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Tonal prosody in Chinese parallel prose.

 "From Rusticus ... I learned ... to abstain from rhetoric, and
 poetry, and fine writing; and not to walk about in the house in my
 outdoor dress, nor to do other things of the kind ...".


--Marcus Aurelius, Meditations I (George Long, tr.)

Parallelism in Chinese has a long history, and is found in some of the earliest written texts as well as official speeches. By late Six Dynasties times, there were three separate styles of parallelistic composition: plain, rhyming, and tonally alternating. The plain style seems to have been the most ancient, and in the Six Dynasties remained common in formal settings, including letters and memorials. Rhyming was common in fine literature such as fuh [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] and admonitory genres including tzann [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], ming [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], and beiwen [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. The tonally alternating style of composition was associated with lesser forms, such as prefaces and the short formal letter known as chii [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII].

In the Tarng, this last "preface style" grew to be the dominant style of composition in "parallel prose" (pyanwen [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]) proper, and it continued to be used in official memorials and elsewhere through modern times. In conception it is absolutely distinct from the rhyming style, because the second and fourth lines of a stanza, which rhyme in rhyming style, must be of opposite tones in preface style and therefore cannot possibly rhyme.

The preface style is later than the others, and must have postdated the movement for tonal prosody in poetry. However, it is in the preface style of parallel prose that the prosodic opposition of pyng and tzeh tones is first attested, predating its appearance in poetry. We shall also find that the very idea of a unified pyng tone category has been a literary fiction since perhaps the eighth or ninth century.

1. TONAL PARALLELISM IN MODERN TIMES

Rigorous tonal contrasts are familiar to us in Chinese society today from the antithetical couplets seen posted on door-jambs and temple columns, and used in congratulatory or condolatory messages. It is not uncommon to see couplets in which every syllable exhibits a tonal contrast with respect to the corresponding syllable of the other line of the couplet. These through-composed couplets resemble the epigrams of the ancient West, and their likeness to the carefully crafted couplets of the jyuejiuh [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], perhaps China's best known poetic form, makes the style seem very widespread.

By way of example, here is a grave inscription from a modern tomb in Taiwan (Hwang [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] family reburial; cemetery at Wuujye [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], in Ilan [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] county).
 [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

 Yellow gold--it cannot compare to the virtue of those who have gone
 before; the family residence--it should strive for sageliness in
 future generations.


In order to indicate the tonal value of each syllable, I have borrowed the symbols [??] (for pyng [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]), [??] (tzeh, that is to say any of the three non-pyng tones shaang [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], chiuh [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], or ruh [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]), and [??] (ambiguously either pyng or tzeh) used in traditional Chinese tsyrpuu [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. The symbol [??] (used below) is my own contrivance, to indicate prosodically irrelevant syllables.

Notice that in the grave inscription, every syllable has a pyng or tzeh value opposite to the corresponding syllable in the other line. The first syllable of the first line is pyng; the first syllable of the second line is therefore tzeh, and so on. The whole couplet is ordered in this way. The two lines begin respectively with Hwang [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] "yellow" and fuu [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] "residence," forming a simple acronym for "the Hwang residence." Grave inscriptions of this kind are rarely original; they are supplied in great quantity in the handbooks used by traditional kanyushy [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (geomancers) and gravediggers.

As another example, consider the woanlian [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (mourning couplets) composed by Yuen Ren Chao (1892-1982), for his librettist, Liou Bannnong [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (1891-1934; cited in Chang 1986: 682):
 [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

 Ten years--joined as double reed; (1) without words, henceforth
 it will be hard to make music. Our "Few Men" (2) are lessened
 by one; "O tell me how not to think of him!" (3)


In Chao's composition, not every syllable is subject to tonal parallelism. The final syllables of the longer lines are parallel, and before them only every other syllable is parallel. The prosody in Chao's quatrain is not arranged as precisely as in the grave inscription. Although both types are widespread, in general, parallelistic composition in belles-lettres over the centuries has favored Chao's style. Only in simple couplets is perfect parallelism considered de rigueur, as longer compositions tend to skip some of the syllables (in specific, alternating positions within the line), except when a show of skill is intended.

In this essay I discuss the practice of tonal prosody in one specific form, parallel prose composition (pyanwen [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]). I then turn to consider the larger meaning of the pyng-tzeh distinction and its use in poetry.

2. RULES OF TONAL PARALLELISM

In earlier times, however, tonal parallelism in prose was not necessarily applied with such rigor as we might imagine. The subject itself has been poorly studied. The main native discussions of tonal prosody in the past were of poetry. The seminal Bunkyo- hifuron [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], for instance, from the early ninth century, cites all of its examples from poetry. Anthologies and other studies of parallel prose, which flourished from Sonq times onward, have stressed the mechanics of parallelism in syntax and diction, and that is understandable because syntax and diction find their way into the content of the text, whereas tones do not. Primers of tonal prosody, such as the Shengliuh chiimeng [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] of Che Wannyuh [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (jinnshyh 1664) and the Lihueng dueyyunn [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] of Lii Yu [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (1611-1680), appear relatively late, but always make their presentations in verse, evidently as a matter of pedagogical convenience.

I have found two sources on the prosody of parallel prose. The first is that of James Hightower (1965: 66-67) citing research by David Farquhar. Hightower takes as his examples the "Beeishan yiwen" [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] of Koong Jyhguei [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (447-501) and the "Yuhtair shinyeong shiuh" [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] of Shyu Ling [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (507-583). Hightower writes,
 "[Farquhar] noticed two types of pattern: the sequence of tones
 in one line could be simply repeated in the next [...]

 [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

 or, more commonly, the tones would be in inverted order in the
 second half of a couplet, the sort of mirror-image relationship
 found in [liuhshy [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] ...]

 [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] (!)

 [...] To accord better with his data Mr. Farquhar suggested a
 looser definition of tonal parallelism:

 Type I: One member of a parallel pair is the mirror image of
 its mate, with one exception.

 Type II: One member of a parallel pair is the identical
 with its mate, with one exception.

 [...] It is apparent that while the tonal symmetry is not absolute,
 tonal parallelism has been deliberately exploited as a prosodic
 element in the composition of these pieces.


I am not sure what to make of the description of "mirror image" lines. Prosodic "mirroring" in both poetry and prose is, in my observation, always parallelistic (e.g., the first couplet in the present essay) and never palindromic as described by Hightower and Farquhar. I believe Hightower's statement must have been the result of some kind of error in the production of his essay, but in any case the correction is worth making here.

The second description of pyanwen prosody is that of Chang Jen-ching [Jang Renching] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (1984: 4-5; 1986: 237-38), part of his extensive life-long work on parallelism in general. Chang does not actually spell out the rules of tonal prosody, but he marks the tonal values of the syllables in a way that allows us to extrapolate general principles. I cite here an example by Horng Lianqjyi [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (1746-1809), "Dongchingshuh yuehfuu shiuh" [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]:

Chang's notation:

[ILLLUSTRATION OMITTED]

notation used in the present paper:

[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

We can see that lines 1 and 3 are parallel, and that lines 2 and 4 are also parallel. This quatrain, like the woanlian of Y. R. Chao, above, is a so-called gerjiuh duey [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], a quatrain consisting of a pair of interlarded "couplets with alternating lines." Chang's notation, though not explicit, implies the following four rules of prosodic order:

(1) The smallest prosodic unit is the couplet, although writers most often use quatrains, sometimes formed of gerjiuh duey.

(2) The tones of most syllables in any given line are irrelevant to prosodic order. Those that are important prosodically are the ones immediately preceding the caesura and the end of the line. That is, in four-syllable lines, syllables 2 and 4 are prosodically important (caesura is marked by [parallel]):

[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED

In lines with a "key" word, (4) the final syllable and the syllable preceding the key word are prosodically important, and (if there are seven or more syllables in a line) also the second syllable of the line:

[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED

(3) The prosodically important syllables within a given line ordinarily alternate with respect to pyng and tzeh. Within a couplet, the prosodically important syllables always contrast from one line to the other. If the last syllable of the opening line of a couplet is pyng, then the last syllable of the second line is tzeh, and vice versa. If the pre-caesural syllable of the opening line of a couplet is pyng, then the pre-caesural syllable of the second line is tzeh, and vice versa. Examples:

[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED

or

[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED

(4) Couplets themselves generally alternate as to the pyng or tzeh of the last syllable. If we observe consecutive quatrains written in this style, at the ends of the lines there seem to be runs of two pyng syllables followed by two tzeh syllables:

[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED

It is a significant fact that this fourth rule automatically precludes standard rhyming, in which every couplet must end in the same tone. There are, therefore, at least two kinds of parallel prose possible: rhyming parallel prose, such as we find in refined compositions such as fuh [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] and ming [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], and non-rhyming parallel prose in which tonal prosody is applied. In practice, there is a third kind: the ancient style of "ordered prose," in which neither rhyming nor tonal prosody are admitted, and in which parallelism is abundant though not necessarily composed rigorously from a syntactic point of view. (5)

Which of the two models of prosody described above is more useful? Chang's model involves only the syllables at the caesura and foot of each line, and so I will call it the "caesural" model. The Hightower-Farquhar rule involves almost every syllable in the line, so I will call it the "epigrammatic" model, recalling the densely composed epigrams of the classical West. The caesural model holds a number of advantages over the epigrammatic model:

(1) The great strength of the caesural model is that it acknowledges the prosodic significance of the caesura. In other words, it accords with the aesthetic needs of reading aloud.

(2) The caesural model matches the "alternation rule" that became dominant in shy [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] and tsyr [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] prosody, in that not every syllable counts (see Branner 1999: 46-47).

(3) The caesural model sets a smaller number of syllables as prosodically crucial, but the behavior of those syllables is more rigorously constrained. That shows a more realistic expectation of the amount of work an author would have to do in order to write a long piece.

(4) In the caesural model there is no need for palindromic "mirroring," which does not fit in with the rest of the parallelistic style (i.e., in syntax, diction, etc.).

Why does the caesural model highlight only two or three syllables in each line? There are by all means cases in which pyng tzeh prosody seems to extend to all the syllables of the line, espcially in four-syllable lines. Here are two prosodically flawless stanzas from the Yuhtair shinyeong preface:

[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

Pyng and tzeh syllables appear in pairs. The neatness of this arrangement cannot be accidental, but it must have been hard for writers to maintain for long passages; in practice we find that they rarely did so. Here are three more examples from the Yuhtair shinyeong preface. I have shown the tonal value of all four syllables in the center column, and in the right-hand column I have eliminated those syllables that I claim are prosodically neutral. Second example:

[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

Third example:

[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

Fourth example:

[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

The situation is even more complex in the six- and seven-syllable lines. Plainly the neat order of the earlier example (lines 89-96) is, if not a fluke, then a relative rarity within the style. It seems clear that the caesural model is preferable.

3. THE QUESTION OF TONAL PARALLELISM IN THE "BEEISHAN YIWEN"

In the "Beeishan yiwen," there are places here and there where these contrasting tonal patterns do appear, at least within couplets:

[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

but on the whole they are quite rare. Below I have listed the first eighteen or so couplets of each type of line. Clearly the couplets do not display the kind of alternation I have been describing, and also do not form themselves into neat stanzas.

[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

As may be confirmed in the full transcription that begins below, tonal parallelism is equally lacking in various other types of line.

That should not be surprising. Because the "Yiwen" rhymes, the last syllable of every couplet must rhyme, and all rhyming words must be in the same tone. That precludes the kind of tonal alternation used in the Yuhtair shinyeong preface. Even the non-rhyming lines in a given stanza very carefully avoid the tone category of the rhyme words in that stanza; (6) so if the rhyme-word is in a tzeh tone, the non-rhyming feet may legitimately be in a different tzeh tone. Almost every time Koong changes the rhyme, he also changes the tone category of the rhyme.

Such tonal avoidance is very characteristic of Yeongming-style poetry, whose prime prosodic feature is contrast. Even though it does not exhibit caesural prosodic regulation, then, the "Beeishan yiwen" reflects a Yeongming aesthetic of tonal prosody, in its own way. Hightower was right to take it and the Yuhtair shinyeong preface as representatives of the high parallel prose style, even if he did not realize that they were written according to opposed prosodic systems. In terms of its formal structure, the "Yiwen" is a Six Dynasties fuh, and such fuh do not regularly exhibit pyngtzeh prosody, although individual couplets sometimes obey various prosodic strictures. Furthermore, some Liang [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]-time poets did indeed compose fuh that are deeply imbued with tonal prosody. An example is Yeu Shinn [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], a most sensitive poet in matters of sound.

Below is the complete Chinese text of the "Beeishan yiwen," with pyngtzeh and rhyming words shown at right. Rhyme-words are transcribed following Branner 1999.

[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

4. DIGRESSION ON NON-PARALLEL LANGUAGE IN PARALLEL PROSE

Of course, the usual practices of parallelistic writing are still observed whether or not tonal prosody is involved. Below is a section of the "Shiongdih" [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] chapter of the Yanshyh jiashiunn [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] of Yan Jytuei [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (531-591; Chou Fa-kao 1960: 7a.). Yan's voice is that of a conservative paterfamilias, and he writes in old-fashioned parallel phrases, with neither rhyme nor tonal alternations. (11)
 1 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] After the parents have passed
 away,
 2 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] brothers look after one another.

 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] They should be [to each other]
 as
 3 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] shadow is to body,
 4 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] echo is to voice.
 5 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] They look after the bodies left
 to them by their forebears,
 6 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] and care for the mortal spirits
 of their own selves--
 7 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] if not brothers, then who would
 consider doing this?

 8 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] The relation between brothers
 9 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] is different from other people:
10 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] When expectations run so deep,
 it is easy to feel resentful--
11 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] but when your lands are so
 close, it is easy to be at
 peace.

12 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] Compare this with living in a
 house:
13 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] if you find a hole you fill it,
14 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] if you find a crack you plaster
 it over,
15 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] and yet you give no thought to
 the possibility of the house
 collapsing.

 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] [But if you take risks] like
16 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] not being on the lookout for
 sparrows and rats
17 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] and not protecting against the
 wind and the rain,
18 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] the walls will be undermined,
 the columns sink into the ground
19 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] and there will be no help for
 it.

20 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] If you think of servants and
 concubines as sparrows and rats
21 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] and wives and children as the
 wind and the rain,
22 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] how true it is!


Individual lines sometimes begin with words or short phrases that are not actually part of the parallelism, as for instance the words [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] at the beginning of line 3 or [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] at the beginning of line 16. I have arranged the texts in such a way that these "lead-ins" are seen to be outside of the ordered parts of the piece, although they are traditionally read and punctuated continuously with the parallel lines themselves: e.g., [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII].

Couplets and quatrains may be framed by lead-in lines before and "comment lines" afterwards, which serve to lessen the intensity of the presentation by breaking up what would otherwise be runs of parallel couplets and quatrains. An example is lines 12 and 15, which frame the parallel couplet in lines 13 and 14. David Schaberg has written at length (1997) about the rhetorical functions of quotations and other formal language in Warring States remonstrative speeches, and it seems clear that the use of framing lines in medieval pyanwen develops that older style. Here is a characteristic passage in the Tzuoojuann [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], from a speech by Beeigong Wentzyy [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] about "ueiyi" [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] [dignity of bearing, awe-inspiring demeanor], in the thirty-first year of Shiang gong [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Yang Bojun 1965: 1194-95, "Shiang gong" 31/13):
 1 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] The Wey ode has it:
 2 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] "His awe-inspiring demeanor is
 gentlemanly,
 3 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] and fault cannot be found with
 it."
 4 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
 This means that between ruler and
 retainer, superior and inferior
 rank, father and son, elder and
 younger brother, clansmen and
 nonclan kin, and in every
 unequal relationship--all of
 these involve awe-inspiring
 demeanor.

 5 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] The Jou ode has it:
 6 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] "Friends assist him;
 7 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] they assist by their
 awe-inspiring demeanor.
 8 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
 This means that the way friends
 act is always to admonish each
 other through their
 awe-inspiring demeanors.

 9 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] The Jou writings describe the
 virtue of King Wen:
10 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] "Great states feared his
 strength;
11 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] small states treasured his
 virtue."
12 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] This means that they feared
 and yet loved him.

13 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] The Odes say,
14 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] "Unthinking, unknowing,
15 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] following the pattern set by
 the Ancestor."
16 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] This means acknowledging the
 pattern and taking it as one's
 own image.


Lines 2-3, 6-7, 10-11, and 14-15 are couplets cited from canonical texts. They are first introduced, then quoted, and finally commented on. This dignified formal style is the model on which the parallel prose style appears to have been based. The passages presented here--Tzuoojuann speeches and the Yanshyh jiashiunn--are examples of traditional parallel writing, lacking the refinements of either rhyming and tonal prosody. But the rhyming and tonally conscious styles also make use of lead-in and comment lines.

5. MEMORIALS BY WANG RONG [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]

The caesural style (involving limited tonal parallelism) is most common in "prefaces" or "narrations" (shiuh [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]), formal letters (chii [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]), and certain memorials. It was the dominant pyanwen style in the Tarng and Sonq; the great majority of the pieces in the pyanwen volume of Gau Buhyng's representative Tarng Sonq wen jeuyaw (1976) exhibit this style. I will call it the "preface style" of parallel prose, in contrast to the rhyming style characteristic of the "Beeishan yiwen" and the "plain style" of tradition. The preface style is not used in any consistent way in the Wenshin diaulong [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] or at all in the Wensheuan or Shypiin [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] prefaces and must have been considered insufficiently formal at that time. Indeed, it is a post-Wensheuan style, being scarcely evident at all in the prose selections of that anthology; the clearest example is Wang Rong's (467-493) "Sanyueh sanryh cheu shoeishy shiuh" [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. Wang Rong's memorials in the Nan Chyi shu [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] one of them dating from the beginning of his short career, are the earliest dated examples I have yet found of this "preface" style, and indeed of the plain alternation of pyng and tzeh (the true Yeongming style in poetry involved not the binary alternation of pyng and tzeh tones, but the four-way alternation of pyng, shaang, chiuh, and ruh). That is fitting, as the Shypiin preface names Wang as the originator of Yeongming-style prosody. There also seem to be short stretches of preface style in some of the writings of Sheen Iue (441-513) [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] and Shieh Teau (464-499) [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. It is even possible to find individual couplets in pre-Yeongming literature that seem to display Yeongming-style prosodic order. But the Yeongming innovation was pervasive prosodic organization, and solitary ordered couplets should not be considered its antecedents.

Below are two of Wang Rong's early pieces, parsed prosodically. Note that only the line-feet actually obey the prosodic pattern with regularity. The caesura-feet obey the pattern in the first twelve lines, but thereafter diverge widely from it. In the first piece I have marked with a box (e.g., [??] or [??]) those syllables not found in the expected tone. There are other irregularities in these pieces, which make me think that they are indeed early, from before the style had fully formed, rather than later forgeries. One important irregularity is that pyng and tzeh foot-syllables sometimes alternate one after another [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED], rather than in pairs, as expected [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]. For a clear example, see lines 43-54 in the second piece.

Let me repeat that although poetic prosody in Wang Rong's time was based on the four-way contrast of the tones pyng, shaang, chiuh, and ruh, it is evident that his parallel prose (assuming it is genuine) already displays the pyng-tzeh contrast, which must be much older than has previously been believed. Actually, the crucial idea that is new here is that the three tones shaang, chiuh, and ruh constitute a single category. That the pyng tone category was felt to be something special is already seen in the rhyming practice of much earlier periods, but here for the first time we recognize tzeh being opposed to pyng in a systematic way.

A. Text from Nan Chyi shu (1972: 47.819-20). There is an annotated version in Chang Jenning 1965: 71-75.

[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

B. Text from Nan Chyi shu (1972: 47.820-21), emended in places following Gau Buhyng 1998: 138-47.

[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

6. VALUE OF TONAL PROSODY

Apart from the influence of the Yeongming prosodic movement generally, how concretely is the writer's craft affected by the application of the principles of tonal alternation?

Of course, the living sound of poetry is a crucial part of its expressiveness. It is really astonishing that so few Western students of traditional Chinese poetry write much about its aural aesthetics. Then again, perhaps few of us have been adequately trained in formal prosodic analysis. But it is true the principles I have described here do not directly affect the content, by which I mean the explicit "semantics," of a composition. Apart from the question of having to choose words of a certain tone for a certain place in the line, they are largely a matter of superficial ornamentation. Parallelism in syntax and diction have a much greater effect on the content of a piece.

Both the rhyming and preface styles of parallel prose form lines into couplets and couplets into stanzas, and this assuredly affects where the writer can place "comment" lines. Before the development of the preface style, non-rhyming parallel prose allowed comment lines to be placed more haphazardly.

In both the rhyming and preface styles, the last syllable of each line cannot often be a grammar particle. There is a tendency for line-final grammatical particles (yee [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], yii [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], tzai [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]) to appear in comment lines, where they contribute to the line's impression of finality and judgment.

Since it is necessarily distinct from rhyming parallelism, the preface style represents a later and less intrusive form of ornamentation. Victor Mair and Tsu-lin Mei (1991) have argued that the introduction of the Yeongming prosodic system in its original, complex form (that is, before the simplification of tonal alternation to pyng vs. tzeh) was an attempt to reproduce the aesthetics of Sanskrit chanting in Chinese. If so, the relatively simple tonal contrasts of the preface style may be the most perfect expression of that goal. Because the contrasts occur only at caesuras and the ends of lines, it is easy to give voice to them even in modern times, as will be shown below. In sum, the preface style in parallel prose involves an unobtrustive ornamentation that may slightly increase the aural sensuousness of a piece, but has few other effects.

In order to illustrate this "aural sensuousness," I now present a piece of preface-style literature as chanted according to traditional principles, in which attention is drawn to the pyng and tzeh tonal values only at the caesuras and line-feet. Below is a transcription of Lii Bair's (701-762?) "Chuenyeh yann tzonqdih tanrhua yuan shiuh" [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], first the text alone and then a transcription of two recent chanted performances in Taiwanese. Here is the text alone, with its tonal prosody illustrated.

[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

After two introductory lines, syntactically parallel but not tonally regulated, the piece consists of four quatrains. It will be seen that only the final syllable of each line enters into the prosodic order. That is frequently the case in Lii Bait's memorials and shiuh [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], as it is in Wang Rong's memorials. What is the meaning of such limited prosody?

The through-composed ideal of tonal prosody, as seen in the grave inscription at the beginning of this essay, has remained perpetually in use in ceremonial couplets. What I have termed the "preface" style of tonal prosody, incorporating caesural tonal alternation, is nonetheless more widespread. However, in actual practice even the preface style is sometimes so diminished that the only token of caesural prosodic order is found at line-feet. Truly, this preface style is often no more than a minor embellishment in composition. I believe most modern readers are simply unconscious of it.

Below is a transcription of the chanting of this piece in traditional Taiwanese practice by the eminent Ang Tek-lam [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] and by his student Phoan Giok-lan [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Ang 1999b: 2/8). The performances differ in their musical qualities, but the phonetics and prosody used by the two artists are nearly identical. (17)

In the past few years, as part of the larger beentuu [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] ("nativism") movement in many aspects of culture as well as in academia, Taiwan has been undergoing a rebirth of interest in classical literature read in Taiwanese. The monumental dictionary of Kho Seng-chiong [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (1992) was doubtless a harbinger of this movement. Recent recordings of classical literature in the traditional Taiwanese reading accent include Ang Tek-lam (1999a and 1999b) and Niu (1999a-c). For discussion of reading practices generally see Ang Tek-lam (1999a), Chiou (1991), Lin (1989), and Wang (1997). Musical transcriptions may be found in Chiou (1991) and Wang (1997).

Despite Lii Bair's tendency, in his parallel prose, to limit tonal prosody to final syllables, the Taiwanese performances nonetheless accentuate the pyng or tzeh value of each syllable in the other caesural positions that are usually important prosodically. Pyng-tone words appearing before the caesura are generally prolonged and sometimes treated with melisma; tzeh-tone words in the same positions are generally not prolonged and the singer continues singing without a break. That is a general rule of Taiwanese prosodic observance in chanted poetry as well as prose. A similar effect appears in the syllables ending each line, except that in the first line of each main section [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] and the last line of the piece [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] the final tzeh syllables are also prolonged, evidently as a way of making these lines stand out.

In the transcription I use Taiwanese Church romanization, with a few additional symbols. Tones vary more than is generally realized; in my preferred accent they sound as follows:
example Taiwanese name

a chiun-pian [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
a chiun-chiun [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
a chiun-khi [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
ap, at, ak chiun-jip [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
a e-pian [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
a e-khi [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
ap, at, ak e-jip [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]

example standard name

a inpying [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
a inshaang [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
a inchiuh [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
ap, at, ak inruh [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
a yangpyng [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
a yangchiuh [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]
ap, at, ak yangruh [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]

example basic value sandhi value

a [??] [??]
a [??] [??]
a [??] [??]
ap, at, ak [??] [??]
a [??] [??]
a [??] [??]
ap, at, ak [??] [??]


As is the case in spoken Taiwanese, the normal pronunciation of every syllable is ordinarily ap, at, akthat of its sandhi tone value. "Basic" tone values are heard only in certain exceptional syntactic environments:

(1) the last syllable in a sentence;

(2) the last syllable of the grammatical subject or the "topic" (when grammar is analyzed according to the "topic-comment" principle); one exception is a pronoun in subject position.

(3) the last syllable of a coverb-noun phrase modifying a verb or adverb;

(4) the last syllable of a noun-modifier followed by the particle e;

(5) certain phrase-initial conjunctions.

In addition, many particles are unstressed, and the syllable preceding such a particle does not undergo tone sandhi. This principle sometimes also applies to one-syllable pronouns serving as object to a verb (mainly chi [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]).

I have added several symbols to illustrate tone sandhi, stress, and length:

- indicates that the preceding syllable does undergo regular tone change;

# indicates that the preceding syllable does not undergo tone change;

-- indicates that the preceding syllable is drawn out or followed by a pause;

0 indicates that the preceding syllable is pronounced unstressed.

Syllables that are drawn out are generally subjected to melisma, or at least given a falling cadence.

[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

7. ADDENDUM: THE HISTORICAL UNITY OF THE CHINESE PYNG TONE

In the end, what can we say about the meaning of the pyng-tzeh distinction? Medieval tonal prosody is difficult to articulate in most modern varieties of Chinese, because the basic contrast of the categories pyng and tzeh has ceased to exist: the medieval pyngsheng [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] is now almost universally divided in two, and the three tzehsheng [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] have little in common in most Chinese dialects. For modern Chinese it is more natural to classify the three medieval tones pyng, shaang, and chiuh as "long" (shu [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]) and the medieval ruhsheng alone as "checked" (tzeh). But however attractive such a system may now seem, it does nothing for medieval prosody.

The disunity of the tzeh tones would matter less if only the pyng tone were still a cohesive category. What evidence is there of a unified pyng tone category in spoken Chinese? This question is at issue not merely in the aesthetics of performance; it is also has historical ramifications. Virtually all modern forms of Chinese have a divided pyngsheng, and therefore one is tempted to suppose that all modern forms of Chinese descend from an ancestor that also had a divided pyngsheng.

It is also possible that the bifurcation of tones took place areally, in dialect groups that already contained a large amount of material predating the putative ancestor of the other dialects. The Miin group may be such an example, since it exhibits phonological features thought to be much older than those in the rest of Chinese. See Branner (2000: 166-73). The fact that Miin dialects nevertheless show the split of the canonical four tones into eight may mean that the tone split happened within Miin some time after Miin was already formed, and not that Miin derives in a linear way from a single ancestor of all of Chinese.

The main exception to the divided pyngsheng rule is the city of Tayyuan in Shansi [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], and a number of nearby county seats (Hou Jingyi 1993: 349, map 25). Does this cluster of dialects around Tayyuan represent a survival of a unified medieval pyngsheng category or does it represent a more recent, local development? If a similar group of dialects can be identified elsewhere in China, then and only then would we have a sound basis to propose that Tayyuan's pyngsheng is a survival. Without such evidence, it is more responsible to treat the unified pyngsheng as a local development.

Within Shansi province itself, there is some evidence that the Tayyuan pattern has eroded geographically. There is a cluster of county seats around Tayyuan (Wenshoei [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], Loufarn [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], Pyngyau [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], etc.) that have only a single, unified pyngsheng category. North and south of these sites there are bands of dialects in which the inpyng and yangpyng are distinct, as in most of Chinese. Then, further to the north and south, there are a few other county seats with a unified pyngsheng category (Shan'in [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] and Farnjyh [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] to the north, Gaupyng [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] and Hourmaa [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] to the south; for Shan'in phonology see Yang Zengwu 1990). This is the geographic pattern we would expect if Tayyuan's unified pyngsheng had once been found over a larger area than it is now, and was encroached upon by dialects with a divided pyngsheng, leaving Shan'in and Ganpyng as islands separate from the Tayyuan cluster. In my view, this is good evidence for arguing that the Tayyuan type was once typical of the whole Jinn [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] group, but it should not lead us to conclude that it was ever typical of all of Chinese.

Certain dialects of Korean, spoken in the provinces of Hamgyong [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] and Kyongsang [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], preserve a distinction between the pyng and tzeh categories in syllables of Chinese origin. The contrast is expressed morphophonemically, (18) but remains most clearly evident in two-syllable compounds of Chinese origin. This contrast is found in the accents even of completely illiterate peasants who speak the relevant dialects. Hamgyong and Kyongsang are far apart on the map, and so it certainly appears that this feature is a relic of their common ancestor, Middle Korean (see Ramsey 1978: 81-113; also 2001). But does the Middle Korean feature itself really reflect the phonetics of contemporary (15th century) Chinese, or does it derive from some prescriptive source, such as the influential Hunmin chongum [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] of 1446 (Ramsey 1978: 13-16)? Unless some form of colloquial Chinese can be identified as the source of the Middle Korean pyng-tzeh distinction, Korean alone is not a reliable proof of the unity of the pyngsheng in Chinese.

Above, I have been weighing evidence for a unified pyngsheng category in recent Chinese. Let us view the problem from a different angle: what evidence is there of a divided pyngsheng in early times? Zhou Zumo, in his study of ninth century materials by the Buddhist monk Annen [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (1958), concluded that the great majority of Tarng-time (mid-800s) Chinese dialects did not have a unified pyngsheng. Most phonetic descriptions since that time have reported the pyngsheng to be divided. In today's dialects, a divided pyngsheng is almost universal, apart from the one important example of Tayyuan; and the simplest conclusion one can draw from this fact is that all modern Chinese derives from an ancestor with a divided pyngsheng. Yet, in all the centuries since Annen's time, traditional rhyming in Chinese has always treated the pyngsheng as a unified category, while all along virtually every living form of Chinese must have had a divided pyngsheng.

Indeed, it does not seem to be unusual for the literary readings in various Chinese dialects to violate even the most common rhyming patterns in canonical literature (see Branner 2002a). So it is evidently not true (as I myself long believed) that the regional reading traditions were maintained solely in order to vivify that literature for people whose spoken language did not match ancient norms. (Actually, it is not even clear that the regional reading traditions ever had a single, common function.)

Chinese is not alone in having bastardized the sound of its highest literature in this way. William Gedney (1997[1978]) and Thomas Hudak (1992) have described a situation in Thai poetry where modern phonology obscures the integrity of traditional prosodic patterns. The sound of classical Latin poetry became altered fundamentally in medieval times, when vowel length was replaced by vowel quality in vulgar language. If Harold Copeman's careful descriptions of historical Latin accents since 1250 are correct, then it would seem that few students of classical Latin poetry until recent centuries have been able to hear it read in a way that brought out its fundamental acoustic order.

Latin scansion may make a particularly good parallel to the Chinese case. Classical Latin authors adopted the principle of moraic prosody from Greece, alien though it was to the native Roman stress-based poetic tradition. Although it was adopted as the educated standard for ordering verse, it was all along something foreign to the language, and even its original phonetic basis was lost long before Latin itself died. The situation is much the same with the pyng-tzeh distinction in Chinese, which was introduced as a prosodic artifice perhaps to imitate Sanskrit syllable length, and which ceased to be a simple phonetic feature in spoken Chinese long, long ago.

As we consider all this, we would do well to remember--no matter whether we study linguistics or poetry--that the language of literature is something separate from ordinary speech. We have confounded the two for much too long.

8. CONCLUSIONS

This paper has three main conclusions. First, the organizing principle in an important sub-genre of medieval parallel prose is not pyng-tzeh alternation affected every syllable, but a limited alternation affecting final syllables and sometimes those preceding the caesura. Because it prescribes symmetry within the quatrain, this "preface" style cannot be used in rhyming passages, which require not symmetry but parallelism within the quatrain in order to allow every other line to rhyme. There are therefore two distinct forms of tonal prosody in use in parallel prose: one for the "preface" style and one for rhyming compositions.

Second, the pyng-tzeh alternation appears as early as the parallel prose of Wang Rong in the late fifth century, long before it began to replace the four-way contrast of pyng, shaang, chiuh, and ruh in Yeongming-style poetry. It is much earlier than had been believed.

Finally, it appears that the unified pyngsheng has, for most of the past millennium, been a literary fiction unrelated to the actual phonology of spoken Chinese. Mair and Mei (1991) suggest that the unadulterated Yeongming prosodic system itself may have been a highly artificial concotion from the first. In the "preface" style, then, we see a contrived form of ornamentation subdued tastefully so to interfere as little as possible with the organization of literature.

An earlier version of this paper was presented at the annual meeting of the Western Branch of the American Oriental Society, 18 November 2000, Tempe, Arizona, as "The Infection of Parallel Prose with the Yeongming Prosodic Virus." I am grateful to the many members of the audience there for their comments.

(1.) I am grateful to Dr. Pei-Yi Wu for informing me that "double reed" also refers to a kind of Chinese vaudeville act in which one singer hides behind another, who lip-synchs.

(2.) Chao and Liou were members of the "Shuhren Huey [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] [Society of a Few Men]," named after Yan Jytuei's quip in Luh Faayan's preface to the Chiehyunn.

(3.) The refrain of Chao and Liou's best known song, of the same name.

(4.) The "key" word is a grammatical particle ([TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] etc.) that serves to break up the prosody of lines longer than four syllables. Grammatically, the keyword generally has its usual meaning, unless it is a "nonce" or "refrain" word (Hawkes 1985: 39-41) such as shi [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. With regard to its tone, a keyword is never in a prosodically significant place in the line. In a parallel couplet, both lines have their keywords in the same position, although the specific particles used may differ, depending on the strictness of the composition.

(5.) It might be useful for us to assign distinct names to these three forms. I would like to propose that "parallel prose" be reserved for compositions that do not rhyme but do observe tonal alternations, and "ordered prose" for the more ancient style of composition without tonal alternations, in which syntactic parallelism may occur to a greater or lessor degree. And I propose that Chinese literature that rhymes should, after all, be treated as a form of poetry, even if it is classified as wen [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] in China.

(6.) Avoiding the so-called shanqwoei [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] transgression. In another paper (2002b) I have attempted to show that this transgression first begins to be avoided to a significant degree in the tzann [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] of Fann Yeh's [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] Hou Hann shu [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII].

(7.) The character [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (line 13) is read [thwat.sub.1] in the Chiehyunn [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], and seems out of place in a rhyming sequence with ngwei[H.sub.1b] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] and lei[H.sub.1b] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. However, the rhyming of -at (12-heryunn [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]) with -ei[H.sub.1b] (14-tayyunn [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]) was not unusual before about the middle of the fifth century (Zhou Zumo 1996: 31-32; cf. Ting Pang-Hsin 1975). It is rather conservative by Koong Jyhguei's time, possibly representing a survival of a much more common tendency in Hann and pre-Hann rhyming.

In terms of Chiehyunn phonology, one would desire to use a shyeyunn [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] ("accommodated rhyming") reading *thwei[H.sub.1b] (Mandarin *tuey) here. The Jyiyunn actually contains such a reading (1986: 519/1/7, [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]), although [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] in this case is a variant for a different graph and is associated with a meaning unrelated to "to remove (clothing)." However, the same homophone group (sheauyunn [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]) contains two clearly related morphemes: tuey [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], as in charntuey [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] "slough of the cicada" (i.e., molted exoskeleton, still in use today medicinally); and a rare form *tuey [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (or [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]) glossed "[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] [the molting of fur or feathers by a horse or beast]." Since there is no o evidence of conservative rhyming in this piece, I propose that tuo may indeed have been intended to be read tuey here.

(8.) The fact that line 28, the first of a new rhyming group, enters into the rhyming, indicates that a new section of the piece begins here.

(9.) In line 35, [ngok.sub.2] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] appears in a rhyming sequence with [kwak.sub.1] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], [hak.sub.1] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], and [tsak.sub.3] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], which is n unusual sort of rhyme in this period. Possible shyeyunn readings would be [*ngak.sub.1] (Mandarin *woh or [*ngak.sub.3] (Mandarin *yueh-iue).

(10.) This line ends in a chiuh tone even though the rhyme of the stanza is also chiuh. It therefore violates the Yeongming-style tonal avoidance I have mentioned. Or does the fact that it is the first line of the stanza excuse the shanqwoei violation?

(11.) Yan's parallelism plays a role in the syntactic analysis of Wang Xiaohua et al. (1998).

(12.) Following Gau Buhyng's emendation of [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] for the Nan Chyi shu's [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII].

(13.) Following Gau Buhyng's emendation of [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] for the Nan Chyi shu's [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII].

(14.) [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] has a better-known reading in the shaangsheng.

(15.) [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] has a better-known reading in the chiuhsheng.

(16.) This and the preceding line are punctuated following Gau Buhyng.

(17.) One superficial phonetic difference is that the breathy quality of voice in Phoan's performance gives the impression of an initial h- in several words where no such sound is expected (the syllable [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] in [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], the syllable [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] in [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]).

(18.) In other words, the distinction is not ordinarily heard when these syllables are pronounced in isolation, but they affect the overall pitch accent of compounds in which they occur, producing different effects depending on whether they are pyng or tzeh in Chinese.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Ang Tek-lam [Horng Tzernan] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 1999a Tak-ke lai gim-si [Dahjia lai ynshy] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. Ang Tek-lam [Horng Tzernan] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] ed. and Lim Hau-lin [Lin Shiawlin] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], narrator. One volume with four cassette tapes, including performances by a number of artists. Taipei: Wannjeuanlou.

1999b Kok-bun ko-si-bun iu-seng kau-tsai [Gwowen guushywen yeousheng jiawtsair] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. 2 compact disks. Taipei: Sanmin shujyu.

Branner, David Prager 1999 "A Neutral Transcription System for Teaching Medieval Chinese." T'ang Studies 17: 1-170. A much fuller and corrected version is forthcoming in book form.

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2002a "Red Cliffs' in Taiwanese Hanbun," CHINOPERL Papers 24: 67-100.

2002b "Early Use of the Yeongming Tonal Contrasts." Paper for the annual meeting of the American Oriental Society, Western Branch, 11 October.

Chang, Jen-ching [Jang Renching] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 1965 Lihday pyanwen sheuan [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] Taipei: Tairuan jonghwa shujyu.

1970 Jonggwo pyanwen fajaanshyy [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] Taipei: Tairuan jonghwa shujyu.

1984 Pyanwenshyue [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] Taipei: Wenshyyjer chubaansheh.

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Che Wannyuh [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 1915 Shengliuh chiimeng [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. Shanghai: Goangyih shujyu.

1967 Shengliuh chiimeng. [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] Edition Jiawjenq shengliuh chiimeng tsuoyaw [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. Taipei: Goangwen shujyu.

Chiou Shiehyeou [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 1991 Meeidwu yeu laangsonq. [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] Taipei: Yowshy. [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII].

Chou Fa-kao [Jou Faagau] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] ed. 1960 Yanshyh jiashiunn hueyjuh [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] Taipei: Academia Sinica.

Copeman, Harold. 1992 "Singing in Latin." Rev. ed. Published at Oxford by the author.

Gau Buhyng [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 1976 Tarng Sonq wen jeuyaw [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] Hong Kong: Jonghwa shujyu.

1998 Nanbeeichaur 'wen jeuyaw. [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] Peking: Jonghwa shujyu.

Gedney, William. 1997[1978] "Siamese Verse Forms in Historical Perspective" Originally presented at the Conference on Southeast Asian Aesthetics, Cornell University, August 1978. In William J. Gedney's Thai and Indic Literary Studies, ed. Thomas John Hudak. Pp. 45-100. Ann Arbor: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, Univ. of Michigan.

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Hou Jingyi [Hour Jingi] and Wen Duanzheng [Uen Duanjenq] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 1993 Shansi fangyan diawchar yanjiow bawgaw [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] Tayyuan: Shansi gaushiaw lianher chubaansheh.

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Jiang Jyusong [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 1977 Sonq syhliowwen yanjiow [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. Taipei: Hwajenq shujyu.

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Lii Yu [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 1987 Lihueng dueyyunn [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. Edition Shengliuh chiimeng Lihueng dueyyunn fuh [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. Cherngdu: Cherngdu guujyi shudiann.

Lin Wenbao [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 1989 Laangsonq yanjiow [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. Taipei: Wenshyyjer chubaansheh.

Mair, Victor H. and Tsu-lin Mei. 1991 "The Sanskrit Origins of Recent Style Prosody." Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 51: 375-470.

Nan Chyi shu [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 1972 Peking: Jonghwa shujyu.

Niu Keng-hui [Liang Jeonghui] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 1999a Ban-lam-gi sam-zu-keng chhian-zu-bun [Miinnanyeu santzyh jing chiantzyh wen] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. One volume with CD recording. Taipei: Dwujing chubaansheh.

1999b Lun-gi si-keng [Luenyeu Shyjing] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], vol. 1. Ed. Ong Tsai-kui [Wang Tsairguey] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], reading by Niu Keng-hui [Liang Jeonghui] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. Eight tape recordings. Taipei: Hwashan jeangtarng.

1999c Tong-si sam-pek-siu [Tarng shy sanbae shoou] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. Vol. 2. Ed. Ong Tsai-kui [Wang Tsairguey] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], reading by Niu Keng-hui [Liang Jeonghui] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. Seven tape recordings. Taipei: Hwashan Jeangtarng.

Ramsey, S. Robert 1978 Accent and Morphology in Korean Dialects. Seoul: Kugohak chulpan sa.

2001 "Tonogenesis in Korean." In Cross-Linguistic Studies of Tonal Phenomena, ed. Shigeki Kaji. Pp. 3-17. Tokyo: ILCAA Univ. of Foreign Studies.

Schaberg, David 1997 "Remonstrance in Eastern Zhou Historiography." Early China 22: 133-79.

Ting Pang-Hsin [Ding Bangshin] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 1975 Chinese Phonology of the Wei-Chin Period. Taipei: Academia Sinica.

Wang Shyriuan [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 1997 Hann'inshyue yanjiow [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. Taichung: Rueycheng shujyu.

Wang Xiaohua [Wang Sheunhwa] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] et al. 1998 "Yanshyh jiashiunn" tsyrhuey yeufaa yanjiow [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] Canton: Goangdong renmin chubaansheh.

Wensheuan [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 1986 Lii Shann [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], ed. Shanghai: Shanqhae guujyi chubaansheh.

Yang Bojun [Yang Borjiunn] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 1965 Chuenchiou Tzuoojuann juh [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. Ed. "Syhbuh kanyaw" [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. Taipei: Hannjing wenhuah shyhyeh yeoushiann gongsy.

Yang Zengwu [Yang Tzengwuu] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 1990 Shan'in fangyan jyh [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. Shansi gaushiaw lianher chubaansheh.

Zhou Zumo [Jou Tzuumo] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 1958 "Guanyu Tarngday fangyan zhong syhsheng =dwufaa.de ishie tzyliaw" [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. Wennshyue jyi [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], 494-500. Peking: Jonghwa shujyu, 1966 (rpt. Taipei: Jy'ren chubaansheh, 1976).

1996 Wey Jinn Nanbeeichaur yunnbuh jy yeanbiann [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. Taipei: Dongdah twushu gongsy.

DAVID PRAGER BRANNER

UNIVERSITY OF MARYLAND
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Date:Jan 1, 2003
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