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Towards an architectural anthropology. Residual urban spaces, blanks in the identity memory.

1.Definition of the term

The built space complies with the present material requirements in terms of aesthetical value and is an identity landmark for a community, time interval, lifestyle.

The building incorporates the 'savoir faire' of the community that is specific to certain times and expresses the 'savoir vivre', clearly expressed and displayed. The residual spaces lost the latter half of the statement.

They are mainly characterized by the administrative jurisdiction to the city, a vacant function and unclear legal status--claimed or claimable land and buildings; land and buildings that are in the property of state (ours, everyone's, in other words nobody's).

The residual spaces may be:

--land and buildings with an obsolete previous functionality, with no ways of re-functioning being identified.

Examples in Bucharest: industrial platforms (Malaxa, Moara lui Assan --Assan Mill, Bragadiru, Fabrica de bere Grivita--Beer factory, Obor Platform, etc), railway stations (Cotroceni, Titan, Progresul), land and buildings, former decommissioned military barracks, research institutes; --waste land, result of unfinished urban operations.

Upon performing extensive urban operation, the recovery of the relation between the two entities (the old urban fabric and the new structures) has not always been a concern, and the result is seen in obvious spatial and identity gaps. Should the front of blocks built in alignment provide a reasonable extension towards the boulevard, the spaces blocked by them are residual spaces, unsupervised from the point of view of compliance, ability to communicate with the rest of urban spaces, maintenance or interest showed by the local administration. The examples in Bucharest are various: Titulescu Boulevard, Dorobanti, Mihai Bravu Avenue, stefan cel Mare Avenue, Mocilor Street, etc.

The same situation occurs for the collective housing in the interior, widely spread in the 80's, when the approach was similar: the front towards the street was studied, carried out and satisfactorily modelled and whatever was generated inside has been neglected ever since performing the designed remodelling, later on abandoned, thus becoming residual spaces;

--vacant land, a consequence of the tentacular expansion of the city into the territory. This is a special category of spaces, not affected by city planning (hereinafter called interstitial spaces), land that may be bearing the development by densification (one of the examples well-known to the public is Baneasa forest, the green belt of the Capital);

--land and buildings for which the owner (or municipality authorities) wishes to change its purpose, for a functional or financial one, therefore called spaces in waiting;

- land and buildings affected by natural phenomena (earthquake, flooding, landsliding) or human aggression (bombing, abandoned querries or mines, etc.) ...

--by extension, we may include in this category a large part of the urban public spaces, which are affected by the same amount of lack of interest and maintenance as well as excess in remodelling.

Two examples will bring some explanations to the statement:

a) the few city squares are either completely neglected and turned into landfills, or the interventions are irregular and inappropriate, thus their identity load is being rendered void (see the Izvorul Rece square);

b) the latter example concerns the street, the main form of expressing the public urban space, at least for Bucharest. The carriageable is turned into parking space or aggressively expanded to favour the vehicle transportation; hence, the sidewalk is reduced in size for the same purpose, sale kiosks, outdoor restaurants, access to public institutions or companies, with platforms for disabled people, stairs, metallic railings, benches, kerbs, flower stands, overlapping one another in a general cacophony, a non-usable space, in other words residual.

2. Characteristics

The urban development is carried out by expansion into territory, sometimes tentacular and lacunose, followed by densification (at this stage, the interstitial spaces are included in the urban fabric). This type of development corresponds to Bucharest evolution, established in the latter half of the 19th century and former half of the 20th, focused on centrality, and spatially highlighting the feature of capital of the country. The latest residential neighborhoods, built during the latter half of the 20th century were distributed in such a way that they balance the downtown.

For the last decades, after 1990, Bucharest has resumed the tentacular development, along the main roads communicating with the territory, mainly northward to Ploiesti. The present development is rather polycentric, with sensitive fractures and discontinuities. This change in the city evolution originates in:

--the massive urban restructuring, visible in the 80's demolishing operations, when both built spaces and the entire network of human relations were destroyed. A whole way of perceiving and understanding the city and urban life ended in the 80's;

--the land vacated by demolition was not given back to the city, and they remained vacant land, landfills with dust and dirt, trash and shelter for stray dogs and homeless people;

--a gap emerged at the population level, where the old social relations based on dwelling closeness were lost;

--after 1990, the political changes--initiated but never finalized, did not have any social cohesion strength;

--the economic changes triggered activity stoppage on the great industrial city platforms and their abandonment. Their inside spaces are still the largest residual spaces, even though (or maybe because) they found new owners. It is not about isolated situations, but they follow similar pattern in the entire territory;

--these residual spaces introduced barriers and generated discontinuities of the urban fabric;

--the taking over of certain models and concepts that were not enough assimilated, far away from the Romanian realities and the features of the urban space in Bucharest underlined the spatial hiatus;

--the identity crisis that people of culture, artists or specialists in various fields perceive and attempt to understand is due to losing contact with traditions, deterioration of the general human and moral values, fading of habits, of the inability to formulate a satisfactory vision for the future--a sensitive issue at both the urban and territorial levels;

--the inhabitants of the great city no longer know how to live, how to use the space they have, how to communicate with one another and to mutually respect one another;

--the city demonization occurs;

--the enclavisation happens (starting with the designed and promoted--gated community and ending with the usual one, at the outskirts or the ethnical communities) or gentrification (a process of changing an ageing urban area into a district for a financially stronger group, with a certain social status and the relocation of the impoverished old residents).

3. Case study: Moara lui Assan (Assan's Mill)

3.1. Address: 25 Halmeu Street (former Silozului), district 2, Bucharest, Code LMI 2004 B-II-m-A-19692, No. 2016

3.2. The site delimitation

--North--Reinvierii Street (the lot of Granitul Alley and Reinvierea Graveyard),

--East--Macina de Paine Street (the Irimicului Alley and Banitei Alley),

--South--Vaporul lui Assan Street and stefan cel Mare Boulevard, where the former address was registered, at no. 103 (later, no. 131 and then no. 139).

--West--Lizeanu Street (Silozului Street and Halmeu Street).

The complex is divided into two:

--the former factory of milling and bread-making "Graul", located at 24 Irimicului Street, district 2 (S.C. Graul S.A, currently in an advanced condition of degradation);

--the oil factory S.C. Solaris S.A., located at 25 Halmeu Street, district 2 (already demolished).

3.3. Historic value

The Assan factories started from an oil-pressing installation, man-operated, and several grain grinding stones, horse-operated. The Assan factory was built in 1853 by the merchants Gheorghe Assan (1821-1866) and loan Martinovici (1820-1882).

The land was bought from Ghica Trusteeship, and, later on, the property extended by purchasing new land from the close neighbours, up to 5.41 hectares.

In 1865, George Assan split from his associate and became the sole owner. After his death, in 1866, leadership was transferred to his wife, Alexandrina, followed in succession by the two sons, Basile and Gheorghe. In 1894, they opened a new section of lacquers and paints, and the mill production capacity increased to about seven wheat waggons in 24 hours. In Bucharest, in 1895, there were other nine steam-operated mills, besides Assan's. (1)

The constructions were made in bricks, thus becoming the first industrial building that adopted this system in the capital. At that time, there was no brick-made factory--it was only in 1855 when the first one opened, by cavalry commander loan Filipescu, in the Elefterie area.

The equipment was shipped on the Danube from Vienna to Giurgiu and then to Bucharest, on dry land (by 'Siegel' company). The works were carried out by German workers--the name of the architect does not appear in the archives nor is it marked on the building. From a technical point of view, the building is outstanding--the 10-meter high chimney was considered too risky to erect, therefore it was stopped. Upon paying some financial compensations to the city hall, the chimney could be built and had 26 meters. In the trade ledgers, Moara lui Assan was registered as "The Concern 'Fabricile lui Assan', for industry and trading with flour, vegetal oils, lacquers, paints and other similar products.'

In 1903, on its 50-year anniversary, a few buildings were added; a clock was mounted in the tower of the main building, underneath it, the numbers 1853-1903 were clearly visible in bronze. For decades in a row, the Assan clock measured the time for the people living in the OborColentina (2) neighborhood. The same year, the new wheat silo was built, as the tallest building in Bucharest (41 meters) and other 28 silos, with a total storage capacity of 700 waggons. The material used was wood (the best to preserve grains), encapsulated in a concrete packing on the bottom and brick work on the sides. The walls were made of planks brought from Sinaia and Azuga, crosswise and nailed. Fifty waggons of planks and one waggon of nails were needed; the cover was made in sheet iron. (3) After 1903, Assan's mill was converted to use the electrical power, from its private plant and in June 1930, it turned into a Corporation called "Fabricele Assan".

Prior to changing the mill into a corporation, the Assan brothers had only had 33 workers but in January, after the WWII, the number increased to 400 and they constantly updated and promoted the latest equipment and technologies in the industry. (4)

The Mill was confiscated by the communist regime in June 1948 and Basil Assan, a sole shareholder at that time, was arrested. The family was told that he had committed suicide during the police investigation. After 1950, there were "Graul" bread factory and" 13 Decembrie" oil factory in the Morii Assan area. The Dimitrie Leonida Technical Museum hosts a cylinder from the former steam installation of Assan mill in 1853, an exhibit purchased by the museum founder himself.

Between 1985 and 1987, the eastern area, including the factory itself and Macina de Paine street, was reshaped and a nine-storey collective residential complex was built. As a consequence, the area was lowered in size, to 4.7 hectares.

In June 1990, the new political regime considered that the land was state property and thus authorized the partial demolition, called 'Planning of Bucharest municipality'?approved by a decree in the 80's. (5) At the same time, the property was divided between SC "Graul" SA and "Solaris" SA, and a part of the oil factory was relocated. The new owners filed for bankruptcy, due to financial matters. During 2005, in a short period of time, more buildings located at 25 Halmeu Street were demolished, even though some of them had been included in the List of Historic Monuments. (6)

3.4 The interior: the current situation

The great depreciation of Asan's Mill unit started and was observed starting with 1995. As the interior was vast and the spaces were not accessible to the public, the controlled destruction of the built area could not be controlled and it became visible only later. The window frames were removed, as well as the decorative elements from the covers and towers. The archives and the furniture were sold by the piece or as wholesale. The equipment manufactured in Vienna before 1900 was deconstructed and sold as iron scrap, along with all their historic value. During the first half of 2005, the unauthorized demolition of the buildings began, as well as the destruction of the resistance structure of the mill itself, turning it into a ruin. The local authorities, as well as other institutions of the state amended these actions, but the destructions continued, using already well-known methods. In September 2005, the Bucharest City hall made a complaint to the Court of the 2nd sector with the purpose to start the arraignment against the persons guilty of the destruction.

During the night of 13-14 May 2008 (see Figure 2), the building was set on fire (at that moment there was nothing inflammable inside). The fire was definitely started by someone in order to cover the traces of the destruction. Subsequently, this happened again and the demolitions continued, especially during the weekends (see Figure 3 and Figure 4).

3.5 The bordering zone: the current situation

The ceasing of the activities and the depreciation of the buildings transformed the whole interior into an abandoned zone, with evil influences upon the proximity as well.

On the other side, the buildings built during the '60s, forming the first row of buildings at Stefan cel Mare offer posterior facades oriented towards the north, without sun and unclean (see figure 4), without urban settings, despite the years that have passed or precisely because of them ...

The interiors have collective dwellings built in the mid '80s, they never had attractive designs and they never were centres of the neighbourhood life. They remained bland spaces, without an identity and in time, they became immense parking spaces.

Under these circumstances, any neighbourhood relations were not possible between the inhabitants arrived from different other zones, with different preoccupations and different social statuses. The only identity landmark, despite the massive depreciation remains Asan's Mill (see figure 5) Unfortunately, as the current situation presents itself, the whole interior brings a divulsion of the overall urban fabric. The mill, instead of gathering, divides. There is no correspondence between its eastern and western limits and there is not one between the northern and southern ones either. When we assert this, we do not refer only to the spatial conformation, the quality of the buildings or urban spaces, but we also take into consideration the inhabitants. If towards Lizeanu street, in the west, the old buildings are still there, since the inter-war period or the beginning of the 19th century, poorly maintained and invaded by inhabitants with an unclear status, towards the north, the land along the street, more or less legally, entered into the possession of people willing to take advantage of it and towards the east and south there are the buildings leaving the impression of "no man's land".

3.6 The Symbolic value

The mill, according to the Romanian rural life economy of the 19th century, is a space full of significations, a meeting place, workplace, space for the product or information change with the "public space", a value similar to the one a pub (these were often placed nearby) or a hostel has.

The very important role the mill has in the daily life of the Romanian village reflects itself in the multitude of toponyms diffused all over the country:

--localities or locations: Moara Vlasiei, Moara Domneasca, Morarecti (Argec) Moara de Padure, (Baicoara resort, Muntele Sacelului), Moara Mocanului (known before as Prundu-Leordeni, comuna Leordeni, Argec), Hanul Morilor.

Landscape, geological phenomena, watercourses: Morarul mountain, Valea Morarului, Coltii Morarului (Bucegi), Lacul Morii (Bucharest) Moara Turcului (Cugir, placed on the left side of Raul Mare, 13 km south of Cugir, designating a cliff) (7) Piatra Morii (Traian Mager, Istoricul locali?lor. Toponimia si onomastica in serviciul istoriei), (8) Moara Seaca, Moara Dracilor (Valea Cernii), Moara Surii (Muntii Maramurecului), the cave Moara lui Pocol (Judetul Salaj), Moara Noua, Moara Cheia Taccai (Valea Muntelui, Bicaz), Moara Calugarilor (Bucovina), Moara de Apa, Dambul Morii (Bracov), Pectera Valea Morii (Arad county), The Valea Morii toponym is found on the entire territory (Alba county, Dambovita county, Bacau county, Satu Mare county), Valea Mom (Cluj county), Valea Morii river, branch of Timic river, Cheile Moara Dracului (Rarau mountain).

--proper names: Moraru

The mill is at the same time a crossroads between the worlds, where fantastic experiences take place. The stories about mills, millers and the magic experiences happening in their surroundings, passed down from one generation to another, populate the Romanian folklore, but they can also be found in the cult literature. The short story "Moara cu noroc" is worth being mentioned, written by Ioan Slavici and published in 1881 within the collection "Popular Short Stories", Gala Galaction's Moara lui Califar published in 1902 or Mihail Sadoveanu's Venea o moara pe Siret (started in 1915 and finished in 1923).

The singular position of the mill will be met on the entire European territory, the childhood fairytales, such as "The Booted Cat", are very popular fairy tales and they fully illustrate the fantastic charge designated to the mill. The mill as fantastic character can also be found in Cervantes's Don Quijote (1605) or in Boccaccio's "Decameron", 1349-1351).

The water mill, wind mill or steam mill (later) kept its mystery, magic and fantastic resonance, the links with other worlds or forces, good and bad, catalyst for the wildness of the passion. The continuous functioning of the mill is often associated with the implacable passing of time. The different flour ground at a mill signifies the passing of time.

The mill is a symbol of the community's prosperity. The peasants have plenty of grain to ground and the miller signifies the progress within the community by adopting new techniques.

The mill is also the symbol of people's technical capacity, of creativity and popular contrivance. The Netherlands is the country of tulips and wind mills, the Carpathian area, especially the Apuseni mountains are recognised for the water mills, made by the local masters, efficient in using the wood to build such tools.

The emergence of the great industrial mills, not only in Romania, but all over Europe had a significance similar maybe to the one of the railway development, to which they will be closely linked.

For the Romanians, the 19th century was the century of the Romanian Principates Union, the century when the national state was built, when independence was won and monarchy settled. All these events happened on the background of the industrial revolution, its effects being felt on the Romanian territory, especially during the second half of the century, after the monarchy was installed.

In this context, it is easily understandable why a mill like Asan's Mill, with a great capacity and cutting edge technology for that time, placed in an area with deep agricultural features, therefore supplier of raw material and even cheap labour, could not be but a success as business and significance.

The symbolic value of this mill is therefore the result of a few accumulated elements:

- it marks the change in the paradigm generated by the industrial revolution and the effects of the 1848 revolution, being the first factory working with heat energy in Bucharest, (9) initially accepted with suspicion, as the bakers in town considered that the equipment working with fire and emitting smoke will burn the flour. (10)

--the steam mill from Obor was known under different names, referring to its technical capacities: Moara cu valturi, Moara de foc or Vaporul lui Assan.

--from an architectural point of view, it is the first industrial building in Bucharest with a brick bearing structure, common to the 19th century, using a structuring and a space organisation model found all over Europe. From a stylistic point of view, it can be considered a neo gothic building, common for the industrial architecture style especially diffused on the German territory;

--socially, soon after its deployment, it becomes a symbol of the bordering zone, due to the fact that many of its inhabitants earned their living there and developed most of their activity in that area;

--the fact that the clock in the tower showed the exact hour, ordered and pointed the passing of the time in the entire neighbourhood is significant;

--the mill used as raw materials the grain of Baragan and the labour force surely consisted of many workers from the rural bordering zones, therefore the influence sphere of the mill is much expanded in the territory;

- the same mill will be associated for 150 years to our daily bread (flour and bread);

--as a consequence, it is also associated with the cues and rationalisations during the '80s-'90s.

3.7. Urban landmark

The incontestable historic and symbolic value gives special importance to this mill in relation to the city. In order to assert this, we consider it is enough to mention the toponyms in the area: Vaporul lui Assan, Macina de Paine, Fainari, Banitei, Silozului, Irimicului. (11)

The massiveness of the volumes, its verticality dominated and continues to dominate extended areas in the city, serving as spatial landmark for more than 150 years.

3.8. Possible evolutions

Ten years ago, the recycling possibilities by refunctioning and rehabilitation of the existent buildings were multiple. Unfortunately, the subsequent evolutions currently draw a limit to these possibilities and the passing of the time is not favourable to the built spaces. Nonetheless, beyond the fields awaiting new buildings, there are feasible possibilities, possibilities to rehabilitate or recondition, possibilities to maintain the initial volumetric analysis and to improve its significance. Therefore, the entire area should be restructured, including the restructuring of the historic monument buildings with symbolic value, by designating some new functions, both residential and socio-cultural, the organisation of the public spaces and the reconstruction or building of viable relations with the existent urban fabric. This is how the resulting spaces will enrich those elements constituting urban value, the spatial, temporal, social and cultural relations can be built again, the mill can become again a point of interest linking the community, adding that identity not visible anymore nowadays.

This is the recommended action offering multiple development drives, for the benefit of the city and not only. Such a thing though, means a laborious urban coordination, the insurance of the financing sources for different purposes, as well as a well-documented market research, with long-term prognosis. Unfortunately, this kind of study proves to be totally insufficient if the natural urban development tendencies or the cultural and socio-professional characteristics of the inhabitants, the ways to develop the physical and symbolic qualities of the existent spaces are not considered. To that effect, different studies were made, proposals or even architecture contests, actions that are mostly theoretical, meant to draw the attention on this status quo, more than pursuing a practical purpose.

The alternative is represented by the total demolition and the primary recycling of the land by designating new functions considered desirable from the investor's point of view.

3.9. Achievements

For similar or different reasons, the deindustrialization processes were extensively felt, which led to the emergence of the urban regeneration programmes. These were firstly applied in the United States, subsequently becoming functional in Europe as well. The pursue of such evolutions, of their causes but also of the solutions adopted, as well as the manner in which these responded to expectations can suggest the best ways of approach. The rehabilitation of Grands Moulins de Patin, Paris (architect. Brion, Haug, 1923), accomplished by architects Bernard Reichen and Philippe Robert; the architectural reconfiguration of Rudy Ricciotti (contest 2001) at Grands Moulins, Paris (architect Georges Wybo, 1917-1921) transformed into the Denis Diderot Paris 7 University (built by Swiss Giovanni Stucky between 1883-1895 with the help of architect Ernest Wallekopf and extended by Giancarlo Stucky between 1922-1927) transformed into a Hilton hotel can be considered very good examples for a study (see Figure 10- Figure 12).

4. Conclusions

The spatial relations established in a natural urban evolution are reflexes of certain existent social connections, of traditions and customs and they constitute themselves as good examples of establishments for the future. The category of spaces that makes the subject of this study brings to the immediate reality the hazard, the self-will, the lack of criteria or the value reversal. The phenomenon is not new, singular or characteristic to Bucharest, the situations definitely do not resolve themselves and the losses are significant.

It would be desirable that such a lesson should not be repeated, but the recent evolutions prove the contrary. It should be enough to mention the demolitions for the creation of the useless Uranus Boulevard. The Matache Market disappears, as well as a lot of historic monument buildings, an entire area well defined from an urban point of view, new buildings will appear on the new boulevard and behind the buildings- residential spaces, as appears in the project.

On the other hand, any natural evolution means such situations. It is important that we know them, that we correctly appreciate the phenomenon and react according to some generally accepted values. In the end, the city is a negotiation space, but it still has to be a city.

REFERENCES

Assan, B.G. (1896), Industria morariei in Romania, Bucharest : Institutul de Arte, Grafice Carol Gobl.

Assan, B.G. (1904), O jumatate de secol de la introducerea masinei cu aburi in industria romana, Bucharest: Tipografia Minerva.

Bene, Ana. (1967), "Aspecte ale dezvoltarii industriei bucurestene intre cele doua razboaie mondiale,"Materiale de istorie si muzeografie, V.

Chelcea, Liviu. (2008), Bucurestiul postindustrial, memorie, dezindustrializare si regenerare urbana, Bucharest, Polirom: 203-212.

Derer, Hanna. (2007 a), Un alt fel de istorie, valenie culturale ale patrimoniului construit, Bucharest: Editura Universitara "Ion Mincu".

Derer, Hanna. (2007 b), Despre conservarea si reabilitarea patrimoniului construit, Bucharest: Editura Universitara "Ion Mincu".

Diaconovich, Corneliu. (1898), Enciclopedia Romana, "Orasul Bucuresci" si "moara", Sibiu: W. Krafft.

Furnica, Dumitru Z. (1926), Industria si dezvoltarea ei in Tarile Romanesti, Lucrare facuta pe baza documentelor. Cu o scrisoare de introducere de Prof. Nicolae Iorga, Bucharest: Institutul de Arte Grafice "Tiparul Romanesc".

Giurascu, Constantin C. (1966), Istoria Bucurestilor din cele mai vechi timpuri pana in zilele noastre, Bucharest: Editura pentru Literatura.

Giurascu, Constantin C. (1979), Istoria Bucurestilor, Bucharest: Sport-Turism.

Giuseppetti, Rafaella. (1995), Un castello in laguna. Storia dei Molini Stucky, Venezia: Il Cardo.

Stan, Maria. (1971), "Morile cu cai din Bucuresti in secolul al XIX-lea," Materiale de istorie si muzeografie Bucuresti, Bucharest: Muzeul de istorie al municipiului Bucuresti.

* (1997), T echniques & Architecture, Dossier: Friches industrielles et urbanaines, no. 432, juin.-juillet

*Architecture Interieure CREE, no. 273, Universites et tertiaire

* Architecture Interieure CREE, no. 331, mai/juin 1=2007, Diversite culturelle

NICOLETA DOINA TEODORESCU

teo_doina@yahoo.com

Spiru Haret University

ANDREEA POP

arh_andreea_pop@yahoo.com

Spiru Haret University

NOTES

(1.) Source: http://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moara_lui_Assan

(2.) George, Potra. (1990), Din Bucurestii de ieri, Bucharest: Ed. Stiintifica si Enciclopedica

(3.) Assan, B.G. (1896), Industria morariei in Romania, Bucharest: Institutul de Arte Grafice Carol Gobl

(4.) Catalin, Ctefan Zafiu. (2002), Reconversie "Moara lui Assan", Comunicare Atelier de arheologie industriala din septembrie

(5.) Official Gazzette-Decree No. 289/1988; Official Gazzette--Decision No. 706/ 20 of June, 1990.

(6.) Sourcea LMI:1184 B-II-m-B-18902; 1185 B-II-m-B-18903; 1186 B-II-m-B-18904 ;1187 B-II-m-B-18905; 1188 B-II-m-B-18906; 1189 B-II-m-B-18907

(7.) http://cristiioanpopa.files.wordpress.com/2010/01/20popa.pdf

(8.) http://www.darnick.com/halmagiu/onomastica.html

(9.) Giurascu, Constantin C. (1966), Istoria Bucurestilor din cele mai vechi timpuri pana in zilele noastre, Bucharest, Editura pentru Literatura: 290

(10.) Chelcea, Liviu. (2008), Bucurestiul postindustrial, memorie, dezindustrializare si regenerare urbana, Bucharest, Polirom: 204

(11.) irimic n, intermediary product resulted by industrial grinding of the flour, used as fodder flour. From turkisk irmik. Source: DEX, 98

(12.) source: author's private collection

(13.) source: idem.

(14.) source: idem.

(15.) source: idem.

(16.) source: idem

(17.) source: idem

(18.) source: Student Ruxandra Iancu Bratosin, USH, sophomore

(19.) source: www.reichen-robert.fr/

(20.) source :idem

(21.) http://www.aguideinvenice.com/

(22.) http://honeymoons.about.com/

(23.) http://t1.gstatic.com/
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