]. (47) For this institution, see the very informative paper in Dkon mchog 'phel rgyal, 61-83. (48) Bstan 'dzin thar lam, 23. (49) PAD 144-45 [pad1 98-99 notes that the 'Dzam gling rgyan structure housed the reliquary of 'Jig rten mgon po's remains and gives a brief description of its contents. It is also noted in Kah thog Si tu Chos kyi rgya mtsho (1880-1925), Gangs ljongs dbus gtsang gnas bskor lam yig nor bu zla shel gyi se mo do Can Account of a Pilgrimage to Central Tibet During the Years 1918 to 1920] (Tashijong: The Sungrab Nyamso Gyunphel Parkhang Tibetan Craft Community, 1972), 50, and Dkon mchog phel rgyal (1987: 68). (50 ) dbon 106 [dbon1 377, dbon2 76]. dbon 107 [dbon2 77-78] reads: de nas kyang rgya gar la mi mi 'dod nas gshegs pa dgongs pa la, but dbon1 379 reads: de nas kyang rgya gar la gshegs par dgongs pa la. (51) CHOS 175-76; see also pad 117 [pad1 78]. (52) dbon 113 [dbon1 310, dbon2 83]. (53) dbon 113 [dbon1 385, dbon2 19]. A notice in dbon 50 [dbon1 310, dbon2 20] Suggests that Skyes bu pa was somehow affiliated with Glang ri thang pa Rdo rje seng ge (1054-1123), but I am unable to identify both him and the Sgom chen. pad 70 [pad1 105] states that he had studied the entire corpus of Bka, gdams pa teachings under the Sgom chen. (54) dbon2 66; it appears that dbon 95 367] wrongly have ... slob dpon rtsags sam /slob dpon 'jam sing ... instead of ... slob dpon Rtsags dang / slob dpon 'jam seng ..., the reading of dbon2. Rtsags [Dbang phyug seng ge] and 'Jam [dpal] seng [ge] had been students of Phya pa Chos kyi seng ge, and both were erstwhile abbots of Gsang phu ne'u thog. (55) dbon 57 106 [dbon1 319, 378, dbon2 27, 76-77].] (56) The translation of sna lteb pa by "disappointment" was proposed to me by Mr. Shel dkar gling pa Tshe dbang rnam rgyal, who suggested that it probably is a variant reading of Modern Tibetan sna khug rdab. (57) This Jo bo lha is also registered as a disciple of Ko brag pa Bsod nams rgyal mtshan (1182-1261) in 'gos 637 [Roerich, 727; 'Gos1 852; Guo, 476]. An eight-folio dbu med manuscript of Ko brag pa's biography by La stod pa Shes rab mgon, entitled simply Chos rje ko brag pa'i rnam thar dgos 'dod 'byung pa(sic), is housed under no. 002790(5); indigenous catalogue no. phyi ra 33. Mention is made of his meetings with Sakyasri (fol. 2b) and Vibhuticandra (fols. 6b-7a). (58) See the Bka' brgyad bde gshegs 'dus pa'i chos skor, vol. 1 (Dalhousie, 1977), 35-47 and the slightly better text in Mnga' bdag bla ma brgyud pa'i rnam thar, Indo-Tibetan Buddhist Literature Series, vol. 122 (Rewalsar: Zigar Drakpa Kargyud Institute, 1985), 189-210. (59) Jackson, Entrance Gate, 27. This is also the view expressed on fol. 20a of Dmar ston Chos kyi rgyal po's Bla ma dam pa bod kyi lo rgyus [zhib mo rdo rje], C.P.N. no. 002864(3). For Dmar ston's text, directly inspired and approved of by his master Sa skya Pandita, see my "Apropos of Some Recently Recovered Texts Belonging to the Lam 'bras Teachings of the Sa skya pa and Ko brag pa," forthcoming in the Journal of the international Association of Buddhist Studies. (60) Jackson, Entrance Gate, 35, n. 35, observes that, to the contrary, the oral text of Ngor chen Kun dga' bzang po's (1382-1456) Sa skya Pandita biography dates this event to 1206. (61) DPAG 55b; this is absent in BSOD and mA. For an earlier connection of a Kashmirian Buddhist scholar with die Xixia court, see my "Jayananda: A Twelfth Century Guoshi from Kashmir among the Tangut," Central Asiatic Journal 37 (1993): 188-97. (62) BSOD (p. 18 lines 14-16), KHA 6a, this is absent in DPAG. (63) These will be discussed in my "Early Tibetan Conceptualizations of the Development of the Buddhist Pramanavada Tradition in India," under preparation.


The following work on the major events in Khro phu Lo tsa ba's life and the chronology of his principal masters is found untitled in KHRO1 115-118a. It is also contained, and equally untitled, in brgya1 254-56a Udder text no. 274, although the catalogue that precedes it refers to it as the Pan chen rnam byon tshul. Another manuscript of this little text is found in brgya 323b-25b, where it is called the Chos rje khro los pan grub gdan drangs pai rnam thar bsdus pa. Its author may have been Khro phu Le tsa ba, though we cannot be absolutely sure of this. Its relationship with what we have called dpag is transparent Less transparent is their relative priority. The text ends with the stipulition that it is a "sealed text" (bka, rgya) and with the admonition that it is important not to propagate it. Why this innocent work should be kept secret is not plain to me and, though this may be risky and will full, I hereby unhesitatingly reproduce it in full at my peril. It does not give the date of Sakyagri's passing, but it does inform us that it he left for Grib brtan in Kashmir," after having spent two years in Mnga' ris. This would mean that it could not have been written before 1214 or 1215. The ensuing text follows the one follows in Khro1; the variants in BRGYA and BRGYA1 are significant. It could of course very well be the Rnam thar bka' rgya ma that is referred to in the interlinear note in Yar lung Jo bo's chronicle.

rje grub thob chen po me mo sbrul gyi lo la bod du byon I spyir rtsang gi rgyal khams su zla ba bcwo [interlinear note: tshong 'dus yan chad du] brgyad bzhugs / dbang dang gdams ngag dang rten bzhengs pa'i rten [interlinear note: sa btsam ba'i] 'brel dang : gdul bya'i rnam thar bsam gyis mi khyab po //

bla ma pan chen bhud [read: bud] dha shri [read: shri] 1cags p[h]o spre'u'i lo la bod du byon / khong nyid kyi'i [read: kyi] lo rta [116a] yang 1cags pho spre'u yin I dgung lo drug bcu rtsa 1 bzhes pa la bod du byon : spyir gtsang gi rgyal khams su zla ba bcwo brgyad bzhugs : dbus kyi g.yo ru dang dbu m gnyis su zla ba bcwo brgyad 1han 1 bzhugs te lung rigs man ngag 3 kha'i [read: ka'i] chos rgyas par mdzad do // // bla ma chos rje shakya [read: shakya] shri yang bla ma bhud dha shri dang na zla / lo rta yang 1cags p[h]o spre'u yin : shing pho byi ba'i lo drug bcu rtsa 1nga 4: mnga' ris su lo 2 te bcu tham pa bzhugs / shing pho byi ba'i lo dbyar gyi dus : sgrog gi zla ba'i tshes brgyad la : gtsug lag khang dga' ldan gyi 'gram bting [read: gting] / sa 'dul ba dang : bar chad bsrungs pa dang : byin 'bebs pa thams cad bla ma pandi ta chen po de nyid kyis mdzad / byams chen pho brang dang bcas pa tshar ba'i rab gnas chu pho spre'ui lo bre zla ba'i tshes gsum nas bcu bzhi'i bar la mdzad / lo de nyid kyi smin drug zla ba la mnga' ris stod du gshegs : de'i phyi de lo chu mo byi'i lo bya'i lo [read: chu mo bya'i lo] la pu hrangs su bzhugs nas chos kyi rgyal po stag tsha'i bla ma mdzad / rtsang dang dbus kyi gnyal dang : [116b] dbu ru dang : mnga' ris skor gsum du bstan pa rin po che'i gzhung man ngag dri ma med pai rnam thar dang bcas pa dar cing rgyas par mdzad de : de nas kha che grib brtan du gshegs so //

lo tsha bas rang lo nyi shu rtsa bdun lon pa'i tshe rje grub thob gdan drangs : sum bcu so 1 lon pa'i tshe rje bhud dha shri gdan drangs : sum bcu so drug lon pa'i tshe rje shakya shri gdan drangs so //

lo tsha bas nyi shu rtsa bdun lon pa'i tshe slob dpon pha jo dgung lo 1nga bcu rtsa cig pa sa mo lug gi lo la mjal phur sku 'das : pha jo dang ma cig gnyis ka lo na zla : sa mo sbrul lo ba yin : rje btsun rgyal tsha rin po che sa pho khyi lo bdun bcu rtsa brgyad la khro bu'i [read: phu'i] gdan sa bar sar sku 'das : de'i tshe shing [o yos bu'i lo yin : lo tsha bas rang lo nyi shu rtsa gsum lon : slob dpon pha jo sa mo lug gi lo la 'das te : de'i tshe lo tsha bas rang nyid lo nyi shu rtsa brgyad lon : ma 1 drug bcu rtsa brgyad la glas [or: slas] [interlinear note: snar gyi dgon pa] mo cher sku 'das / lo tsha bas rang lo bzhi bcu [read. nyi shu] rtsa lnga lon : rin po che bya phug pa rje kun 1dan sa pho 'brug lo ba bdun bcu tham pa la 'jad shar phyogs bya phug gi pho brang du sku 'das / de'i tshe [117a] me mo glang lo yin : lo tsha bas rang lo bzhi bcu rtsa drug lon : sa mo yos bu'i lo 4 bcu rtsa brgyad lon pa'i dus su : khro bu [read. phu] gnyan 'khar gyi brag seng ge ljong du 'dug pa'i tshe : nam 'thongs gyi z1a ba'i tshes brgyad kyi tho rangs : gangs kyi lo zla zhes pa'i 1tas sbyar ro //

sngon lo tsha bas rang lo nyi shu rtsa 4 lon pa'i tshe grub thob chen po dang mjal nas : bal yul gung thang gser khang du byams chen khru brgyad bcu pa'i sku tshad bzhengs 1 pa'i gnang pa byin / byams mgon khru gang pa'i thang ka bzhengs su bcug nas : rab gnas khong nyid kyis mdzed : khru brgyad bcu pa tshar bar 'gyur zhes lung bstan[n]o //

lo tsha bas rang lo nyi shu rtsa bdun 1on pa'i tshe pha jo 'das pa'i dus su mjal phur lha chen bzhengs pa'i sngon 'gror zhal ras kyi tshad 1 ras la bris nas sems bskyed byas / nyi shu rtsa dgu la rje bhud dha shri gdan drangs pa'i tshe mang yul gyi [read: skyid] grong gi 'phags pa wa ti'i pho brang [interlinear note: skor kha gi gyab du] du bla ma pan chen bhud dha shris byams chen gyi dbu tshad kyi skya ris 1tas brtag pa dang bcas pa khong nyid kyis [117b] mdzad : rang lo sum bcu so 2 pa la dbus kyi 'bri khung du de rje po che dang 'bral [read: mjal] : 'bri khung gi thang la : dkyil [read: skyil] khrums [read; krung] kyi [read: gyi] tshad rdo la rtsigs [read: brtsigs] ste : ltas brtag pa dang bcas pa mdzad : rang lo sum bcu rtsa gsum lon pa'i tshe : chos rje shikya shri rgya gar shar phyogs nas gdan drangs te : gro mo'i lam la byon nas : khro bur [read: phur] dbyar gnas mdzad pa'i tshe : zhing gnyan chung ma'i steng du lha dang : lha khang gi rmang bting [read: gting] nas gzhi bzung : rang lo bzhi bcu rtsa 1 lon pa'i tshe : chos de shakya shris khor pan d ta'i tshogs dang bcas pa rnams kyis rab tu gnas pa chen po mdzad : de'i phyi de lo chos rje shakya shri pu hrangs su gshegs pa'i lam nas rim gyis kha cher bzhud do //

// de la rje mi tra chen po gdan drangs pa'i ring la dbu brnyes : rje pan chen bhud dha shri gdan drangs pa'i ring la srol btod : chos rje pan chen shakya shri gdan drangs pa'i ring la dar zhing rgyas par mdzad pa yin no //

// rgya chen bsam pas byams chen sku bzhengs nas // grub chen pag chen chos rjes byin gyis rlabs // don chen legs grub gro bai skyabs chen gyur // tshogs chen myur rdzogs byang chub che thob shog //

[118a] mang du gzhan la mi spel ba'i bka' rgya yod pas : mi spel ba gal che'o //.


A A mes zhabs Ngag dbang kun dga' bsod nams. Dpal

gsang ba dus pa' dam pa'i chos byung ba'i tshul

legs par bshad pa gsang dus chos kun gsal ba'i nyin

byed. Dehradun. Sa skya College, 1987. brgya Khro phu Lo tsa ba Byams pai dpal et al. Chos rje

khro phu lo tsa ba byams pa'i dpal gyi man ngag

[b]rgya rdza [read.. rtsa] mar grags pa, 451;

handwritten dbu med manuscript, C.P.N. catalogue

no. 005719; indigenous catalogue no. 'bras spungs

nang 150; marginal notation "ah." brgya1 Ibid. Chos rje khro phu ba'i man ngag brgya rtsa rgyas

pa, fols. 377; handwritten dbu med manuscript,

C.P.N. catalogue no. 005767(2). bu Bu ston Rin chen grub pa. Bla ma dam pa kyis ries su

bzung ba'i tshul bka, drin rjes su dran par byed pa.

In The Collected Works of Bu ston (and Sgra tshad

pa) [Lhasa print], part 24. Pp. 1-142. New Delhi:

International Academy of Indian Culture, 1971. chos Anonymous. Chos rje 'jig rten mgon po'i rnam thar

phyogs bcu gsum ma. In The Collected Writings

(gsung-'bum) of Bri-gung-chos-rje jig-rten-mgon-po

rin-chen-dpal, vol. 1. Pp. 123-80 New Delhi, 1969. dbon Dbon Shes rab 'byung gnas. Rje 'gro ba'i mgon po rin

po che'i rnam par thar pa mi zad pa rgya mtsho chen

po. In The Collected Writings (gsung-'bum) of 'Brigung

chos-rje 'jig-rten-mgon-po rin-chen-dpal, vol.

1. Pp. 32-123. New.Delhi, 1969. dbon1 Ibid. In Bka' brgyud yid bzhin nor bu yi 'phreng ba.

Pp. 291-398. Leh, 1972. dbon2 Ibid. In Dgongs gcig yig cha, vol. 1 Pp. 1-93. Bir:

The Bir Tibetan Society, dpa' Dpa, bo Gtsug lag 'phreng ba. Chos 'byung mkhas

pa'i dga' ston. Smad cha. Ed. Rdo rje rgyal po. Beijing:

Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1986. dpa'(p) Ibid., vol. I. New Delhi. Delhi Karmapae Chodhey

Gyalwae Sungrab Partun Khang, 1980 dpag Khro phu Lo tsa ba Byams pai dpal. Khro lo chen

pos mdzad pa'i dpag bsam'krhi shing, fols. 90: handwritten

dbu med manuscript, C.P.N. catalogue no.

002786(6) 'gos 'Gos Lo tsa ba Gzhon nu dpal. Deb gter sngon po.

New Delhi. International Academy of Indian Culture,

1976. 'gos1 Ibid. Deb ther sngon po. Ed. Dung dkar Blo bzang

'phrin las. 2 Vols. Chengdu: Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun

khang, 1985. khyung Khyung po lhas pa Gzhon nu bsod nams. Chos Pie bu

ston rin po che'i rnam par thar pa yon tan rin po

che'i lhun po, fols. 34; handwritten dbu med manuscript,

C.P.N. catalogue no. mang Mang thos Klu sgrub rgya mtsho. Bstan rtsis gsal

ba'i nyin byed lhag bsam rab dkar. Eds.. Chab spel

Tshe brtan phun tshogs and Nor brang O rgyan.

Gangs can rig mdzod 4. Lhasa. Bod ljongs mi

dmangs dpe skrun khang, 1988. pad 'Bri gung pa Bstan dzin pad mai rgyal mtshan. Nges

don bstan pa'i snying po mgon po 'bri gung pa chen

po'i gdan rabs chos kyi byung tshul gser gyi phreng

ba. Bir: The Bir Tibetan Society, 1977 pad1 Ibid. 'Bri gung gdan rabs gser phreng. Ed. Chab spel

Tshe brtan phun tshogs. Gangs can rig mdzod 8.

Lhasa: Bod ljongs bod yig dpe skrun khang, 1989. rgya Stag tshang pa Dpal 'byor bzang po. Rgya bod yig tshang

chen mo. Ed. Dung dkar Blo bzang 'phrin las.

Chengdu: Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1989. tshal Tshal pa Kun dga' rdo rje. Deb ther dmar po. Ed.

Dung dkar Blo bzang phrin las. Beijing: Mi rigs dpe

skrun khang, 1981. tshal1 Ibid. Gangtok: Namgyal Institute of Tibetology,

1961. thse Tshe dbang rgyal po. Bka' brgyud rin po che'i lo

rgyus phyogs gcig tu bsgrigs pa, fols. 530, handwritten

dbu med manuscipt, C.P.N. catalogue no.

002448(2). yar Yar lang Jo bo Shakya rin chen. Yar lung jo bo

shakya rin chen gis mdzad pa'i chos byung, fols.

116; handwritten dbu med manuscript, C.P.N. catalogue

no. 002446(2). yar1 Ibid. Yar lung jo bo'i chos 'byung. Ed. Dbyangs can

lha mo. Chengdu: Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang,

1988. yar2 Ibid. Ed. Ngag dbang. Lhasa: Bod ljongs mi dmangs

dpe skrun khang, 1988 Zhang Yisun et al. Zang han dacidian. 3 Vols. Beijing. Minzu,

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Author:Van der Kuijp, Leonard W.J.
Publication:The Journal of the American Oriental Society
Article Type:Book Review
Date:Oct 1, 1994
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