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The squire as hero: Sancho Panza in eighteenth-century continuations of Don Quijote.

In Spain alone, the eighteenth century produced thirty-seven editions (Aguilar Pinal 209) and a plethora of adaptations and continuations of Cervantes's two-part masterpiece El ingenioso hidalgo don Quijote de la Mancha (1605, 1615). (2) The Spanish Enlightenment celebrates the satirical aspects of a novel that purged the pernicious fantasies in chivalric works while addressing the social defects of Cervantes's society, as Aguilar Pinal remarks (209). Moved by the novel's satirical spirit, eighteenth-century writers imitated the Quijote to remedy all kinds of wrongdoings in their society and advance new lines of thinking. (3) The eighteenth century also launched regional Quijotes removed from La Mancha, such as Alonso Ribero y Larrea's Quijote de la Cantabria (1786). This regional focus continued well into the nineteenth century, as in Luis Arias de Leon's the Historia del valeroso caballero don Rodrigo de Penadura (1824), in which a knight from Leon reads too many books of the Enlightenment by French philosophes and loses his mind. (4)

Continuations of the Quijote in eighteenth-century Spain are not as abundant as are imitations, even though, as Joaquin Alvarez Barrientos indicates, continuations did not differ from imitations in purpose: all aimed to put forward a concrete reading of a given aspect of their reality and to grant it prestige through the use of Cervantes's work ("El Quijote de Avellaneda" 17). (5) Given that the cultural climate was hostile to novels (Ferreras 21-23), Cervantes's well-respected novel would indeed lend them credibility. Continuations, however, distinctively explore storytelling in ways that extend beyond the ideological, meta-literary intention of their satirical component. By paying attention to character development, plot, and other aspects of narrative interest they renegotiate the proportion of inventio and imitatio to create novels that address concerns specific to eighteenth-century readers. Continuations capitalize on Cervantes's second hero, Sancho Panza, who outlives don Quijote and usurps his protagonism. They engage in dialogue with Cervantes's Quijote and toy with Benengeli's role by refashioning him as a character or as the author of fictitious memoirs. Continuations rewrite some of the better-known episodes of the Quijote and create novel adventures, alter the nature of established characters, and experiment with a variety of narrators. They also show sophisticated framing techniques that dramatize some of the complex issues with regard to the authorship and the intellectual debate surrounding the Quijote in the eighteenth century. Thus, continuators write in the shadow of Cervantes and, as we shall see, against Avellaneda's continuation, which was greatly admired outside the Spanish Peninsula in detriment to Cervantes.

Two continuations are worth exploring here: Jacinto Maria Delgado's Adiciones a la historia del ingenioso Hidalgo Don Quixote de la Mancha (1786), (6) written in two parts, and the anonymous Historia del mas famoso escudero Sancho Panza (1793), also in two parts, written by different authors. (7) Thus, the bipartite structure of each of these novels makes the second part a continuation of a continuation of a continuation. This chain is further complicated by the only "true" continuation of the Cervantine work not written by Cervantes: Avellaneda's apocryphal Quijote, published in 1614 and not reprinted in Spain until 1732, and not again until 1805, to coincide with the anniversary of Cervantes's work. (8) Avellaneda's continuation not only triggered Cervantes's Part Two of his Quijote in 1615, it also contributed greatly to what has been called the author's "canonization" in both Spanish and world literature. Thus, the continuations helped crystalize Cervantism, a field focused on the life and works of the author, and Quixotism, a behavioral pattern that lent itself to satire, but also an area of research in its own right (Aguilar Pinal 207; Alvarez Barrientos, "El Quijote de Avellaneda" 18).

If Cervantes's mock epic was indeed intended to make readers abhor the phony stories contained in chivalric novels, we are left wondering what his design has to do with the deeds that his poor squire must perform in eighteenth-century continuations. Adiciones and Historia aim to banish quixotism from eighteenth-century society by killing Don Quijote's legacy in his squire and using the latter as a vehicle for moral and societal reform. Sancho often serves as a laughing stock and endures the cruel tricks to which he is subjected only to end his life prematurely from risible yet fulminant deaths. In both works Sancho is put through challenging tests that require his serving in positions above his humble status and dealing with sudden changes in fortune that appeal to his vanity. He serves as a satirical instrument of the ostentatiousness of the Spanish Enlightenment, a period drawn to good taste but compelled to curb fatuous ambitions above one's station and interested in progress but anchored in traditional ways of life that demand social immobility. In these works, Sancho's new status quo, as Mayor or Consultant respectively, requires that he give up his wanderings as squire in order to be useful to the community and serve farmers' needs. He is praised for speaking the truth, but he must suffer ridicule and reform himself from his quixotism, or his sanchism, which are perceived as transmitted diseases and fueled by foreigners' negative perceptions of Spanish culture. Without Don Quijote's shield, Sancho is left to fight enemies whom he cannot decode properly. Don Quijote's former enemies (the Priest and Sanson Carrasco) are turned into Sancho's friends, not by some sort of "enchantment," as his master would have it, but possibly because eighteenth-century writers recognized the powerlessness of the illiterate Sancho without men of learning and thrown into a duplicitous world that passes lies for truths. Thus, continuators refashion the iconic pair of Knight and Squire into that of Administrator and Scribe, where Sancho is the brutally honest administrator accompanied by a learned scribe.

The lighter first part of the Historia quickly turns somber in its second part, and Adiciones unfolds into an extremely harsh satire. Eighteenth-century continuators of the Quijote are complicit in the hoaxes Sancho endures as Mayor of his town and as Consultant to the Duke. He is scoffed at for not accepting who he is, which destroys his charming rusticity and his sound reasoning. Sancho's dead-on, disarming verdicts that speak the truth are unsuitable to bring enlightenment, and Baroque disillusionment (desengano) prevails. The archetype of Fortune is spun over and over to invariably point the finger at eighteenth-century "vices"--some of them imported--such as pomposity, luxury, conceitedness, and self-love. The corrective behavior is conveyed through two well-known Golden Age motifs: The Corte-Cortijo (Court-Country) motif and the ubiquitous Ser-Parecer motif (Being vs. Appearances). Sancho eventually chooses the Country over the Court, but the Early Modern motif takes on a new spin in the context of the Age of Sensibility. It is refashioned to make room for the display of emotions, as evidenced through abundant tears, moving family scenes, and inconsolable pain for the loss of don Quijote, all associated with the simple and wholesome country lifestyle. These emotions are set off against machinations and intrigues associated with the Court, which are the source of deep melancholy and suffering for Sancho. The Ser-Parecer motif runs parallel to the Court-Country motif to denounce a personal and collective weakness among eighteenth-century Spaniards: a quixotic aspiration to a station above one's means. The archetype of Fortune and the two motifs are thus recontextualized for an eighteenth-century readership.

Borges's "Pierre Menard, Author of the Quijote" as a Reading Model

Jorge Borges's 1939 short story "Pierre Menard, Author of the Quijote' provides insights into what it entails to rewrite the celebrated work from another historical period and culture. A sophisticated turn-of-the-century French symbolist, Menard does not aim to continue, transcribe, imitate, or update the seventeenth-century novel, but to compose it: Menard's "admirable ambition was to produce a number of pages which coincided--word for word and line for line--with those of Miguel de Cervantes" (Borges 91). The narrator in Borges's story deems that Menard's unfinished masterpiece is not only his single most innovative piece of writing, but that it surpasses Cervantes's work due to the author's "deliberate anachronism and fallacious attribution" (35). Borges's famous story is, of course, a satire, but it raises the question of whether the meaning of literary works is entirely dependent on the historical and social contingencies in which they are read. If Menard comes to the Quijote through the experiences of Pierre Menard (Borges 91), how do eighteenth-century writers come to the Quijote? How do they interpret the canonical text by rewriting or by writing continuations of the Quijote? If we grant, as Borges's story suggests, that no text is independent due to its inherent duplicity (both in its unfolding and in its parodic relationship to its model), no writer has claim to originality. Following John Barth's 1967 essay "The Literature of Exhaustion," we may posit that eighteenth-century continuations of the Quijote loosely imitate the form of the novel and that their authors imitate the role of author, thereby engaging in a literary activity that is inherently anachronistic. Writing, reading, and interpreting then become a form of haute couture, for they require skilled manipulation to work pleats, tucks, and creases into the text or fabric with the use of metafictional threads. If in Borges's story Menard's version is superior--albeit identical--to that of Cervantes, it is only so in that it problematizes aspects of writing that are relevant to Menard's contemporaries.

If Borges's story is to provide a reading model for interpreting these continuations, which in themselves are interpretations of the Cervantes story, how "Pierre Menard..." is framed becomes paramount. The narrator wishes to write a eulogy because misleading accounts of the deceased Menard have begun to circulate and "a brief rectification is imperative" (Borges 88). Like Borges's narrator, continuators of the Quijote in the eighteenth century had to sort through many texts to address questions relevant to the life of the author, his sources, reception, and canon formation; in their particular case, they also wished to rectify the direction that quixotism was taking in Spain and abroad. The erudite historian, philologist and writer of the Enlightenment Gregorio Mayans y Siscar (1699-1781) was charged with writing a biography of Cervantes, a writer about whom very little was known and whose literary enterprise was shaped by an apocryphal continuation. Alain-Rene Lesage, who adapted Cervantes's novel into French, valued Avellaneda's continuation more than Cervantes's work, which is partly why Avellaneda's continuation was admired outside of the Spanish Peninsula in detriment to Cervantes: (9) "the esteem in which foreigners held the novel triggered rejection and suspicion among Spaniards, many of whom understood it as a critique of Spanish customs" (Alvarez Barrientos, "ElQuijote de Avellaneda 21). (10)

Eighteenth-century continuators turned to Cervantes's Quijote but stumbled against his characterization of Sancho, unable to reconcile his simplemindedness with the slyness and wit that he oftentimes displays. (11) Quixotism was an object of mockery in Spain and abroad (Delgado 2), which helps explain why the Spanish Enlightenment deplored that its contemporaries read Cervantes's novel only for its laughter. More than anything, eighteenth-century continuators of the Quijote intend to correct this tendency by pointing out that Cervantes's satire contains "a wealth of virtues" (Gatell n. p.). (12) Like the narrator in "Pierre Menard," eighteenth-century narrators--and the authorial prefatory materials--invariably comment on their didactic or corrective motivation to write a continuation to the Quijote. Continuations also allow their authors to "correct" Cervantes's Quijote by providing new information designed to fill in possible gaps in the story, such as the famous disappearance of Sancho's donkey and its reappearance several chapters later, and to speculate over what happens to Mambrino's helmet. (13)

Before Menard's Quijote, eighteenth-century Spanish writers produce decentered Quijotes that reflect critically upon themselves, folding onto themselves. For instance, in Historia (1786) the villagers wish to hear Sancho tell an adventure that is already published and one that is not out yet, which makes his audience--and the external reader--compare Sancho's retelling against Cervantes's and that of his Arab historian Benengeli; in turn, the continuation unfolds new adventures for Sancho, a literary game already undertaken by Cervantes in response to Avellaneda's continuation. (14) Unsatisfied with merely re-producing the Quijote story through imitations and too early to anticipate writing it ex ovo Menard-style, continuators build on existing material to revive the Quijote by creating new adventures for its second hero, Sancho Panza. These usually begin soon after the death of his master and end when the former Squire meets his own death.

Even though Oscar Barrero Perez observes a thematic lack of focus among the imitators and continuators of the Quijote in the eighteenthcentury (103-121), the two continuations selected here use the second hero of Cervantes's novel as protagonist and conduit for some of the reforms that the Spanish Enlightenment wished to implement. Thus, Sancho sets out to favor farmers, facilitate commerce, reward the virtuous, respect the Church, and deal effectively with the problem of vagrancy. In this regard, Sancho incarnates the quixotic ideal of utopia while the authors are intent on setting right--also quixotically--all that is wrong in their century. The utilitarian aim is inextricably tied to putting an end to quixotism, but in the process these continuations only reinforce it. Pedro Gatell's stated goal in La moral del mas famoso escudero Sancho Panza (1793) (15) is to stop quixotism and sanchism (16) in his century so that instead of imitating the iconic couple in their madness and lack of good judgment, his contemporaries imitate them in their sanity and exemplarity (Gatell n. p.). (17) Does his moral spin suggest that quixotic quests have no place in the eighteenth century and that the only conceivable quest is to benefit the common good through practical reforms? Strikingly, the continuations do not simply highlight the positive moral points that the satire hides. Instead, they turn don Quijote's two main arch-enemies--the Priest, who strives to abort the knight's multiple quests and to return him to the village, and Sanson Carrasco, who defeats him as The Knight of the Mirrors--into loyal friends who pull him out of trouble. We must ask: Is this shift a plot necessity for masterless squires or a critique of Sancho's under-enlightenment? Is Sancho not good enough to extirpate quixotism from the face of the earth, especially in light of the fact that, according to Historia, what Spain needs is "more Sanchos" ("hacen falta mas Sanchos," 321) to rectify all the wrongdoings that afflict the country? And if he is good enough, why didn't more continuators clone Sancho in the eighteenth century? Sancho's limitations may be backfiring or pointing implicitly to the shortcomings of the Spanish Enlightenment, thus fueling Spain's Black Legend instead of helping eradicate quixotism. (18)

Sancho receives high praise from the intellectuals of the Spanish Enlightenment for his well-grounded resolutions as Governor of the Insula Barataria. The continuations ensure that Sancho's sound judgments find new positions of power where his plain reasoning ability can shine: he is appointed Consultant to the Duke in Adiciones and Mayor in Historia. Don Quijote's dubious authority as a mad knight is countered by Sancho's real power in positions that, unlike the hoax of Cervantes's Insula, can affect people's lives. Still, in highlighting Sancho's virtues as the proclaimer of truth and the enforcer of justice, eighteenth-century writers struggle to reconcile his unshakable, common-sense rationality with the fact that his sanchism can lead him to quixotic fantasies that dupe him easily. In plain mockery, the author of Adiciones (1786) has Benengeli consult a wise physicist to determine whether Sancho is an astute or rustic man; in turn, the physicist writes an outrageous treatise explaining how different energies can inhabit one's soul. Whether Sancho is portrayed as a fair-minded politician or a rustic fool, or both, he is reinstated to satirize the corrupt eighteenth-century Spanish society; a society obsessed with luxurious French fashions and with ostentatious nobility titles while deficient in education, prone to pretentiousness while lacking in infrastructure, wanting of agricultural reforms, but unable to curtail the proliferation of vagabonds and paupers in cities and countryside.

Delgado's Adiciones a la historia del ingenioso Hidalgo Don Quijote de la Mancha

Delgado's Adiciones presents itself as a translation from Arabic to Castilian Spanish and a continuation of Cide Hamete Benengeli's 74th chapter of his Quijote. Sancho resents his bad fortune, for he is again keeping pigs and goats after he has served as squire for don Quijote and governed an Insula. As someone "hidalguizado" (7), or transformed into an hidalgo--his former master's social station--, he must now find a suitable position. Sanson Carrasco, the Barber and the Priest contact the Duke and Duchess, who in Cervantes's Part II of the Quijote take extreme measures to ridicule don Quijote and Sancho. All agree that, in spite of his ignorance, Sancho performed with wisdom as Governor of the Insula Barataria, and the Duke employs Sancho as Inspector of his villages and Consultant. The villagers attempt to refine Sancho in preparation to going to Court. The well-meaning but naive Priest is tricked by Don Aniceto, a fashionable afrancesado and a liar who pretends to be Cardenio's cousin and passes for a "Profesor de Caballeria" (87), a teacher of urban manners. He gives Sancho a ridiculous French outfit and instructs him on how to walk with affectation. Sancho's wife, Teresa, acts as a petimetra in demanding that as wife of a Consultant she get a carriage, nice dresses and some slaves. Sanson Carrasco is the voice of reason and entrusted with denouncing what is occurring at a national scale in the imitation of foreign fashions. In a meta-literary tour-de-force, the Priest argues that Don Aniceto is trustworthy because, as Cardenio's cousin, he knows what happened with don Quijote in the episode of Sierra Morena. Sanson Carrasco tries in vain to enlighten the Priest by reminding him that anyone who has read the Quijote would know that. The innkeeper in El Toboso, who has also read the Quijote, is not fooled and insists that the Duke has made Sancho Consultant "in keeping with their festive humor" ("por seguir su humor festivo" 132). Adiciones not only establishes interesting meta-literary dialogues with the text it is supposed to be a continuation of, but it also puts on center stage the act of reading and interpreting the Quijote, which informs how characters perceive their reality.

Adiciones restages the iconic don Quijote and Sancho Panza in a novel pairing: Sancho Panza as Consultant to the Duke and Sanson Carrasco as his Scribe. In doing so, Sanson Carrasco imitates Sancho in leaving his family to become a Squire, which reinstates the quixotism that the satire critiques. The continuation thus pays homage to Cervantes's Quijote, since a reversal of Fortune intervenes in what looks like an enchantment ("cosa de encantamiento" 121): the former Squire is now the master and the former Knight of the Mirrors his servant. In the same vein as the Knight and Squire, Sancho-the Consultant and his Squire-Scribe set out to redress eighteenth-century wrongs by implementing policies such as the elimination of adehalas (142), an added tax in the commerce of food products, and payments to Beneficiaries of the Church who do nothing but amass useless relics in bizarre museums. Sancho and Sanson Carrasco also issue new edicts designed to cultivate barren land, put orphans in hospices, and eliminate vagrancy.

In keeping with the overall satire over people's conceitedness and ambitions to a status beyond their station, Adiciones makes Sancho the joke of elaborate and mocking ceremonials, similar to those that don Quijote and Sancho endured in Cervantes's Quijote at the hands of the Duke and Duchess. To take possession of his new position as Consultant, Sancho undergoes a flamboyant ceremony presided by strange characters dressed in tunics and by virgins who wash and manicure him, amidst much incense and smoke. Soon after, Sancho must respond to staged appeals and inspect the Duke's possessions. Sancho shows good judgment in his decisions but fails to see that the Duke and Duchess have orchestrated the hoax and are behind the masquerade. Their cruel joke works because Sancho and his wife Teresa are blinded by their social ambition. Teresa wishes to be a marchioness and to see Sancho as a marquis. The Duke and Duchess play off this weakness, and all the characters busy themselves to manufacture a proper lineage for the Panzas and a coat of arms done "in good taste." (19) In Adiciones to grow vain is equated with a form of quixotism, as the characters fear that the Panzas will end up with don Quijote's madness, "although of a different kind" ("aunque por diferente estilo" 311).

The Duque proposes a remedy: to make Sancho Baron instead of Marquis, for that title does not require money. Sancho is "baronized" and undergoes another bombastic ceremony in which he must "recant all mundane incomes and live in poverty, ensure that nobody in his family chooses honest employment, and prefer the proliferation of lazy people and vagabonds who are useless to the Republic, even if they starve to death" (332-3). (20) The theatrical apparatus is therefore meant to serve as a corrective tool for Spaniards' vacuous pursuit of nobility titles. After another ostentatious celebration, Fortune is invoked to remind the reader of how ephemeral is worldly happiness (345) and to describe Sancho's sudden death. He dies of a stroke caused by an excessive supper consisting of udder from an unbroken calf. His posthumous glory is linked tongue-incheek to Alexander the Great and Homer. Fortune also intervenes in CidHamete Benengeli's attached apocryphal Memoirs, one of the many paratexts of the Adiciones, to elevate Cervantes's Arab historian from slave of a captain to chef in the Duke's kitchen (365), which fictionalizes Cervantes's pseudo-historical source (Benengeli) even further and engulfs it under the author's satirical intent.

The anonymous Historia del mas famoso escudero Sancho Panza

In the anonymous Historia del mas famoso escudero Sancho Panza, the story begins three years after don Quijote of la Mancha dies. The Priest, Sanson Carrasco and the Barber attempt to cure Sancho from his dream to live the pastoral life in imitation of yet another literary genre: pastoral novels. Sancho hates farming and enjoys telling--or retelling--stories of the time when he served as the squire for don Quijote. The adventure of the Armies earns the respect of the villagers, who fail to comprehend how don Quijote could have confused herds of sheep and rams with armies of different nations and praise Sancho's good sense. Even though Sancho is illiterate, the exposure to his master and their travels together have given him a world-view that the rest of the villagers lack. So they make him their Mayor, an opportunity that he welcomes to avoid working the land. Reputed as a man of the world, he is commissioned as a wedding consultant and organizes everything with great success. He is also called to mediate a dispute between two towns, which he performs successfully, but he must fight one of the cardinal sins in the eighteenth century: self-love. Women in the village laugh at Sancho and dump a pitcher of water on him, which brings him to his senses. The narrator also castigates Sancho by giving him an ugly bump on his forehead on his first day as Mayor, which forces him to exercise his authority from his window to avoid ridicule. Even worse, during the town festivities a runaway young bull charges against Sancho, who lands on the ground with his legs up in the air. Mauled by physical and moral blows, the final test to his self-love occurs when Sancho rejects the adulation of a preacher, which results in even higher ratings as Mayor.

This Sancho would have also pleased eighteenth-century reformers of the Spanish Enlightenment. He takes measures to curtail the high price of wheat and creates silos to store wheat and goods that make the community rich and happy; he improves the drainage of the village fountain; he also selects edifying plays to be performed during the village festivities. The Duke and Duchess visit the village and offer to return him to Insula Barataria as Governor, but Sancho chooses his current life as Mayor. His former master's arch-enemy Sanson Carrasco attributes this to "a pleasant superiority" ("una superioridad agradable," 278) in him that benefits the community. Sancho issues decrees that compensate virtuous men, founds schools, and goes to church to teach by example. He has people write laws on education designed to serve God and society, for his goal is to create "good Christians and good servants to the King and good citizens" ("buenos cristianos y buenos vasallos y ciudadanos" 292). Sancho, an unlikely character to serve as an instrument of education during the Enlightenment, manages to transform the ignorant into wise men, not through science but through virtue. He also defends Spaniards from the foreigners who come under the subterfuge of "civilizing" them, rejects dishonest deals, and imparts justice.

The second part of the novel is continued five years later by a different author--a Menard of sorts--who creates new adventures that do not stray too far from the plan of the first author. Lacking the finesse and the humor of the first part, this continuation takes a more dramatic turn for Sancho, who incarnates a well-known eighteenth-century motif: Virtue in Distress ("una infeliz inocencia perseguida" 151). (21) Sancho's successor is a corrupt Mayor who revengefully frames Sancho for having done justice to a cousin of his while he served his term. The Mayor sneaks contraband at night into Sancho's stable and imprisons him. After painful walks through Spain's haphazard legal system, the author brings an Interim Mayor from a neighboring village into the story to counter the actions of the first Mayor and to restore order through his exemplary behavior. Eventually, virtue is rewarded and Sancho is freed with the help of his loyal friends, the Priest and especially Sanson Carrasco, an educated man who knows how to navigate through the frustrating Spanish legal system and whose secret actions to liberate Sancho make him the hero de facto. In an interesting narrative twist, the narrator joins Sancho's lawsuit when the Judge entrusts him with carrying Sancho's legal papers to Madrid (234), thereby becoming one of the characters in the novel. This is relevant because the narrator sides with the proper execution of the law, without challenging its vagaries. The narrator confirms this reading by drawing a clear lesson for his readers: choose carefully who you make head of a town and arbiter of the laws (234). Sancho acknowledges his "folly" ("desatino," 256) and is cured from his quixotism of having left family and home to imitate his master's lunacy. He dies from jaundice four days after he is acquitted, which may strike the reader as an anti-poetic justice but is nevertheless befitting of the somber tone of this continuation.


In highlighting Sancho's virtues as the proclaimer of truth and the enforcer of justice, eighteenth-century continuators of the Quijote struggle to reconcile his unshakable, common-sense rationality with the fact that his sanchism can lead him to quixotic fantasies that dupe him easily. Portrayed as a fair-minded politician and as a rustic fool, Sancho is reinstated in Spanish letters to satirize the vainglorious eighteenth-century Spanish society and to serve as conduit for some of the reforms that the Spanish Enlightenment wished to implement: favor farmers, facilitate commerce, respect the Church, and deal effectively with the problem of vagrancy. Sancho incarnates the quixotic ideal of utopia while the authors are intent on setting right--also quixotically--all that is wrong in their century. The common goal is to stop both quixotism and sanchism so that instead of imitating the iconic couple in their madness and lack of judgment, eighteenth-century readers imitate them in their sanity and exemplarity, as Gatell already observed in his own continuations. This moral spin indeed suggests that the only conceivable quest in the eighteenth century is to benefit the common good through practical reforms. Oddly enough, the continuations do not simply make visible the positive moral points that the satires hide. Sancho, a severely under-enlightened character, might not be able to fend alone against the quixotism that he inherited, even though the Historia posits that what Spain needs is "more Sanchos" (321) to set things straight.

Unlike Pierre Menard, eighteenth-century inheritors of Cervantes's legacy do not attempt to write the Quijote but another Quijote incarnated in Sancho. They provide Sancho a learned squire, Sanson Carrasco, to redress eighteenth-century wrongs. The restaging of the oppositional couple of don Quijote and Sancho draws new forms of exemplarity and satire from the Cervantine model. New meta-literary elements rewrite the continuation of the "historia verdadera" (true story) as inscribed in the "second part" of Part I (chapters 9-14) of Don Quijote through the manuscript of Cide Hamete Benengeli. Further, Benengeli's Memoirs playfully document fiction, anticipating Borges's modus operandi. Nevertheless, like Pierre Menard, Delgado and his peer writers remain largely unknown or wrapped in the obscurity of their anonymity, waiting perhaps for another Borges to bring them to life through the power of fiction. The story, which began more than 400 years ago, left not only characters without a novel of their own, but also writers eclipsed by Cervantes who nevertheless had lives and wrote novels.


University of Kentucky

(1) Here and throughout, I use the Spanish language spelling for the character's name and for the book titles, with a "j" instead of the English language "x", to distinguish these from other uses.

(2) Beyond the Spanish-speaking world, Sarah F. Wood reveals in Quixotic Fictions of the USA, 1782-1815 Cervantes's masterpiece as a generative literary source that shaped the early American period.

(3) Francisco de la Justicia y Cardenas publishes El Piscator de Don Quijote (1745) to satirize the "andantes piscatores"; Donato de Arenzana uses his Don Quijote de la Manchuela (1767) to ridicule the simpletons who aspire to higher education; in Quijote sainetero Manuel del Pozo scoffs at bad poets who moralize (1769); Candido Maria Trigueros's Teatro espanol burlesco o Quijote de los teatros (1802) proposes reforms in the theater. For additional examples, see Aguilar Pinal, 211. Dramatic works inspired by Cervantes include Rafael Bustos Molina's El Alcides de la Mancha y famoso Don Quijote (1750) and Antonio Valladares de Sotomayor's zarzuela Las bodas de Camacho (1772). For other titles, see Alvarez Barrientos, "El Quijote de Avellaneda" 40, n1. Some plays, such as Las caperuzas de Sancho (1776) by Jose Santos, also choose to focus on the Squire. Among those authors who resort to don Quijote to introduce new ideas, Alvarez Barrientos mentions Pedro Centeno, who wrote El Teniente del Apologista Universal. Primera salida de Don Quijote el Escolastico and the Apendice a la primera salida de Don Quijote (1788 and 1789 respectively), which brought him problems with the Inquisition (Alvarez Barrientos 15).

(4) Another example is the so-called Quijote asturiano by Juan Francisco Sineriz, published in Paris in 1837 and translated to Spanish. See Lopez Navia (s.a.) and Alvarez de Miranda ("Sobre") for nineteenth-century imitations of the Quijote.

(5) Imitations include Vida y empresas literarias del ingeniosisimo caballero Don Quijote de la Manchuela (1767) by Cristobal Anzarena (pseud. of Donato Arenzana); El tio Gil Mamuco (1789) by Francisco Vidal y Cabases, and Historia fabulosa del distinguido caballero don Pelayo Infanzon de la Vega, Quijote de la Cantabria (in 3 vols., 1792, 1793, 1800) by Alonso Bernardo Ribero Larrea.

(6) For information on the problems of authorship and erroneous attributions, see Toledano Molina (131) and Mancing (14).

(7) Other works include Pedro Gatell's La moral del mas famoso escudero Sancho Panza... (1791); Alejandro Ramirez y Blanco's Respuestas de Sanchico Panza a dos cartas que le remitio su padre desde la insula Barataria. (1791); D. A. A. P. y G.'s Instrucciones economicas y politicas dadas por elfamoso Sancho Panza, gobernador de la Insula Barataria, a un hijo suyo, apoyandolas con refranes castellanos, en que le prescribe el metodo de gobernarse en todas las edades y empleos (2nd impr., MDCCXCI).

(8) The First Part of El ingenioso hidalgo don Quijote de la Mancha, 1605, had two continuations: Alonso Fernandez de Avellaneda published in Tarragona in 1614 the Segundo tomo del Ingenioso Hidalgo don Quijote de la Mancha, known as Quijote de Avellaneda or The Apocryphal Quixote; the second continuation, published by Cervantes himself, Segunda parte del ingenioso caballero don Quijote dela Mancha, was published in Madrid in 1615, prompted by Avellaneda's.

(9) According to Alvarez Barrientos, some Spaniards, among them Blas Antonio Nasarre and Agustin de Montiano y Luyando, also showed a preference for Avellaneda's Quijote. Montiano, for instance, noted its superb portrayal of Sancho and "la rusticidad graciosa de un aldeano" ("the funny rusticity of a country man") (n. p., quoted in Alvarez Barrientos, "El Quijote de Avellaneda" 24).

(10) "la admiracion de los extranjeros por la novela causaba rechazo y sospecha en los nacionales, muchos de los cuales la entendian como una critica de las costumbres espanolas." I have adapted all quotations to modern Spanish orthography and provided my own translations unless stated differently.

(11) For instance, Gatell, in his rewriting of Cervantes's work La moral del mas famoso escudero Sancho Panza (1793), remarks that "at times, his sanity and simplemindedness burst out and he seems as crazy as his master" (34) ("a veces su cordura y sencillez se disparan y parece tan demente como su amo").

(12) "caudales de virtud."

(13) In Historia a gypsy steals Sancho's donkey and then Sancho's wife Teresa informs him that the donkey is back in the stable (136+). And in Adiciones, Chapter XI describes the discord that ensued over Mambrino's helmet over whether it should be placed in a museum at the Academy of Argamasilla or be given as inheritance to the Barber.

(14) Alonso Fernandez de Avellaneda is the pseudonym of the person who wrote a sequel to Cervantes's Don Quijote. Avellaneda's identity has been the subject of many theories, but there is no consensus on who he was.

(15) In his prologue to La moral Pedro Gatell announces that his objective is to write the story of the most famous Sancho Panza "from the glorious or enviable death of his master Don Quijote de la Mancha, until the last hour of his life and his burial" (n.p.). His rendering of the story does not, however, fulfill this objective as he has the Squire and the Knight together again performing the quests with which the reader is already familiarized.

(16) In parallel fashion to don Quijote's madness, Sancho Panza allows himself to be seduced by his master's promises to the abandonment of his family and his honest work as a farmer, which is a form of quixotism or sanchism.

(17) "lejos de imitar a aquellos dementes y fuera de juicio, los imiten cuerdos y ejemplares," n.p.

(18) "Black Legend" or Leyenda Negra indicates "an unfavourable image of Spain and Spaniards, accusing them of cruelty and intolerance, formerly prevalent in the works of many non-Spanish, and especially Protestant, historians." While it is associated with criticism of 16th-century Spain and its colonial empire, the Black legend remained particularly strong throughout the 18th century. Kant, Voltaire, and other philosophes of the Enlightenment propagated anti-Spanish sentiment by pointing to the cruelty of the Spanish Inquisition and Spain's backwardness.

(19) The Panzas, supposedly of Galician lineage, exhibit odd blazons such as mustaches and chickens, which an expert in heraldry will transform: "we'll do something in good taste to improve the looks, because here we like to do a good job and according to our clients' preferences" ("se hara cosa de gusto, que vestiremos con mejor ropage, porque aca gustamos de que la cosa vaya bien hecha, y a gusto de los interesados" 307).

(20) "abjura[r] de toda renta mundana [...] vivir en pobreza; [...] defender que ninguno de tu familia se dedique a arte y oficio, por honesto que sea, prefiriendo que aumenten el numero de holgazanes, vagabundos, inutiles en la Republica, aun cuando se mueran de hambre."

(21) For a discussion on this topic in eighteenth-century Spanish literature, see Rueda "Virtue in Distress."
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Author:Rueda, Ana
Publication:Dieciocho: Hispanic Enlightenment
Article Type:Ensayo critico
Date:Mar 22, 2017
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