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The whore of Babylon and the abomination of abominations: nineteenth-century catholic and Mormon mutual perceptions and religious identity (1).

In 1846, Oran Brownson, the older brother of the famed Catholic convert Orestes A. Brownson, penned a letter to his brother recounting a dream Orestes had shared with him much earlier. In the dream, Orestes, Oran, and a third brother, Daniel, were "traveling a road together." "You first left the road then myself and it remains to be seen whether Daniel will turn out of the road (change his opinion)," Oran wrote. At approximately the same period in which Orestes converted to Catholicism "because no other church possessed proper authority," Oran joined The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints because he believed that "proper authority rests among the Mormons." Indeed, in an era characterized by denominational proliferation, democratization, and competition, Catholic and Mormon claims to divine authority proved appealing to some Americans, like the Brownsons, wearied by the diversity and disunity of the Protestant world. (2) Oran cautioned Orestes to not trust polemical literature against Mormonism, but to "get your information from friends and not enemies." Orestes could have repeated the same warning about Catholicism, given the number and intensity of nineteenth-century attacks on both Catholics and Mormons. (3) Leaving mainstream Christianity to join the most despised religions in nineteenth-century America, the Brownson brothers embarked on spiritual quests that few contemporary Americans would have understood, much less approved.

The Brownsons' exchange not only suggests similarities in the appeal of Mormonism and Catholicism to some Jacksonian Americans, but also raises the question of how Latter-day Saints and Catholics viewed each other in nineteenth-century America. Studies of the popular images of Catholicism and Mormonism have almost universally examined the connections between these two religions and mainstream Protestant culture. Shifting the focus to the relationships between religious groups outside of the mainstream, however, high-lights an area generally neglected in American religious history. The relationship of Mormons and Catholics makes a particularly intriguing case, primarily because Protestant writings often linked them as enemies of republican America. Indeed, recent historians of the reactions of the American public to Catholicism and Mormonism in the nineteenth century have emphasized how each group came to be viewed as a demonized Other. (4) How does the Other respond to another Other?

Religious groups outside of the mainstream--from early Christians to contemporary fundamentalists--feel competing pulls towards accommodation to the culture and differentiation from it. Outsider groups commonly use their relationship to the religious mainstream--a category constructed by both established churches and minority sects--to define themselves. Thus, the relative weight given to either adjustment to or separation from the mainstream reveals much about the internal life of a religious group. Indeed, while they borrowed from the Protestant critiques of the other religion, Catholics and Mormons also transformed the often highly charged discourse about the other group to reinforce crucial trends within their own religious community. (5) In writing about Catholicism, Mormons sought to establish an identity distinct from both Protestants and Catholics. In contrast, in their efforts to move into the mainstream, Catholics used their descriptions of Mormonism to break free from the stereotypes with which Protestants tarred both religions. Thus, an analysis of Catholic and Mormon mutual perceptions illuminates the strategies developed by minority religious groups to relate to the larger culture, either by erecting boundaries between the community and the outside society or accommodating itself to that culture.

Nineteenth-century Protestant authors and politicians often attacked Catholics and Mormons using surprisingly similar arguments. In a classic article, David Brion Davis described how Jacksonian Americans denounced both Catholics and Mormons as dangerous to treasured American values such as republicanism and Victorian morality. According to Davis, the tirades against Catholics and Mormons reflected more about the writers than the religions, as these allegedly subversive groups "stimulated those suppressed needs and yearnings that are unfulfilled in a mobile, rootless, and individualistic society." (6) Depictions of Catholicism and Mormonism generally rested on a sharp dichotomy between a group of unscrupulous leaders and the deceived rank-and-file members, who, though innocent, would unquestioningly obey the evil commands of their superiors. The perception of group cohesion led to charges of bloc voting, and the frequently raised specter of the temporal ambitions of the religious hierarchies evoked fears of theocracy. The description of secret and sinister rituals performed by Mormons and Catholics further defined the groups as un-American. Their reliance on immigrants also provoked fears of an influx of foreigners who would bring their autocratic religious principles to subvert American democracy. Finally, using the venerable American genre of the captivity narrative, authors described the sexual and economic exploitation of women in convents and in polygamy. In a seemingly endless array of material ranging from nativist sermons to lurid novels, writers condemned Catholics and Mormons as unfit for democratic America. (7)

Significantly, not only did nineteenth-century writers use similar arguments against Catholicism and Mormonism, but they often explicitly compared the two religions. Indeed, the association of Catholicism and Mormonism with each other and with other unpopular ethnic or religious groups, including blacks, Chinese, and Indians, was a common tactic. (8) For instance, a drawing by the prominent political cartoonist Thomas Nast portrayed a Mormon snapping turtle and a Catholic alligator crawling on the United States Capitol; the caption read, "Religious liberty is guaranteed--but can we allow foreign reptiles to crawl all over us?" (9) Similarly, Congregationalist minister Josiah Strong in his best-selling Our Country (1891) lambasted both religions as perils endangering American life, pointing to their political power, unrepublican tendencies, servile obedience to a single leader, heavily immigrant populations, and socialistic doctrines. In addition, Strong declared that the Mormon leader "out-popes the Roman," echoing a familiar refrain that Joseph Smith and Brigham Young had acted as Mormon Popes. (10) Besides explicit association, many authors, including Harriet Beecher Stowe, actively participated in the campaigns against both Catholicism and Mormonism. (11) The widespread popular equation of Catholicism and Mormonism as groups that threatened essential American liberties sets the context for the Mormon and Catholic perceptions of each other.

I. MORMONS ON CATHOLICS

Mormons initially described Catholicism in language nearly indistinguishable from that used by their Protestant friends and families. Largely drawn from the ranks of disaffected Protestants in America and in Europe, early Mormon converts lived in a world inundated with anti-Catholicism. Since the Reformation, Protestants had associated the Catholic Church with the imagery in Revelation of "Babylon the Great, the Mother of Harlots and Abominations of the Earth." (12) Indeed, the "Whore of Babylon" was widely used as a pejorative label for the Catholic Church. The shifting associations of the imagery of the Whore of Babylon within Mormon thought reveal significant trends in the relationship of the Latter-day Saint community, Catholicism, and mainstream American culture.

Mormon scripture contains imagery similar to the statements in Revelation regarding the Whore of Babylon, which early Mormons identified as Catholicism. In a vision, the first prophet in the Book of Mormon, Nephi, saw the "formation of a church which is most abominable above all other churches." Founded by the devil, this "great and abominable church" destroyed the "saints of God," stripped the Bible of "many parts which are plain and most precious," and worshiped "the gold, and the silver, and the silks, and the scarlets, and the fine-twined linen, and the precious clothing, and the harlots." After a "great and a marvelous work"--interpreted as the latter-day restoration of the Church of Jesus Christ--the "mother of abominations ... the whore of all the earth" would wage war against the Saints of God. With millennial fervor, Nephi prophesied that the "wrath of God [would be] poured out upon the great and abominable church" and the Saints would triumph over the "mother of harlots." (13)

The narrative of Mormon sacred history, alluded to in Nephi's vision, reinforced the anti-Catholic tendencies of early Mormons. Latter-day Saints viewed Christian history as largely consisting of three pivotal events: the establishment of the primitive Christian Church; a "Great Apostasy" in which corrupt Catholicism stamped out pure Christianity; and the restoration of Christ's Church through the prophet Joseph Smith. (14) Clearly, Latter-day Saints did not hold any elements of traditional Christianity in particularly high regard. Their belief in Mormonism as the only true Church and their intense millennialism created a mindset marked by an "apocalyptic dualism" that readily divided the world into saints and sinners. (15) Nevertheless, given their Protestant backgrounds and the centrality of the Apostasy to Mormon belief, Catholicism represented a unique evil to early Mormons.

The condemnation of the Catholic Church as the Whore of Babylon was clearly current among Latter-day Saints during the 1830s and 1840s. Benjamin Winchester, an early Mormon pamphleteer, declared that "nothing can be more plain" than the identification of the scriptural Whore of Babylon with the "Roman or Latin Church." (16) Similarly, in an article lamenting the persecutions suffered by the Mormons in Jackson County, Missouri, Oliver Cowdery, Joseph Smith's right-hand man, discussed the historical injustices committed by Catholicism. Explicitly naming the Catholic Church as the Whore of Babylon, Cowdery recited a litany of false Catholic teachings, including Marian and saint devotion, penance, papal infallibility, claims to temporal authority, the persecution of heretics, and a paid clergy. In short, Catholicism was a "long round of whims and fabulous traditions." And all this in an article describing the inhumane treatment of Missouri Mormons at the hands of their Protestant neighbors. (17)

Latter-day Saints continued to associate Catholicism with the Whore of Babylon throughout the nineteenth century (and indeed well into the twentieth), particularly in the writings of missionaries. After about six months of preaching the "wickedness of the Catholic abominations" in Chile in 1851, Apostle Parley P. Pratt blamed the failure of his mission on the ignorance of the Catholic populace and the power of the Catholic Church (though he admitted that his poor Spanish and Chilean civil unrest also contributed). Approvingly noting the rise of anticlericalism in neighboring Peru, Pratt celebrated the progress of freedom "in the countries where, for three centuries, all intellect has slept, and all freedom of thought been crushed--buried--under the incubus of the horrid institutions of the great Mother of Abominations." (18) He further urged Latin Americans to complete their process of national independence by thrusting off the yoke of Catholicism as they had Spanish colonialism. (19) Similar frustration with the modest success of the initial Mormon missionaries in Mexico in 1881 prompted Moses Thatcher, a future Apostle, to complain that the Mexicans had "become gross, dark and dull, having for nearly four hundred years been fettered with such bondage of body and soul, as only the mother of harlots' can invent and inflict." (20)

These Mormon missionaries had cause for complaint, as the few converts gleaned from Catholic nations paled in comparison to the harvests won by their missionary colleagues in Protestant areas. Missions to Catholic countries, including France, Italy, Ireland, Chile, and Mexico, were largely dismal failures, which missionaries blamed on the influence of Catholicism. (21) Like other Americans, Mormons also reinforced their Catholic stereotypes through European travel literature. While few Latter-day Saints besides missionaries journeyed to Europe, those who did echoed Protestant tourists. Eliza R. Snow, the premier leader of Latter-day Saint women, enjoyed a Grand Tour through Europe and Palestine with other prominent Mormons during the 1870s. Upon viewing a Catholic mass in Milan, she despaired over the possibility of converting Catholics, stating, "I can see no hope for millions of people under the training of the 'Mother of Harlots,' and the influence of priestcraft, but through the ordinances of the dead." (22)

In contrast to this traditional identification of Catholicism as the Whore of Babylon, other Latter-day Saints substantially shifted the rhetoric of the Whore of Babylon during the mid nineteenth century. Theologian and Apostle Orson Pratt, often viewed as nineteenth-century Mormonism's greatest intellectual, advocated in a series of discourses and writings that "both Catholics and Protestants are nothing less than the 'whore of Babylon."' (23) While stating that the Devil founded the Catholic Church, Pratt also emphasized that Protestant churches, as daughters of the great harlot, possessed no legitimate authority. He praised the Reformation because it "produced a great division in Satan's kingdom--the mother being opposed to her harlot daughters, and the daughters against their most abominable mother." (24) Pratt depicted both Protestants and Catholics as minions of Satan, poised to battle the restored Church of God. (25)

Pratt thus sought to distinguish Mormonism not only from Catholicism, but also from the rest of traditional Christianity. For Pratt, the Whore of Babylon encompassed all previous Christian denominations. He queried, "Has this great and abominable power, under the name of 'the mother of harlots,' popularly called Christendom, fought against the Saints in this country?" (26) In particular, Pratt emphasized two themes in naming traditional Christianity as the Whore of Babylon. First, Catholicism had never possessed proper authority, and the "666 different Protestant denominations that have come out from the mother Church" thus lacked legitimacy. (27) Second, both Protestants and Catholics denied continuIng revelation, a "fatal delusion," which led to the introduction of innumerable heresies in Christianity. (28)

Other prominent Mormon leaders echoed Pratt in associating both Protestantism and Catholicism with the Whore of Babylon. John Taylor, who would succeed Brigham Young as Church President, stated, "The Protestants believe the Catholics are all in error, and pack the whole church off to hell as the mother of harlots, without any trouble, or without even a sigh. And the old mother is just as uncharitable towards her daughters, for they are her offspring, and she sends the whole of them unceremoniously to the same place." (29) While the trend towards a widening definition of the Whore of Babylon was not exclusive condemnations of Catholicism as the unique Whore of Babylon coexisted in Mormon thought with the expanding interpretation--it nevertheless indicates the Mormon desire to further separate from traditional Christianity.

As the national campaign to crush polygamy intensified in the 1870s and 1880s, Latter-day Saint leaders further broadened the definition of the "great and abominable" church to include American society. One writer questioned, "Who shall decide which is the 'man of sin," the Roman Church or the Protestant Christian nation of the United States?" (30) George Q. Cannon, a powerful religious and political leader, explicitly identified efforts to suppress Mormon power with the Whore of Babylon. "Those who go to Congress, and incite persecutions against us; those who meet together in conventions" against the Saints, he thundered, were followers of the Whore. (31) In promoting a boycott against non-Mormon products, Brigham Young also compared American society with the Whore of Babylon: "Some will say that it is ridiculous to suppose that Babylon, the 'Mother of Harlots,' is going to fall. Ridiculous as it may seem, the time will come when no man will buy her merchandise, and when the Latter-day Saints will be under the necessity of providing for themselves, or going without." (32) The sexual imagery inherent in the Whore of Babylon rhetoric also fit nicely with the Mormon campaign to refract accusations of immorality made by their opponents back onto American society. Bombarded with salacious exposes of polygamy, Mormons responded that only their marital system adequately protected women from the sexual evils of the day--prostitution, divorce, and adultery. (33) Labeling American society as the Whore of Babylon thus rhetorically emphasized the Latter-day Saint charge that immoral sexuality thrived in monogamous America.

The expanding interpretation of the Whore of Babylon from Catholicism to traditional Christianity to all of American society indicates the trajectory of Mormonism in the nineteenth century. Even before their exodus to Utah, Mormons had constructed an identity that emphasized the differences between their religious community and the mainstream culture. The construction of imposing walls around their community, however, did not cause the Saints to reject all American values; indeed, they saw themselves as the true heirs of the American tradition and deftly used the language of republicanism to proclaim their allegiance to American political principles while simultaneously rejecting the wickedness of surrounding Gentiles. The rhetoric of the Whore of Babylon served as one weapon in the Latter-day Saint arsenal that helped construct a boundary between the Saints and the rest of America, a process that accelerated during the national efforts to crush Mormon polygamy and theocratic power. (34)

II. CATHOLIC PERCEPTIONS OF MORMONS, 1840s-60s

In contrast to the attention Latter-day Saints gave Catholicism in the 1830s, Mormonism first caught the attraction of Catholic writers during the 1840s and 1850s, as the Saints became an increasingly controversial part of American society. (35) The perception of Mormons by Catholics during the mid 1800s can be usefully viewed through three prominent Catholic writers who represented diverse segments of the American Church and wrote substantively on Mormonism: Father Samuel Mazzuchelli, the Jesuit missionary Pierre-Jean De Smet, and the convert Orestes Brownson. Writing in a cultural atmosphere that was already associating Mormonism and Catholicism as enemies of America, these writers sharply differentiated Catholicism from Mormonism. Mazzuchelli used his writings on Mormonism as a means to critique the sectarianism of the Protestant world and argue that Catholicism provided protection from such fanaticism. Brownson and De Smet, anxious to demonstrate the compatibility of Catholicism with American society, emphasized the undemocratic tendencies of Mormonism. Their writings date primarily from the 1850s, when the rapid rise of the Know-Nothings corresponded with a general increase in anti-Catholic sentiment. They implicitly argued that Mormonism, not Catholicism, was the proper target for the political attacks aimed at Catholics.

Mazzuchelli, the first of this trio to address Mormonism, emphasized that Catholicism provided immunity from the appeal of the Latter-day Saints, a theme echoed by later Catholic writers. (36) An Italian-born Dominican cleric who worked among both Indians and whites in the Midwest, Mazzuchelli visited Nauvoo, Illinois in 1843 to meet Joseph Smith. He subsequently contributed articles on Mormonism to American Catholic newspapers and included a description of the Latter-day Saints in his memoirs, first published in Italy in 1846. (37) In his autobiography, Mazzuchelli sought to demonstrate to his fellow Italians some of the benefits of the American political system, including separation of church and state and protection of religious liberty. Besides personal observations from his visit to Nauvoo, Mazzuchelli relied primarily on an anti-Mormon work, which ironically also criticized Catholicism and warned of a possible Mormon alliance with "Atheism and Romanism, its natural allies." (38)

In his critique of Mormonism, Mazzuchelli attributed the success of the Latter-day Saints to the "blind credulity and fanaticism" of Protestants. For him, Mormonism represented Protestantism run amok, the extreme culmination of Protestant sectarianism. He posed the dilemma of how a people "so intelligent, so astute in the business of this world, so enterprising, and so fond of reading as the Americans" could also "believe all the errors invented by artfulness and religious fanaticism." "But of what are men not capable outside the Catholic Church?" he queried. In citing the "religious ignorance of the Protestants" as the key reason for Mormon growth, Mazzuchelli established a motif for later Catholic apologists. (39) Even so, Mazzuchelli's tactic of using Mormonism to criticize Protestantism was surprisingly underutilized by later Catholic writers, who primarily preferred to juxtapose Mormon theocracy with American democracy.

The Jesuit missionary Pierre-Jean De Smet prefigured these later Catholic apologists by portraying the unsuitability of Mormonism in American society. A native of Belgium who became renowned for his indefatigable missionary labors among various Indian tribes, De Smet wrote several highly popular books and scores of articles for the Catholic press. He had initially sympathized with the Latter-day Saints, after he had met with Brigham Young and others following the Mormon expulsion from Nauvoo in 1846. (40) In 1851, De Smet even suggested that his favorable report of the Salt Lake Valley (which he had never personally visited) had persuaded the Saints to settle in Utah, and he praised the Mormons for adding a "new star to the grand and beautiful American constellation." (41)

By 1858, however, De Smet had been recruited to join the military as a chaplain during the so-called Utah War; while he never reached the territory, his opinions on the Mormons had radically changed. The creation of a Mormon theocracy in Utah and the highly publicized clash between Mormon leaders and federal officials transformed the Mormons in De Smet's view from the suffering Saints who had earlier evoked his sympathy to a threatening menace. De Smet's own recent concern about the popularity of the Know-Nothings also likely shaped his attitude towards Mormonism. He lamented of the anti-Catholic party, "The right to defame and exile is the order of the day in this great Republic, it is now the rendezvous of the demagogues and outlaws of every country." (42) Using the rhetoric of republicanism Know-Nothings had used against Catholics, De Smet similarly warned of the Saints, "They have a political system that is inadmissible in a republic, and a religious system still less admissible, which is the 'abomination of abominations." Even the Salt Lake Valley, which he had earlier deemed capable of sustaining a million inhabitants, he now described as "most miserable." (43) Furthermore, he emphasized Mormon subversiveness and charged, "these fanatics never ceased to defy the government." (44) In another widely published letter, De Smet further decried the Saints' increasing economic and political clout and wildly overestimated the Mormon population. Mormon converts, victims of deceptive missionaries, were ensnared by the "despotic power of the leader." In short, Mormonism will "master and subject all, unless it is mastered and expelled in season," as it simply could not peacefully coexist in America. (45)

Orestes Brownson also perpetuated popular stereotypes of Mormonism for a Catholic audience. A native of Vermont like Joseph Smith, Brownson was the most renowned religious seeker of nineteenth-century America; raised a Congregationalist, he successively associated himself with Presbyterianism, Universalism, Unitarianism, and Transcendentalism before converting to Catholicism in 1844. Like his brother Oran, he also briefly explored Mormonism; in addition, his friend and fellow convert Isaac Hecker studied Mormonism and counted Parley Pratt as a friend during the late 1830s and early 1840s. (46) In 1854, Brownson, by now the premier American Catholic liberal, turned his attention to Mormonism in The Spirit-Rapper, a fictionalized autobiography. Brownson's narrator claimed to have known Joseph Smith and to have intimate knowledge of the Latter-day Saints, as "for a considerable amount of time the Mormon prophets and elders were in the habit of visiting my house." Through his narrator, Brownson associated Mormonism with spiritualism and mesmerism; referring to Smith's use of a divining rod, the narrator stated that "every mesmerizer would at once have recognized him as an impressible subject." Brownson's narrator freely admitted the reality of Mormon miracles, though he attributed them to direct satanic intervention, asserting that "Mormonism is literally the Synagogue of Satan." (47)

Like De Smet, Brownson believed that "Mormon reason and conscience are incompatible with the maintenance of the American state." In contrast to De Smet, however, he extended his defense of religious liberty to include what he presented as the most extreme case, stating that the government lacked the authority to violate the Mormons' freedom of religion. (48) Brownson's defense of Mormon religious liberty, similar to that of other liberals such as John Stuart Mill, distinguished his position from that of most other Catholics (particularly his European-born co-religionists) who accepted the role of the state in the suppression of "destructive" religions. (49) Brownson's rhetoric about Mormonism, like much of his fiery writings, also mellowed over the years. (50) In 1875, he recounted that a Mormon Elder had once healed a close relative; the more conciliatory Brownson merely suggested, "We do not believe that God wrought a miracle at the prayer of the Mormon Elder, nor are we willing to suppose an intervention of the Evil One." Rather, current lack of understanding of "moral or non-physical causes explained the apparent miracle. (51) Nevertheless, Brownson's earlier writings, along with those of Mazzuchelli and De Smet, established many of the themes pursued by later Catholic authors.

III. CATHOLIC AND MORMON INTERACTIONS IN EARLY UTAH

While the main narrative of Mormon/Catholic perceptions must necessarily emphasize combativeness, at times individuals from both religions advocated tolerance. Already in the 1830s, Oliver Cowdery, who (as we have seen) strongly condemned Catholic theology, also denounced anti-Catholic persecution. A consistent advocate of religious liberty (similar to Brownson), Cowdery could at once shudder at the thought of an intolerant Catholicism and strongly argue for Catholic religious freedom. Sensitized by Mormonism's own mistreatment, Cowdery lamented the 1834 burning of a Catholic convent in Boston as "a disgraceful, shameful religious persecution." (52) Likewise, fifty years later, a New York German Catholic newspaper announced its opposition to a proposed federal anti-Mormon law because it would create "a most dangerous precedent, which, remembering the fanaticism and influence of bigots, could possibly at some time be turned against the Catholic church itself." (53) Nevertheless, the episodic voices that preached civility were drowned out by the cacophony of competing accusations; not surprisingly, even Cowdery and the writer for the German paper expressed personal disdain for the other religious system. The relatively few incidents of mutual support between Catholics and Mormons suggests the high barriers to cooperation or even positive rhetoric between religious groups outside of the mainstream; in most instances, identification with another despised group could only complicate matters.

The relationship between Catholics and Mormons in late-nineteenth-century Utah, however, stands in sharp contrast to the usual rhetoric. Until the 1860s, the analysis of Catholic and Mormon mutual perceptions necessarily relies on writers who were generally little acquainted with the opposing religious system. The interaction of Latter-day Saints with Catholics in Utah in the late nineteenth century, however, offered an opportunity for more sustained contact. Though Catholic priests had first arrived in Utah in the 1860s, the arrival of Lawrence Scanlan in 1873 marked a new epoch in the history of Catholicism in Utah. (54) The Irish-born Scanlan supervised the Catholic Church in Utah until his death in 1915; in 1887, he became the first bishop of the diocese of Utah and Nevada. (55) Recognizing the tenuous position of the Catholic Church in Utah, Scanlan took a pragmatic approach of civility when dealing with the Mormon populace. The Latter-day Saint leadership responded in kind, demonstrating that when given the opportunity (and perhaps the necessity), members of the two religions could maintain friendly relations.

Scanlan's style is evident in his annual reports to the Societe de la Propagation de la Foi, a Catholic missionary organization headquartered in Lyon, France, which made annual donations to various Catholic endeavors in Utah. (56) In his 1888 report, he stated, "A friendly feeling, which may eventually result in some good, has been of late years manifested by the Mormons toward the catholic church and her institutions." He attributed the change to his "reconciliatory policy" towards the Mormons: "Instead of abuse, which is unmercifully poured out against them from Protestant pulpits, we preach catholic truth savoured with charity." (57) When questioned about his eschewing political activities against Mormonism, Scanlan responded, "I never join in anything of that kind. My mission here is not to make war among the Mormon people, or any other people, but rather to be the bearer of the message of peace and good will toward all men." (58)

Certainly, Scanlan's civil relationship with the Mormon population did not mean that he advocated an ecumenical approach to Catholic/ Mormon relations. He viewed the establishment of Catholic schools as key to the future growth of Catholicism in Utah. "Little, comparatively speaking, can be done with the adult portion of the Mormon people," Scanlan reasoned. "Their training, the persecutions which they fancy they have suffered for the Lord; and their whole ecclesiastical systems have made them fanatics." (59) Rather than proselytize among adult Mormons, Scanlan believed that the education of Mormon youth would lead them to abandon the faith of their fathers, a conclusion also drawn by evangelical Christian groups who established schools for Mormon children. (60) He particularly celebrated the arrival of a group of Sisters of the Holy Cross from Notre Dame, Indiana in the mid 1870s to establish religious schools. Scanlan also occasionally preached against Mormonism, as he did when Emperor Dom Pedro II of Brazil visited Salt Lake City in 1876. The local non-Mormon newspaper lauded Scanlan: "The Catholic priest has opened his well served batteries upon the Mormon citadel." (61) In addition, not all Utah Catholics accepted Scanlan's approach. Patrick Edward Connor, a prominent military, business, and political leader among Utah's "Gentile" population, consistently agitated against Mormon power. (62)

In general, however, Scanlan's amicable treatment of the Mormons prevailed among Utah Catholics and created unusually good relations between the two groups, a situation reflected in favorable comments regarding Catholicism in the Mormon press. In 1879, Mormon leaders in the southern Utah city of St. George invited Scanlan to preach in the St. George Tabernacle to "explain to them the origin, nature, and claims of the Catholic Church." With assistance from a Mormon choir, Scanlan celebrated Mass and preached a two-hour discourse before a congregation of three thousand Mormons. His assistant pastor, Denis Kiely, noted with pride that the "Mormon press, in alluding to the matter, spoke of it in the most favorable manner." (63) The Deseret News, for example, described Scanlan as both informative and "liberal in his views," concluding, "It is to be hoped that he may retain this feeling in practice as well as in sentiment. (64) In 1897, upon invitation, Scanlan published a lengthy explication of Catholic doctrine in the Latter-day Saint periodical Improvement Era. (65) After Scanlan's death, the Latter-day Saint President, Joseph F. Smith, commented, "I share in the public sorrow for a man who has been so energetic and so conscientious in accomplishing what he considered his life's mission." (66)

IV. CATHOLICS ON MORMONS, 1870S--90S

The conciliatory policy of Scanlan, however, did little to alter the highly negative image of Mormonism in national Catholic periodicals. Rather than the "patronizing, condescending attitudes" of Catholics towards Protestantism, late-nineteenth-century Catholics adopted a militant stance towards Mormonism. In addition, while Catholics usually criticized Protestants on religious issues, their critique of the Latter-day Saints focused on politics and morality. (67) A number of substantial articles on Mormonism appeared in mainstream Catholic periodicals such as the Catholic World and the American Quarterly Catholic Review from the 1870s to the 1890s. These articles suggest two crucial differences between Catholic perceptions of Mormonism and mainstream Protestant views of the Latter-day Saints. First, Catholic writers, aware of the perceived parallels between Mormonism and Catholicism, echoed Mazzuchelli in noting the absence of Mormons with Catholic backgrounds and in claiming that Catholicism blocked the appeal of Mormonism.

Second and most striking, while most depictions of the Saints emphasized the evils of polygamy, Catholic writers, while expressing abhorrence of Mormonism's peculiar institution, concentrated on the abuses of theocratic power. Much more frequently than their Protestant counterparts, Catholic writers drew on political stereotypes of Mormons, portraying the Saints as undemocratic, disloyal to the federal government, and under the tyranny of Brigham Young and other Mormon leaders. In so doing, Catholics argued against Mormonism using criticisms quite similar to Protestant statements against Catholicism, suggesting an attempt to deflect common complaints about Catholics onto Mormons. Indeed, Catholic authors at times suggested that attacks on Catholicism would be better aimed at the Latter-day Saints. One writer asserted, "the calumnies uttered against the Jesuits by their enemies would be true if applied" to the Mormons. (68) Another complained of the respect given to Mormons, lamenting that Americans valued freedom of religion "unless, indeed, he should concur with about 160,000,000 other persons in professing the doctrines of the holy Catholic Church, in which case there would be a fair presumption that he was dangerous to society." (69)

In their writings on Mormonism, Catholic authors proudly stated that no Catholics joined the Latter-day Saints. One author quoted Henry Ward Beecher--who had "little sympathy with the Irish race, and less with the Catholic religion'--as declaring, "Be it said to the credit of the Irish race, that I have not found a single Irishman or woman in the whole Mormon system." The author exulted, "God be praised! Catholic women never accepted the 'celestial exaltation' which women are declared to receive by becoming the 'plural wives' of Mormon elders." (70) Additionally, Mormon converts were described as the "lowest grades of non-Catholic nations," and "Spaniards, Italians, French, Irish, Mexicans, are sought in vain among the Latter Day Saints." Indeed, only Catholicism was "capable of protecting souls from this stupendous parody on things decent, fitting, and spiritual." (71) A visiting Irish Catholic nobleman distanced the one Irish Saint he met in Utah from the Mormon religious system, claiming that the man had as much "regard for the profits, at least as much for the prophets." (72)

In addition to protecting individuals from Mormonism, Catholicism represented the best hope for rescuing Mormons from their present plight. Catholic writers supported this sentiment in two manners: first, by suggesting that Mormons held Catholicism in special respect; and second, by citing supposed cases of Mormons, including descendants of Brigham Young, who had converted to Catholicism. A Jesuit missionary passing through Utah exclaimed, "Poor, blinded, fanatical men! How the Catholic heart feels and bleeds for them!" Fortunately, he later had the "consolation of receiving some Mormons" into Catholicism. (73) Another author quoted a high Mormon official as saying, "We all like the Catholics. They do not annoy or persecute us; they treat us like gentleman." (74) Brigham Young in particular was portrayed as admiring Catholicism. One writer quoted Young as commenting about an early priest in Utah, "I am certain I did all a man could do to convert your priest to my religion, and without any success. But I am not so certain that he could not have converted me to the Catholic faith had he remained long enough and tried hard enough." (75) In addition, several authors described the friendly relations of the Scanlan era, especially the assistance and kindness of Young to Catholic priests and nuns, to argue that Catholicism was in a unique position to assist the Saints.

Routinely criticized for their own authoritarian leadership, Catholic writers in turn harshly condemned the Mormon political system, describing Brigham Young as a tyrant, an absolute monarch, and an American czar. Catholic historian John Gilmary Shea groaned that "Mormonism has thriven under the neglect of our Federal government till it is so strong as to defy all attempts to punish its disregard and defiance of laws." (76) In grappling with the "Mormon question," another writer asked whether Mormons could possess the rights of citizenship. Placing Mormons outside the pale of Christian civilization, the author proposed that the Mormons be "regarded as Indians"; though the government should not forcibly coerce Indians or Mormons, they should only be granted "the rights of men, not the privileges of citizens." (77) Other authors focused on Mormonism's undemocratic political practices and temporal ambitions. One writer suggested that under Mormon rule "suffrage became the veriest sham," as both dead Saints and Mormon livestock regularly voted. (78) Indeed, Isaac Hecker wrote that the incompatibility of essential American principles and Mormon practices meant that "we cannot, consistently with our safety, our well-being ... tolerate the enormities of Mormonism, much less permit the formation of a Mormon state." (79)

Catholic authors also highlighted Mormon disloyalty to the federal government, particularly during the Utah War and the Civil War. Like Mormons, Catholics had to confront their ambiguous response to the Civil War--which in the North comprised both the heroism of the Irish Brigade and the ignominy of the New York City draft riots--and the common charge that allegiance to the Pope trumped loyalty to the American government. (80) One Catholic writer charged that Mormons were "chronic rebels to the flag that protected them," citing a supposed quote by Brigham Young during the Civil War: "The North prays for the destruction of the South, and the South prays for the destruction of the North, and I say 'Amen to both prayers." (81) General John Gibbon similarly recounted Mormon prophecies in 1860 that the "day of Mormon vengeance was come, and the doom of the unjust Government of the United States sounded." (82) Another author described Mormon disrespect to the American flag, stating that Utah was "perhaps the only place on earth where it has been trailed in the dust, and set at half-mast on the Fourth of July." (83) In addition, Catholic writers asserted that Brigham Young regularly flaunted government authority by allegedly commissioning murders and even declaring himself a deity. (84)

Catholics also illustrated the undemocratic nature of Mormonism by sharply distinguishing between the tyrannical leadership and the honest, but duped, Mormon masses. General Gibbon explained, "The people too are virtuous, as they understand virtue, and are generally honest, except when led astray by their leaders." (85) The "rank and file," explained another author, "were mostly ignorant dupes," deceived by missionaries into converting and immigrating to Utah and thereafter continually manipulated by their leaders. (86) Related to this separation between the leaders and the masses, Catholic writers portrayed Mormon immigrants as the dregs of European society: "The masses of ignorant and poverty-stricken toilers in the crowded cities of Europe furnished an inviting field for the labors of the Mormon missioners." By contrast, Mormon leaders tended to be Americans who "utilize[d] the ignorant devotion of their followers in a very practical fashion." (87) One author even suggested stricter immigration laws to keep back the "Mormon hordes" who represented the "lowest class of the European populations." (88) As in their other criticisms of Mormonism, Catholic portrayals of Mormon immigrants echoed mainstream American complaints about the large numbers of poor European Catholic immigrants.

Contrary to other popular images of Mormonism, polygamy took a subordinate role in the Catholic critiques. Catholic authors universally denounced polygamy, but unlike contemporaneous Protestant writers, they generally refused to dwell on the evils of the Mormon marital system. Many of their condemnations of polygamy have a perfunctory quality, and their critiques of Mormon kingdom building and politics dwarfed their discussion of plural marriage. Certainly, not all Catholics spoke with a united voice on the Mormon question, hardly a surprising observation for an international religion replete with tensions between liberals and ultramontanes, native-born Americans and European immigrants, and various ethnic groups. James Cardinal Gibbons, Archbishop of Baltimore from 1877 to 1921 and a leading figure in the American Church, listed Mormonism at the top of his list of "five great evils" that imperiled American civilization. Mormonism, he declared, was a "plague-spot on our civilization" that threatened to undermine the American family. Gibbons used his criticism of Mormonism to launch a broader critique of American society, arguing, "Is not the law of divorce a virtual toleration of Mormonism in a modified form? Mormonism consists in simultaneous polygamy, while the law of divorce practically leads to successive polygamy." (89) Nevertheless, Gibbons' discussion of Mormonism diverged from the majority of Catholic authors who wrote for national Catholic periodicals; Mormon politics, not polygamy, emerged as the primary evil in most Catholic portrayals of the Saints.

This Catholic emphasis on Mormon politics contrasts with the general image of Mormonism. Following the Latter-day Saints' official admission of the practice of plural marriage in 1852, the stereotype of the Mormon harem became imbedded into the American consciousness through an endless stream of depictions in the popular press, periodicals, travel narratives, novels, and political dialogue. (90) Denounced as one of the "twin relics of barbarism" by the Republican Party in 1856, the system of plural marriage, more than anything else, offended the American public and prompted the intense campaigns by the federal government and evangelical Christians to subdue the Saints. Certainly, Protestant polemics contained complaints about theocratic power. Indeed, both Catholics and Protestant focused attention on the Mormon evils of polygamy and theocracy, but their relative emphases crucially differed. As Jan Shipps, the most astute observer of Mormon image, has commented, "As far as the public was concerned, it is very clear that to most Americans, the central Mormon issue was not politics, but polygamy." (91) In contrast, Catholic authors--themselves striving to demonstrate the compatibility of Catholicism and American democracy amid intense nativist sentiment that depicted Catholics as un-American foreigners--emphasized the political side of the Mormon question.

The privileging of politics over polygamy in Catholic critiques of Mormonism is also evident in the revealing turn-of-the-century correspondence between an Irish-American poet, Marion Muir Richardson, and Father Daniel Hudson of the University of Notre Dame. Their correspondence additionally suggests the influence of some Utah Catholics on the national Catholic perceptions of Mormonism. Richardson, whose devotional poetry often appeared in Ave Maria, a widely circulated Catholic devotional publication edited by Hudson, lived in rural Grand County, Utah, where her husband served as a government health officer. (92) While the charged atmosphere of rhetoric about Mormonism had somewhat calmed since the Church's renunciation of plural marriage in 1890, the election of B. H. Roberts, a polygamist Mormon leader, to Congress in 1898 reignited the national furor. In her letters, Richardson condemned the usual Mormon abuses, including the "utter abolition of the home [and] the degradation of womanhood." (93) Nevertheless, her foremost complaint centered on the Latter-day Saint political domination of Utah; she lamented that the Mormons aimed "at destroying every other church and every vestige of American freedom." Indeed, "there is no law, no election, no business in Utah except as the heads of that 'church' dictate." (94)

Like the other authors, Richardson distinguished between the Mormon leaders and the rank and file, stating that while the "mass of the Mormons are ignorant, the leaders are active, able, and unscrupulous." (95) That contemporaries depicted both Mormonism and Catholicism as un-American particularly galled Richardson. "Is it possible," she queried in 1898, "that the United States, so jealous of a union of church and state in the case of a legitimate church, actually contemplates giving up the West to this bastard creed?" (96) Two years later, she similarly stated (apparently blithely unaware of the Catholic-controlled urban political machines of the era), "Just fancy, nine million Catholics can't get consideration in politics, and half a million more or less Mormons rule the West." (97)

Richardson also railed against the Catholic leaders in Utah who took a relatively quiet stance on Mormonism. "I find myself facing the feeling that, as the Catholic church in Utah appears to officially side with Mormonism it cannot be the Church of God," she groaned. (98) In response to Hudson's apparent defense of the seating of Roberts in Congress, Richardson again denounced Mormonism as a "treasonable conspiracy." She criticized the comparison between Mormonism and Catholicism, explaining, "Now, if you, at Notre Dame, controlled Indiana and had a force of 'Destroying Angels,' if you dictated all politics, all business, law and social life, owned land, coal, mines, cattle, sheep and towns, the case would be parallel." She continued, "I don't want to see Catholics, in their absolute innocence, beguiled into an apparent defence of polygamy and Mormonism." (99) Convinced by Richardson, Hudson penned an article, "The Menace of Mormonism," for the Ave Maria that included several paragraphs drawn from her letters. Like Richardson, Hudson concentrated on politics, declaring that the question of who would rule in the West--"the Constitution of the United States or the revelation of the Saints"--needed to be promptly decided. (100)

V. CONCLUSION

How can the Catholic penchant for denouncing politics, rather than polygamy, as the primary Mormon sin be explained? And, more importantly, why is this of interest to anyone besides specialists in the history of Mormonism or Catholicism? Cultural historians have used the concept of the Other to examine how a dominant group develops an identity by reducing a minority or foreign group to a stereotyped Other representing the antithesis of the dominant group's core values. The vast outpouring of venomous literature aimed at Catholics and Latter-day Saints either separately or jointly suggests that both groups functioned as an Other for mainstream Americans, representing a range of un-American activities and attitudes. Catholics and Mormons thus faced a similar dilemma of how to respond to their images as foreign, subversive Others unfit for American society. Their divergent responses suggest the range of possibilities for a marginalized and vilified religious minority.

For most of the nineteenth century, Catholics and Mormons were on fundamentally different trajectories, as Latter-day Saints sought to maintain their separation from American society and most Catholics desired either acceptance by or integration with the American political system and culture. Following their early persecutions in Missouri, Ohio, and Illinois, the Saints consciously chose to leave American society, even leaving the then-boundaries of the United States, to establish a culturally autonomous region. Once "Gentiles," as Mormons called all outsiders, began to arrive in Utah, particularly after the completion of the transcontinental railroad in 1867, Mormon leaders further preached separation from American society and culture. The widespread campaign against the practice of plural marriage also cultivated the development of an "enclave" mentality among the Latter-day Saints. The Mormon desire to develop distinct boundaries between the community of the Saints and the outside world led to the extension of the Whore of Babylon imagery to encompass not just Catholicism, but also Protestantism and all of American society. Only towards the end of the century--with the official repudiation of plural marriage in 1890, the disbandment of the Church's political party in 1891, and the achievement of Utah statehood in 1896--did Latter-day Saints move towards a reconciliation of Mormonism with American politics and culture. (101)

Even before the 1890s, some dissenting Mormons occasionally rejected these separatist strategies and advocated a rapprochement between the Latter-day Saints and American society. (102) A much more vigorous debate over how to balance the competing claims of cultural accommodation and differentiation occurred within nineteenth-century American Catholicism. Liberal Catholics strenuously asserted the need to adapt the Church to its American environment. Conservatives countered by advocating cultural separation; Catholic ethnic neighborhoods often erected barriers between the community and the outside society just as imposing as those created by Mormons in the Intermountain West. (103) Even so, both liberals and conservatives argued for the compatibility of Catholicism and American republicanism and sought to convince other Americans that Catholicism could peacefully exist within American society. (104) Legions of American critics, however, portrayed Catholicism as opposed to core American political principles. Following the demise of the Know-Nothing Party in the mid 1850s and the distraction of the Civil War, Catholics enjoyed a brief respite from these constant attacks. Inspired by renewed European Catholic immigration, a new wave of anti-Catholicism emerged in the last three decades of the nineteenth century. Unlike the anti-Catholicism of the antebellum era, these later critics largely abandoned the more lurid attacks on Catholic morality of the convent exposes, opting instead to highlight the un-American political aspects and the large foreign immigration. (105)

Facing this onslaught, many Catholics renewed their efforts to move from the status of an almost universally condemned Other to become mainstream Americans. The agitation between liberal "Americanists," who wished to modernize Catholicism, and more conservative Catholics, which raged during the 1880s and 1890s, is indicative of this atmosphere. The accommodation of Catholicism and America, however, was "not the hobby horse of one party"; while liberals and conservatives differed over how to accommodate, both accepted the basic premises of American democracy. (106) Indeed, articles expressing a repugnance for Mormon politics can be found in periodicals that took differing positions during the Americanist controversy. (107) In addition, the periodicals treating Mormonism in similar ways range from those addressed almost entirely to a Catholic audience (Ave Maria) to those viewed as the public face of Catholicism for educated Americans (Catholic World). This suggests that the portrayal of Mormons functioned not merely in Catholic public relations, but also as part of a genuine effort by Church leaders and intellectuals to convince both Catholics and other Americans of their mainstream status.

Thus, the Catholic condemnations of Mormons as essentially un-American--which closely reflected the most frequent and vehement arguments against Catholicism--should be seen as a tactic within the larger campaign to establish the American credentials of Catholicism. The consistent concentration on Mormon politics among Catholics suggests an attempt to distance Catholicism not only from the Latter-day Saints, but also from those attributes that critics of Catholicism found most offensive. Historians of the Other have theorized that humans "are more disturbed at transgressive behavior displayed by [their] close counterparts than by utterly foreign entities," a process Freud labeled the "narcissism of minor difference." (108) Groups with substantial similarities (or even perceived likenesses) will portray even minor distinctions as absolute and irreconcilable, in order to separate from the other group and construct a positive self-identity. In the minds of most Americans, real similarities existed between nineteenth-century Catholics and Mormons. Qualities that Mormonism and Catholicism shared, including a religious hierarchy and a heavily immigrant population, were thus the very qualities that Catholic apologists most criticized in Mormonism.

In short, Catholics and Mormons both used the perceptions of each other to further the internal goals of their own community. (109) More significantly, their interaction suggests a broader pattern in which marginalized religious and ethnic groups utilize the stereotypes of other minority groups to advance their strategies for relating to the mainstream culture.

(1.) I would like to acknowledge the generous assistance of Jim Turner, Patrick Mason, George Marsden, John McGreevy, Jay Dolan, and the anonymous reviewers for this journal, as well as the participants of two settings where earlier versions of this paper were presented: the May 2003 conference of the Mormon History Association and Notre Dame's Colloquium on Religion and History.

(2.) Converts to both Mormonism and Catholicism regularly cited authority claims as a crucial factor in their conversions. For the Mormon case, see Mario De Pillis's classic article, "The Quest for Religious Authority and the Rise of Mormonism," Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 1 (spring 1966): 68-88; and the exchange between Richard L. Bushman, William B. Cletsch, and De Pillis in "The Quest for Authority," Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 1 (summer 1966): 82-97. Marvin Hill has similarly argued that early Mormons sought a refuge from the chaotic pluralism of Jacksonian America; see Quest for Refuge: The Mormon Flight from American Pluralism (Salt Lake City, Utah: Signature Books, 1989). For Catholic converts, see Christine M. Bochen, The Journey to Rome: Conversion Literature by Nineteenth-Century American Catholics (New York: Garland, 1988), 377, 383. See also Nathan Hatch's description of this era in The

Democratization of American Christianity (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1989).

(3.) Oran Brownson, Dublin, Ohio, to Orestes A. Brownson, Boston, Massachusetts, 5 April 1846, Orestes Brownson Collection, Archives of the University of Notre Dame, Notre Dame, Indiana (hereafter Notre Dame Archives). Oran later left Mormonism for Catholicism after reading some books Orestes had sent him; see Oran Brownson to Orestes A. Brownson, undated [1850s?], Orestes Brownson Collection, Notre Dame Archives. See also George Parsons Lathrop, "Orestes Brownson," Atlantic Monthly 77 (June 1896): 779, which places Oran's conversion to Catholicism in 1860.

(4.) This is the approach of the influential works of Terryl L. Givens, The Viper on the Hearth: Mormons, Myths, and the Construction of Heresy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997); and Jenny Franchot, Roads to Rome: The Antebellum Protestant Encounter with Catholicism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994).

(5.) I will limit my analysis to the perceptions of Catholics and Mormons in America. For helpful analyses of the public image of Mormonism in European Catholic nations, see Wilfried Decoo, "The Image of Mormonism in French Literature: Part I," BYU Studies 14 (winter 1974): 157-75; Decoo, "The Image of Mormonism in French Literature: Part II," BYU Studies 16 (winter 1976): 265-76; and Michael W. Homer, "The Church's Image in Italy from the 1840s to 1946: A Bibliographic Essay," BYU Studies 31 (spring 1991): 83-114.

(6.) David Brion Davis, "Some Themes of Counter-Subversion: An Analysis of Anti-Masonic, Anti-Catholic, and Anti-Mormon Literature," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 47 (September 1960): 205-24.

(7.) For comparisons of anti-Catholicism and anti-Mormonism besides Davis, see Mark W. Cannon, "The Crusades Against the Masons, Catholics, and Mormons: Separate Waves of a Common Current," BYU Studies 3 (winter 1961): 23-40; Gary L. Bunker and Davis Bitton, The Mormon Graphic Image, 1832-1914 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1983), 75-86; and Sarah Barringer Gordon, The Mormon Question: Polygamy and Constitutional Conflict in Nineteenth-Century America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002), 11, 33, 70, 206. For anti-Catholicism, see Ray Allen Billington, The Protestant Crusade, 1800-1860: A Study of the Origins of American Nativism (New York: Macmillan, 1938); John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860-1925 (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1955); Franchot, Roads to Rome; Marie Ann Pagliarini, "The Pure American Woman and the Wicked Catholic Priest: An Analysis of Anti-Catholic Literature in Antebellum America," Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 9 (winter 1999): 97-128; and John T. McGreevy, Catholicism and American Freedom: A History (New York: W. W. Norton, 2003). For anti-Mormonism, see Givens, The Viper on the Hearth; Gregory Pingree, "'The Biggest Whorehouse in the World': Representations of Plural Marriage in Nineteenth-century America," Western Humanities Review 50 (fall 1996): 213-32; and Eric A. Eliason, "Curious Gentiles and Representational Authority in the City of the Saints," Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 11 (summer 2001): 155-90.

(8.) Bitton and Bunker, Mormon Graphic Image, 75-94.

(9.) Reproduced in Bunker and Bitton, Mormon Graphic Image, 85.

(10.) Josiah Strong, Our Country: Its Possible Future and Its Present Crisis (New York: Baker and Tayler, 1891; reprint, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1963, ed. Jurgen Herbst), 109.

(11.) Givens, Viper on the Hearth, 48, 104-5, 114-15, 146-47.

(12.) Revelation 17:5.

(13.) 1 Nephi, chapters 13 and 14. Two of Joseph Smith's canonized revelations from the early 1830s also refer to the Whore of Babylon; see The Doctrine and Covenants of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City, Utah: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1981), 29:21 and 86:3.

(14.) Eric Dursteler, "Inheriting the 'Great Apostasy': The Evolution of Mormon Views on the Middle Ages and the Renaissance," Journal of Mormon History 28 (fall 2002): 23-59. Dursteler argues that the writings on the "Great Apostasy" by early-twentieth-century Mormon theologians reflected the assumptions of nineteenth-century Protestant historiography.

(15.) Grant Underwood, The Millenarian World of Early Mormonism (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993), 42-57.

(16.) Benjamin Winchester, A History of the Priesthood from the Beginning of the World to the Present Time (Philadelphia, Penn.: Brown, Bicking, and Guilbert, 1843), 79.

(17.) [Oliver Cowdery], Editor of the Star, "The Outrage in Jackson County, Missouri," Evening and Morning Star (Kirtland, Ohio) 2 (March 1834): 137-38. See also Joseph Fielding, "What is Babylon," Times and Seasons (Nauvoo, Illinois) 4 (1 September 1843): 314-16, for another early Mormon association of Catholicism with the Whore of Babylon.

(18.) Parley P. Pratt, Autobiography of Parley P. Pratt (Salt Lake City, 1874; Salt Lake City, Utah: Deseret Book, 1985), 366, 368. Pratt's manuscript letters, which are partially reproduced in his Autobiography, also indicate his harsh views of Catholicism. See especially Pratt, Ship Dracut, Pacific Ocean, to Brigham Young, Salt Lake City, Utah, 13 March 1852, and Pratt to Family, 15 September-21 November 1851, Archives, Family and Church History Department, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah. An analysis of Pratt's mission is A. Delbert Palmer and Mark L. Grover, "Hoping to Establish a Presence: Parley P. Pratt's 1851 Mission to Chile," BYU Studies 38 (1999): 115-38.

(19.) Pratt, Proclamacion! Extraordinaria, para los Americanos Espanoles, or Proclamation Extraordinary! To the Spanish Americans (San Francisco, Calif.: Monson, Haswell, 1852). Pratt's pamphlet, written in both Spanish and English, also included a summary of the Mormon complaints about Catholic doctrine and practice. For similar comments from a missionary in Italy who later became Mormonism's fifth prophet, see Lorenzo Snow, The Italian Mission (London: W. Aubery, 1851), 9-10, 19.

(20.) Moses Thatcher, Mexico City, to Junius F. Wells, 4 August 1881, "Correspondence," The Contributor 2 (September 1881): 381. See also Kenneth W. Godfrey, "Moses Thatcher and Mormon Beginnings in Mexico," BYU Studies 38 (1999): 139-55.

(21.) Douglas F. Tobler, "Europe, The Church in," in Encyclopedia of Mormonism, 4 vols., ed., Daniel H. Ludlow, (New York: Macmillan, 1992), 2:269; F. Lamond Tullis, "California and Chile in 1851 as Experienced by the Mormon Apostle Parley P. Pratt," Southern California Quarterly 67 (fall 1985): 291-307; and Tullis, "Early Mormon Exploration and Missionary Activities in Mexico," BYU Studies 22 (summer 1982): 289-310.

(22.) Eliza R. Snow, Milan, Italy, to Jane S. Richards, Salt Lake City, Utah, 1 January 1873, in George A. Smith, Lorenzo Snow, Paul A. Schettler, and Eliza R. Snow, Correspondence of Palestine Tourists (Salt Lake City, Utah: Deseret News, 1875; reprint, New York: Arno, 1977), 106-7. For information on Protestant travel narratives in Catholic Europe, see Franchot, Roads to Rome, 16-34.

(23.) Orson Pratt, "Baptism for the Remission of Sins," The Seer (Washington, D.C.) 2 (April 1854): 255. For information on Pratt, see Breck England, The Life and Thought of Orson Pratt (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1985).

(24.) Orson Pratt, "Questions and Answers on Doctrine," The Seer 2 (January 1854): 205-6.

(25.) Orson Pratt, "New Revelation," The Seer 2 (May 1854): 258.

(26.) Orson Pratt, discourse, 10 July 1859, Journal of Discourses, 26 vols. (Liverpool, U.K.: Albert Carrington and others, 1853-1886), 7:184.

(27.) Orson Pratt, discourse, 10 March 1872, Journal of Discourses, 14:346.

(28.) Orson Pratt, A Series of Pamphlets by Orson Pratt, One of the Twelve Apostles of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Liverpool, U.K.: Franklin D. Richards, 1851), 177-80. See also "Review of the World," in Pratt, Prophetic Almanac for 1846, 6-13, reprinted in Elden J. Watson, The Orson Pratt Journals (Salt Lake City, Utah: Elden Jay Watson, 1975), 243-46.

(29.) John Taylor, discourse, 12 June 1853, Journal of Discourses, 1:154. For other instances of the mother of harlots/daughter of harlots imagery, see George A. Smith, discourse, 15 November 1868, Journal of Discourses, 12:335; George Q. Cannon, discourse, 11 June 1871, Journal of Discourses, 14:167-68; and John Taylor, discourse, 8 October 1882, Journal of Discourses, 23:262-63.

(30.) Moses Thatcher, "Mormon Polygamy and Christian Monogamy," The Contributor 3 (June 1882): 263.

(31.) George Q. Cannon, discourse, 6 April 1884, Journal of Discourses, 25:127-28. See also John Taylor, discourse, 19 October 1884, Journal of Discourses, 25:383.

(32.) Brigham Young, discourse, 6 May 1870, Journal of Discourses, 14:13.

(33.) David J. Whittaker, "Early Mormon Polygamy Defenses," Journal of Mormon History 11 (1984): 43-63; Davis Bitton, "Polygamy Defended: One Side of a Nineteenth-Century Polemic," in The Ritualization of Mormon History and Other Essays (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), 34-53.

(34.) For a good discussion of the development of religious "enclaves," which define themselves in opposition to the outside community, see Emmanuel Sivan, "The Enclave Culture," in Fundamentalisms Comprehended, eds. Martin Marty and Scott Appleby (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), 11-70. For an insightful (though over-stated) argument of how Mormons created an identity in opposition to American culture through a "rhetoric of deviance," see R. Laurence Moore, Religious Outsiders and the Making of Americans (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 25-47.

(35.) For an earlier exception, see Joseph Rosati, St. Louis, Missouri, to John Timon, 14 March 1832, Notre Dame Archives, published in American Catholic Historical Researches 14 (1897): 143-44.

(36.) Following the 1844 martyrdom of Joseph Smith, a writer for the United States Catholic Magazine had similarly reasoned that "however monstrous the doctrine, and however pernicious the practices of a false religion, adherents will be gathered in from those who are guided more by their distempered imaginations than by the safe teaching of God's holy church." "The Mormons, or Latter Day Saints," The United States Catholic Magazine and Monthly Review (June 1845): 354-63.

(37.) Samuel Mazzuchelli to Archbishop Anthony Blanc, 9 February 1858, Notre Dame Archives; Mazzuchelli stated that he had already sent two articles on Mormonism for the Catholic Standard and would send two others. For a brief biographical sketch of Mazzuchelli, see Mary Nona McGreal, "Mazzuchelli, Samuel Charles," in American National Biography 24 vols., eds. John A. Garraty and Mark C. Carnes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 14:804-5.

(38.) J. B. Turner, Mormonism in All Ages, or the Rise, Progress and Cause of Mormonism (New York: Platt and Peters, 1842), 8, cited in Homer, "The Church's Image in Italy," 90, 110.

(39.) Samuel Mazzuchelli, The Memoirs of Father Samuel Mazzuchelli (Chicago: Priory, 1967), 267-73; initially published as Memoire istoriche ed edificanti d'un missionario apostolico dell'Ordine dei Predicatori fra varie tribu di selvaggi e fra i Cattolici e Protestanti negli Stati-Uniti d'America (Milan: coi tipi della Ditta Boniardi-Pogliani, 1846).

(40.) Robert C. Carriker, Father Peter John De Smet: Jesuit in the West (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995), 105, 147-48. For a brief biographical sketch, see Bruce David Forbes, "De Smet, Pierre-Jean," in American National Biography, eds. Garraty and Carnes, 6:486-87.

(41.) De Smet, extract from a letter to his nephew Charles, March 1851 (original in French), reprinted in Life, Letters and Travels of Father Pierre-Jean De Smet, S. J., 1801-1873, 4 vols., eds. Hiram Martin Chittenden and Alfred Talbot Richardson (New York: Francis P. Harper, 1905; reprint, New York: Arno, 1969), 4:1406. In reality, De Smet's report merely confirmed the Mormons' decision to settle in the Salt Lake Valley; see Leonard J. Arrington, Brigham Young: American Moses (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986), 129.

(42.) Carriker, Father Peter John De Smet, 146.

(43.) De Smet to "Very dear Francis," 12 December 1857, in Chittenden and Richardson, 4:1407-8.

(44.) De Smet, New Indian Sketches (New York: D. and J. Sadlier, 1865?), 67-85.

(45.) De Smet to the editor of the Precis Historiques (Brussels), 19 January 1858, in Chittenden and Richardson, 4:1408-15. Besides publication in the Precis Historiques, De Smet's letter was published in his Western Missions and Missionaries: A Series of Letters (New York: James B. Kirker, 1868), 390-97. He primarily relied on John Hyde, Mormonism: Its Leaders and Designs (New York: W. P. Fetridge, 1857).

(46.) For a short discussion of Brownson's anti-Mormonism, see Massimo Introvigne, "Old Wine in New Bottles: The Story behind Fundamentalist Anti-Mormonism," BYU Studies 35:3 (1995-96): 48-50. For Hecker and Pratt, see John Farina, ed., Isaac T. Hecker: The Diary, Romantic Religion in Ante-bellum America (New York: Paulist, 1988), 158, 194; and Farina, An American Experience of God: The Spirituality of Isaac Hecker (New York: Paulist, 1981), 33-38. For the context of Brownson's liberalism in nineteenth-century Catholicism, see McGreevy, Catholicism and American Freedom, 43-90.

(47.) Brownson, The Spirit-Rapper: An Autobiography (Boston: Little, Brown, 1854), 164-67. The experiences of his narrator may well have reflected Brownson's own life. Just two years older than Joseph Smith, Brownson hailed from the same region (even the same town of Royalton for some years) of rural Vermont as the Smith family. In addition, the prominent English Catholic Lord Acton once wrote of a conversation with Brownson, "When I asked him about the Mormons, he told me that they had once hoped to make a Mormon of him and let him learn all the secrets and the true story." Josef L. Altholz and Victor Conzemius, "Acton and Brownson: A Letter from America," Catholic Historical Review (January 1964): 525.

(48.) Brownson, "Christianity and the Church Identical," Brownson's Quarterly Review (July 1857), republished in Henry F. Brownson, ed., The Works of Orestes A. Brownson (Detroit, Mich.: T. Nourse, 1882-87), 12:75--76.

(49.) For Mill's defense of Mormon freedom of religion, see On Liberty and other Writings, ed. Stefan Collini (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 91-92.

(50.) For the conciliatory trends in Brownson's writings, see Patrick W. Carey, introduction to Orestes A. Brownson: Selected Writings (New York: Paulist, 1991), 36.

(51.) Brownson, "Our Lady of Lourdes," Brownson's Quarterly Review 29 (July 1875): 386.

(52.) Oliver Cowdery, "Extract from the Columbia Hive," Latter-day Saints' Messenger and Advocate (Kirtland, Ohio) 1 (April 1835): 107; Oliver Cowdery, Boston, Massachusetts, letter to Warren A. Cowdery, Kirtland, Ohio, 24 August 1836, in Latter-day Saints' Messenger and Advocate 3 (October 1836): 386-93.

(53.) Deseret Evening News, 22 March 1886, citing an article from the New York Katholische Volksblatt.

(54.) Besides a few articles, the history of Catholicism in Utah has not yet been the subject of a scholarly study. Nevertheless, three useful, though celebratory, studies have been published: W. R. Harris, The Catholic Church in Utah, Including an Exposition of Catholic Faith (Salt Lake City, Utah: Intermountain Catholic, 1909); Louis J. Fries, One Hundred and Fifty Years of Catholicity in Utah (Salt Lake City, Utah: Intermountain Catholic, 1926); and Bernice Maher Mooney, Salt of the Earth: The History of the Catholic Diocese of Salt Lake City, 1776-1987 (Salt Lake City, Utah: Catholic Diocese of Salt Lake City, 1987).

(55.) Robert J. Dwyer, "Pioneer Bishop: Lawrence Scanlan, 1843-1915," Utah Historical Quarterly 20 (April 1952): 135-58.

(56.) Besides the reports republished by the Utah Historical Quarterly (cited below), Scanlan's reports can be found in two sources: the papers of the Societe de la Propagation de la Foi (available on microfilm at the University of Notre Dame); and in Jerome C. Stoffel, Editor, "Annual Reports to the Societe de la Propagation de la Foi, 1873--1894," unpublished manuscript at the Catholic Archives of the Diocese of Salt Lake City.

Portions of Scanlan's reports were occasionally published in the Societe's journal. See "Etats-Unis: Utah," Annales de la Propagation de La Foi (Lyon) 47 (1875): 385-84; Annales 49 (1877): 292-95; Annales 55 (1883): 274-80; Annales 59 (1887): 24-27. The Bishop of Colorado, Joseph Machebeuf, also wrote reports on Utah that were published in the late 1860s: "Etats-Unis: Vicariat Apostolique de Colorado et Utah," Annales 40 (1868): 474-81, and "Utah," Annales 41 (1869): 320-22.

(57.) Scanlan, Report to Societe de la Propagation de la Foi, 2 November 1888, cited in Mooney, Salt of the Earth, 95.

(58.) Cited in Brigham H. Roberts, A Comprehensive History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 6 vols. (Salt Lake City, Utah: Deseret News, 1930), 5:493.

(59.) Scanlan, Report to Societe de la Propagation de la Foi, 8 November 1880, reproduced in Francis J. Weber, ed., "Father Lawrence Scanlan's Report of Catholicism in Utah, 1880," Utah Historical Quarterly 34 (fall 1966): 289; Scanlan, Report to Societe de la Propagation de la Foi, 12 October 1876, reproduced in John Bernard McGloin, "Two Early Reports Concerning Roman Catholicism in Utah, 1876-1881," Utah Historical Quarterly 29 (October 1961): 335-41.

(60.) T. Edgar Lyon, "Religious Activities and Development in Utah, 1847-1910," Utah Historical Quarterly 35 (fall 1967): 293-306.

(61) Salt Lake Tribune, 24 April 1876, cited in Robert Joseph Dwyer, The Gentile Comes to Utah:: A Study in Religious and Social Conflict, 1862-1890 (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1941), 159. See pages 156-59 for his description of Scanlan's usually conciliatory tactics.

(62.) Brigham D. Madsen, Glory Hunter: A Biography of Patrick Edward Connor (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1990).

(63.) Denis Kiely, Report to Societe de la Propagation de la Foi, 31 October 1879, reproduced in Francis J. Weber, ed., "Catholicism among the Mormons, 1875-79," Utah Historical Quarterly 44 (spring 1976): 146-47.

(64.) Quoted in M. A. C. [Mother Austin Carroll], "Forty Years in the American Wilderness," American Quarterly Catholic Review 15 (1890): 147.

(65.) Scanlan, "The Doctrine and Claims of the Roman Catholic Church," Improvement Era 1 (November 1897). Scanlan wrote an additional article in 1908: "Pope Leo XIII," Improvement Era 6 (August 1908).

(66.) "The Right Reverend Laurence Scanlan," Improvement Era 18 (June 1919).

(67.) Jay P. Dolan, "Catholic Attitudes toward Protestants," in Robert N. Bellah and Frederick E. Greenspahn, Uncivil Religion: Interreligious Hostility in America (New York: Crossroad, 1987), 72-85, quote on 79.

(68.) Carroll, "Forty Years," 139. Mother Austin Carroll (1836?-1902), a prominent educator and author of historical works, was a leader of the Sisters of Mercy in New Orleans and Mobile. Besides her articles on Mormonism published in the ACQR, she also wrote an article for an Irish periodical: "A Glance at the Latter-day Saints," The Irish Monthly 18 (June 1890): 309-19. See Mary Hermenia Muldrey, Abounding in Mercy: Mother Austin Carroll (New Orleans, La.: Habersham, 1988).

(69.) "The Two Prophets of Mormonism," Catholic World 26 (November 1877): 227.

(70.) M.A.C. [Mother Austin Carroll], "About the Utah Saints," American Quarterly Catholic Review 20 (1895): 492.

(71.) Carroll, "Forty Years," 128. See also Bryan Clinche, "The Mormon Question and the United States Government," American Quarterly Catholic Review 9 (1884): 279; M. A. C. [Mother Austin Carroll], "When Brigham Young Was King," American Quarterly Catholic Review 15 (1890): 296; and James Corcoran, "Martin Luther and His American Worshippers," American Quarterly Catholic Review 9 (July 1884): 550-51. Corcoran argued that Luther's permission of polygamy paved the way for Mormon success in Protestant Europe, as it is "only where Luther prepared his way that the Mormon evangelist finds willing ears to hear his message."

(72.) Charles Lord Russell of Killowen, Diary of a Visit to the United States of America in the Year 1883 (New York: United States Catholic Historical Society, 1910), 154. In general, Russell, whose diary was only published posthumously, took a much more balanced stance towards the Saints than did the published American authors. See Russell, Diary, 148-55.

(73.) Francis Xavier Weninger, S.J., "Father Weninger on the Pacific Coast," Woodstock Letters 1 (1872): 184.

(74.) Carroll, "About the Utah Saints," 497.

(75.) Carroll, "Forty Years," 145; see also Carroll, "When Brigham Young Was King," 295. After reading this article, Edward Kelly, the priest who almost "converted" Young, wrote to Father Daniel Hudson, editor of Ave Maria, describing himself as the "pioneer missionary of our holy Church among the Mormons" and promised to send Hudson an article about his experience in Utah. See Kelly, Los Angeles, California, to Hudson, Notre Dame, Indiana, 25 February 1890, Notre Dame Archives.

(76.) John Gilmary Shea, "Puritanism in New England," American Catholic Quarterly Review 9 (1884): 81.

(77.) Clinche, "The Mormon Question," 274, 283-85.

(78.) Carroll, "About the Utah Saints," 495. See also "Two Prophets of Mormonism," 239.

(79.) Isaac T. Hecker, "The Relation of the Rights of Conscience to the Authority of the State Under the Laws of the Republic," Catholic World 16 (March 1873): 723. See also, "A Plea for Liberty of Conscience," Catholic World 7 (July 1868): 439: "Mormonism has no rights under our laws, and ought not to be tolerated."

(80.) For Irish Catholic attempts to reconcile their memory of the Civil War, see Randall Miller, "Catholic Religion, Irish Ethnicity, and the Civil War," in Religion and the American Civil War, eds. Miller, Harry S. Stout, and Charles Reagan Wilson (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 283-86; and Craig A. Warren, "'Oh, God, What a Pity!': The Irish Brigade at Fredericksburg and the Creation of Myth," Civil War History 47 (September 2001): 193-221.

(81.) Carroll, "About the Utah Saints," 489.

(82.) John Gibbon, "The Mormons," American Quarterly Catholic Review 4 (1879): 665.

(83.) Carroll, "When Brigham Young Was King," 289.

(84.) "Two Prophets of Mormonism," 249.

(85.) Gibbon, "The Mormons," 678-79.

(86.) Carroll, "About the Utah Saints," 488.

(87.) Clinche, "The Mormon Question," 278-79.

(88.) Review of James Henry Kennedy, Early Days of Mormonism: Palmyra, Kirtland, and Nauvoo (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1888) in Catholic World 47 (August 1888): 717-18.

(89.) James Cardinal Gibbons, Our Christian Heritage (Baltimore, Md.: John Murphy, 1889), 484-86. In this popular book, Gibbons echoed the assertions he had made two years earlier in "Some Defects in Our Political and Social Institutions," North American Review 145 (October 1887): 345-55. An important Church congress held in Baltimore in 1889 endorsed Gibbons' views. See Official Report of the Proceedings of the Catholic Congress, Held at Baltimore, Md., November 11th and 12th, 1889 (Detroit, Mich.: William M. Hughes, 1889), 127-28.

(90.) See Gordon, The Mormon Question, for the most recent and insightful study of the legal, social, and religious campaign against polygamy.

(91.) Shipps, "From Satyr to Saint," in Sojourner in the Promised Land: Forty Years Among the Mormons (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2000), 66. Shipps bases her conclusion on an exhaustive survey of Mormon image in the American periodical press beginning in 1860. In so doing, she challenges earlier interpretations, most prominently associated with historian Klaus J. Hansen that the "true target of the anti-polygamy campaign was not polygamy so much as it was the temporal (social, economic, and political) power of the Mormon church hierarchy"; see Shipps, "From Satyr to Saint," 62, and Hansen, Quest for Empire: The Political Kingdom of God and the Council of Fifty in Mormon History (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1967). Other studies that closely examine the Mormon image in the nineteenth century largely support Shipps' position, including Givens, Viper on the Hearth; Edward Leo Lyman, Political Deliverance: The Mormon Quest for Utah Statehood (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986); and Bunker and Bitton, Mormon Graphic Image, 34-35.

(92.) For biographical information, see D. J. O'Donaghue, The Poets of Ireland: A Biographical and Bibliographical Dictionary of Irish Writers of English Verse (Dublin: Hodges Figgis, 1912). Richardson published two books of poetry: Marion Muir Richardson Ryan, Border Memories (Denver, 1903) and Shadows of the Sunset, and Other Poems (1918). For brief information on Hudson, whose extensive papers are housed at the University of Notre Dame, see John J. Delaney, Dictionary of American Catholic Biography (New York: Doubleday, 1984), 267. For a Mormon response to Richardson's accusations, see "What's Wrong with the 'Post,'" Deseret Evening News, 28 July 1902.

(93.) Marion Muir Richardson to Father Daniel Hudson, Notre Dame, indiana, 19 March 1902, Daniel Hudson Collection, Notre Dame Archives.

(94.) Richardson to Hudson, Notre Dame, Indiana, 5 September 1898, Hudson Collection, Notre Dame Archives.

(95.) Richardson to Hudson, 19 March 1902.

(96.) Richardson to Hudson, 5 September 1898.

(97.) Richardson to Hudson, Notre Dame, Indiana, 25 March 1900, Hudson Collection, Notre Dame Archives.

(98.) Richardson, Morrison, Colorado, to Hudson, Notre Dame, Indiana, 17 January 1902, Hudson Collection, Notre Dame Archives.

(99.) Richardson, Grand County, Utah, to Hudson, Notre Dame, Indiana, 16 December 1899, Hudson Collection, Notre Dame Archives. Besides those already cited, see the letters from Richardson to Hudson dated 11 October 1898, 12 March 1899, 20 November 1899, 27 January 1900, and 26 March 1902.

(100.) "The Menace of Mormonism," Ave Maria 50 (March 24, 1900): 370-73.

(101.) The best treatment of this period is Thomas Alexander, Mormonism in Transition: A History of the Latter-day Saints, 1890-1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986). See also Jan Shipps, Mormonism: The Story of a New Religious Tradition (Urbana: University of Illinois, 1985), 109-49.

(102.) For the most famous incident, see Ronald W. Walker, Wayward Saints: the Godbeites and Brigham Young (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998).

(103.) For good accounts of the debates between liberals and conservatives, see McGreevy, Catholicism and American Freedom, and Jay P. Dolan, In Search of an American Catholicism: A History of Religion and Culture in Tension (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002).

(104.) While Philip Gleason's contention of thirty years ago that "Americanization is the grand theme in the history of the Catholic Church in the United States" has been mitigated by the rise of studies emphasizing the distinct experiences of ethnic Catholics, his observation still reflects Catholic historiography. See Gleason, "Coming to Terms with American Catholic History," Societas 3 (autumn 1973): 305; Moore, Religious Outsiders, 48-50.

(105.) Les Wallace, Rhetoric of Anti-Catholicism: The American Protective Association, 1887-1911 (New York: Garland, 1990), 120-60; and Donald L. Kinzer, An Episode in Anti-Catholicism: The American Protective Association (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1964).

(106.) Moore, Religious Outsiders, quote on 59; see also 48-71. On the Americanist controversy, see also Dolan, The American Catholic Experience: A History from Colonial Times to the Present (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992), 294-320; and R. Scott Appleby, "Church and Age Unite!" The Modernist Impulse in American Catholicism (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992).

(107.) The Catholic World supported the Americanists, while the American Quarterly Catholic Review was generally conservative, though often refrained from explicitly taking sides. The Ave Maria was generally viewed as independent and supported both sides on particular issues. See Thomas T. McAvoy, The Great Crisis in American Catholic History, 1895-1900 (Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1957), 79-80, 376-77.

(108.) Givens, Viper on the Hearth, 15. For a perceptive essay on the "narcissism of minor difference," as applied to the Bosnian War, see Michael Ignatieff, The Warrior's Honor: Ethnic War and the Modern Conscience (New York: Metropolitan Books, 1997), 34-71.

(109.) The relationship of Mormons and Catholics has continued to evolve in the twentieth century as both have largely entered the American mainstream. A future study could profitably examine how their rhetorical strategies towards each other have changed as both have gone from despised outsiders to (in the view of many observers) quintessential Americans.

Matthew J. Grow is a doctoral candidate in the department of History at the University of Notre Dame.
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