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The songs of entertainers and the song of the angels: vernacular lyric fragments in Odo of Cheriton's 'Sermones de festis.'

In the seventh chapter, 'Love sacred and profane', of his Preachers, Poets, and the Early English Lyric, Siegfried Wenzel discusses the attitudes of medieval English preachers to secular love-lyric, and asks: 'How ... do we know whether a quoted song is secular, that is, not only speaks of worldly love but originated outside the religious context in which it is quoted?'(1) He notes that some apparent snatches of secular love-song in sermons are in fact translations of clerical Latin, or composed by the preacher himself for practical purposes. The clearest indication of secular origin is an explicit statement by the preacher. Other possible indicators are moralization, 'attribution to a possible speaker (poterat dicere)', metrical forms different from 'the usual couplets or triplets found in preaching verses', and content 'in sharp contrast to the language and tone of the sermon';(2) but here we are dealing with probabilities rather than certainties. Wenzel illustrates the problem by a discussion of the lyric which occurs as part of a moralized exemplum on confession in a notebook compiled by the cleric John Dygoun in the early fifteenth century. A knight needs to send a secret messenger to the king's court (that is, the sinner needs a mediator to intercede for him); he will find what he needs 'ad fontem scaturientem sub spina, ubi modicum antea doloris erat medicina. Ibi iuxta stat puella plena amore ligata. Qui querit veram dileccionem, in ipsa erit inventa. Anglice' ('at a bubbling fountain under the hawthorn, where a little time earlier there was a remedy for grief. Near there stood a maiden fully bound by love. Whoever seeks for true love, it will be found in her. In English:'):(3)

At a sprynge-wel vnder a thorn, ther was bote of bale, a lytel here a-forn; ther by-syde stant a mayde, Fulle of loue y-bounde. Ho-so wol seche trwe loue, Yn hyr hyt schal be founde.(4)

Dygoun explains:

Fons scaturiens sub spina est latus Christi aperturn, unde exivit sanguis et aqua, sanguis in remissionem peccatorum, aqua ad ostendendum quod per aquam regeneracionis salvamur et mundamur ab originali peccato. Puella astans est Beata Virgo Maria. Quicumque voluerit earn perfecte diligere, perfectum amorem inveniet, quia illa semper est parata admittere preces peccatorum ut ipsa mediante salvi fiant a peccatis eorum.

(The bubbling fountain beneath the hawthorn is Christ's open side whence blood and water issued forth: blood for the forgiveness of sins, and water to show that through the water of regeneration we are healed and cleansed from Original Sin. The maiden standing there is the Blessed Virgin Mary. Whoever will love her perfectly will find perfect love, for she is always ready to receive the prayers of sinners, so that through her mediation they become healed of their sins.)(5)

Wenzel notes the parallels with the imagery found in undoubtedly secular love-lyrics, the explicit moralization, the slightly awkward fit of the poem's content with its context, and the apparent dependence of the Latin on the English verse rather than vice versa; and concludes that, although its case is 'admittedly not as clear-cut' as that of some other verses in sermons, 'the poem has a strong claim of being considered a non-homiletic, secular song'.(6)

An early thirteenth-century sermon collection, the Sermones defestis of Odo of Cheriton, can be used to cast further light both on Dygoun's use of 'At a sprynge-wel' and on the broader question that Wenzel is addressing, whether the moralization of such lyrics by mediaeval preachers constitutes an acknowledgement that they were originally designed for very different purposes, an 'awareness of a distinction between a profane and a sacred world of discourse'.

Odo (born c. 1180-90, died 1246/7) came from a prosperous Kentish family of Norman descent and studied at the University of Paris. He became a prolific and successful preacher, and his works survive in manuscripts all over Europe; but relatively little of his writing, apart from his Fables, can be found in print, and the standard study of his life remains the short article published in Speculum by Albert C. Friend in 1948 (this is based on Friend's unpublished 1936 thesis, which contains much valuable additional information on Odo's works).(8) The Sermones de festis, a cycle of sermons on the gospels for feast-days, have not yet been edited. They were probably composed after 1225, during the time when Odo was teaching and preaching in Spain and southern France; Friend notes that the gospel text Odo uses for the feast of the Invention of the Cross (Matthew xxiv. 27), 'which is not used in churches north of the Loire, appears in missals for Aix, Marseilles, and Toulouse ... Of these churches Toulouse seems the most likely, since several of the sermons are addressed to students of theology.'(9) Friend also noted, in a footnote in his thesis, that the sermons contained 'three selections of verse in Provencal';(10) but he does not quote the verse itself, and his references do not seem to have been followed up by later scholars. In fact, there are four, and they are of considerable interest.

Not all of them occur in all manuscripts of the Sermones. Where they do occur, however (in the English manuscripts at least; I have not checked the widely scattered continental manuscripts), their textual tradition is fairly stable. Variations are minor, and seem to have been caused either by scribal error or by the deliberate omission of repetitions. In the English manuscripts, their linguistic form is northern French rather than Provencal, but a few Provencal forms survive (see Appendix). I have followed Friend in quoting from Oxford, Balliol College, MS 38, the only one of the English manuscripts I have consulted which contains texts of all four:(11)

1. Sermon on the Transfiguration, Assumpsit Iesus Petrum et Iacobum et Iohannem fratrem eius.

The sermon includes an exemplum about a squire (domicellus) with a special devotion to the Virgin Mary, whose relatives had forced him against his will to commit himself to marriage.(12) Entering the church on his wedding-day, he saw a beautiful woman standing by the altar, who asked him if he had ever seen a woman lovelier than she was. He said he had not; she answered, 'Then why have you given me up?', and revealed herself as the Virgin Mary. He promised he would never leave her, went home, and sent away his intended wife.

Dicit ergo beata uirgo cuilibet: Qui me laisse pur amer autrui, Male ioie prenge li cors de lui!

'Nunquam possit gaudere qui pro alia me dimittit.' (fol. [124.sup.ra])

(And so the Blessed Virgin says to whoever it may be: Whoever leaves me to love another, May he be unhappy! 'May he never be happy who leaves me for another.')

2, 3. Sermon on the Nativity of John the Baptist, Elisabeth impletum est tempus pariendi.

The second and third quotations occur close together, in a passage which describes John as the last of a long line of prophets, a night-watchman heralding the coming of the longed-for bridegroom, Christ, to his lover, the Church:

Ideo sponsa quandoque pre tedio obdormiens, quandoque pre nimia expectafione languoris suspirando, ait:

Quant uendrat li duz, li frans Ke mes quers desirre tans?

'Quando veniet sponsus meus, quando ueniet desideratus gentibus, quando illucesset dies?'

Tandem dormientibus predictis nunciis Johannes Baptista, erigens cornu salutis, nobis tibicinauit diem, dicens, 'Video diem, sponsa Christi, uideo diem [MS adds Christi].'

Je uoi le iur, dorenleu, ie uoi le iur, dorenleu, ie uoi le iur, dorenleu, cumpaine, ie uoi le iur, dorenleu, cumpaine.

Tibicinauit diem quando ait, 'Medio uestrum stetit quem uos nescitis, ipse qui post me uenturus est, et cetera.' Certissime tibicinauit quando cum digito demonstrauit dicens, 'Ecce agnus Dei, ecce qui tollit peccata mundi.' Hiis rumoribus auditis, sponsa quasi a graui [MS grauo] sompno excitata, talibus(13) rumoribus exhilarata, relicto | amico sponsi sponso suo adhesit. Hoc contigit quando discipuli qui audierunt Iohannem secuti [sunt] Iesum. (fol. [149.sup.ra-b])

(And so the bride, sometimes falling asleep from weariness, sometimes faint from too much longing, says with a sigh: When will he come, gentle and noble, The one my heart desires so much? 'When will my bridegroom come, when will he that is longed for come to the nation [see Haggai ii.8], when will day dawn?' At last, when the messengers mentioned above had fallen asleep, John the Baptist, raising the horn of salvation, announced that day to us with a fanfare, saying, 'I see the day, bride of Christ, I see the day':

I see the day, dorenleu, I see the day, dorenleu, I see the day, dorenleu, companion,(14) I see the day, dorenleu, companion.

He announced the day when he said, 'Among you there has stood one whom you do not know, he who will come after me, etc.' [John i.26-7]. Most certainly he announced it when he pointed, saying, 'Behold the lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world' [John i:29]. When she heard these rumours the bride, as if roused from a deep sleep, but filled with joy by such news, left her bridegroom's friend and clung to her bridegroom. This happened when the disciples who heard John followed Jesus.)

4. Sermon on the Exaltation of the Cross, Cure exaltatus fuero a terra.

Friend does not give a reference to the lyric fragment in this sermon, although it does occur in Balliol MS 38. Odo begins the sermon with a protheme on the text 'Sicut ceruus desiderat ad fontes aquarum, ita desiderat anima mea ad te, Deus' ('As the hart pants for springs of water, so my soul longs for you, O Lord' [Psalms xli.1]). When the hart grows old, it eats a snake; this makes it thirsty, so it drinks from a spring, then sheds its skin and antlers and is rejuvenated. Similarly, the sinner who has eaten the serpent through sin will thirst for that spring

qui est fons ortorum, fons uiuus de quo ix riuuli discurrunt: duo de pedibus, duo de manibus, duo de latere sanguinis et aque, duo de oculis quia lacrimando et cum clamore ualido expirauit. Nonus riuulus sacri eloquij de ore eius emanauit, de quo ait Ueritas in Iohanne c. iiij. 'Qui biberit ex aqua quam ego dabo ei non siciet in eternum.' Hic fons sub spina, id est, Christus sub spinea corona, fons ortorum, puteus aquarum uiuencium, de quo qui biberit contra omnem morbum medicamentum sumit:

A la funtaine sud la spine Sunt amurs.

In riuulo aque sumus abluti a culpa originali. De riuulo sanguinis bibimus in tempore pascali. De riuulo uerbi Dei frequenter oportet nos exhilarari. Aque mortifere sunt cupiditates et delicie, de quibus Dominus ad Samaritanem in Iohanne c. iiij: 'Qui biberit ex hac aqua siciet iterum,' quia siciet in presenti et cure Diuite semper siciet in eternum; 'sed qui biberit ex aqua quam ego dabo ei non siciet in eternum, sed aqua quam ego dabo ei fiet in eo fons aque salientis in uitam eternam.' (fol. [])

(which is the fountain of gardens [Song of Solomon iv.15], the living spring from which nine streams flow down: two from his [i.e. Christ's] feet, two from his hands, two from his sides, of blood and water, two from his eyes, because he died weeping and with a great cry [Matthew xxvii.46]. The ninth stream is of the sacred eloquence which sprang from his mouth, about which Truth himself says in John, chapter 4, 'Whoever drinks of the water which I shall give them will never be thirsty again' [John iv.13]. This is the spring under the thorn, that is, Christ under the crown of thorns, the fountain of gardens, the well of living waters [Song of Solomon iv.15], and whoever drinks from it will receive a remedy against every disease:

At the spring-well under the thorn There is love.

In the stream of water we are washed from Original Sin. We drink from the stream of blood at Easter-time. We should often be filled with joy by the stream of the word of God. The streams which carry death are desires and pleasures, of which the Lord said to the Samaritan woman in John, chapter 4, 'Anyone who drinks of this water will be thirsty again' [John iv.13], because they will be thirsty now and, with Dives, thirsty into eternity; 'but anyone who drinks from the water which I will give him will never be thirsty again, but the water which I will give him will become in him a well of water springing into eternal life' [John iv.14].)

Both internal and external evidence suggest that Odo borrowed these fragments from contemporary secular lyrics. All of them could be assigned without difficulty to types of secular lyric already well established by the early thirteenth century; and the sermon containing the second and third fragments includes a discussion of secular song which makes it clear that Odo thought it justifiable to 'spoil the Egyptians' by using profane material for religious ends.

The first fragment, although it is put into the mouth of the Blessed Virgin, is not very edifying in either tone or sentiment. It is probable that it was originally part of a secular chanson de femme, a category to which Pierre Bec, in his typology of the French lyrics of this period, assigns 'un corpus assez varie de genres poetiques globalement caracterises par un monologue lyrique, a connotation douloureuse, place dans la bouche d'une femme'.(15) Within this broad category, it belongs to the narrower category of the chanson d'ami, the song of a woman rejoicing in or complaining about her lover; and its closest parallels are with the subtype which Bec calls the chanson de delaissee, the song of the woman who has been jilted. Relatively few examples survive from as early as the thirteenth century, but the theme was probably widespread even then.(16) A similar woman's curse on a faithless lover can be found in the Middle English lyric 'Nou sprinkes the sprai' (c. 1300), which itself may go back to a French original:

mi lemman me haues bi-hot of louue trewe; he chaunges a newe. 3iif i mai, it shal him rewe bi this dai.(17)

The second fragment again seems to have been taken from a chanson d'ami, although in this case from another of Bec's subtypes, the chanson de departie where the woman still hopes for her lover's return.(18) The chanson de departie seems to have lent itself particularly well to religious adaptation, with Christ taking the place of the earthly lover;(19) Bec anthologizes two Old French religious chansons d'ami which are similar in tone and phrasing to this fragment.(20) Odo's Latin rendition, which adds 'quando illucesset dies?', suggests that the part of the poem not quoted may be linked thematically with the third fragment, and that the woman is waiting not only for her lover but for the dawn; compare the 'mysterious snatch' quoted by Wenzel from a thirteenth-century English sermon outline:

Maiden stod at welle and wep: 'Weilawei, Late comet [MS cemet] the lith of dai.'(21)

The third fragment is almost certainly part of a lost Provencal dawn-song (alba).(22) Its secular origin is suggested by its form: the repetitions, and the use of the conventional refrain-word dorenleu,(23) indicate that it was designed for secular entertainment (singing, and perhaps also dancing) rather than purpose-built by Odo for his sermon. Its connection with the alba is suggested both by its content, which is similar to that of the refrains of other surviving albas,(24) and by its context, which casts John as one of the stock characters of the alba, the watchman (gaita) who with voice, horn or both warns the lovers of the coming of dawn. In the secular alba, dawn brings the threat of discovery, and sometimes specifically of the husband's return.(25) In the context of Odo's sermon, however, the husband is no longer the fol gilos(26) ('jealous fool') whose coming is to be feared, and the dawn is to be welcomed; Christ the bridegroom is conflated both with the dawn itself and with the longed-for lover of the previous fragment.

The fourth fragment, with its miniature landscape and its suggestion of an erotic encounter, echoes a common cluster of themes from secular love-poetry. They are not confined to a single genre, but recur across several, sometimes linked with the themes of fragments 1 and 2: the shady tree (not always a hawthorn; other varieties - olive, pine, hazel, etc. - are frequent, and sometimes the type is unspecified), running water (either a river or a spring), and a woman in love (or sometimes lovers). The cluster is most sharply defined in the rondet de carole,(27) a type of dance-song where it occurs in its minimal form:

i) La jus, desoz la raime, Einsi doit aler qui aime, Clere i sourt la fontaine, Ya! Einsi doit aler qui bele amie a.(28)

(Down there, beneath the branch, There the lover must go, There the spring flows clear, Ya! There the man with a pretty girl-friend must go.)

ii) La jus desouz l'olive, Ne vos repentez mie, Fontaine i sourt serie: Puceles, carolez! Ne vos repentez mie De loiaument amer.(29)

(Down there, beneath the olive-tree, Never have regrets, Gently flows the spring: Maidens, dance in the ring! Never have regrets For loving loyally.)

It also appears in the pastourelle: the narrator of the poem comes on a shepherdess in a rural setting (which may include the tree, the spring, or both), singing of love:

A la fontenele Qui sourt soz la raime Trouvai pastorele Qui n'ert pas vilaine, Ou ele se dementoit d'Amors: 'Deus, quant vendra mon ami douz?'(30)

(By the spring Which flows under the branch, I found a shepherdess By no means plain, Where she lamented about Love: 'God, when will my sweet lover come?')

There are some traces of it in other genres, but the parallels are less striking.(31) Its main connections seem to be with songs celebrating profane love; in the pastourelles and related lyrics edited by Bartsch,(32) the woman's desire for love sometimes sets her in conflict with her parents or her husband, and she may be presented as a willing victim of the narrator/seducer. It is probable that Odo here is consciously taking over a profane theme for pious purposes; a contemporary parallel can be found in the poetry of the Benedictine Gautier de Coinci (1177/8-1236). In a poem written for nuns, anthologized by Bec, he picks up the refrains of contemporary dance-songs (including 'ne vos repentez mie / de loiaument amer', 'la fontenele i sort clere', and 'la fontaine i sort serie') and weaves them into a love-song to Christ, adding an explanatory verse preface on the difference between earthly love and marriage, as described in worldly chanconetes, and the spiritual union he is describing.(33) Another of his poems, also edited by Bec, is a pastourelle addressed to the Virgin Mary, the 'flower of Paradise', in which he recommends:

Lessons ces viez pastoureles Et ces vielles notes: Si chantohs chancons noveles, Biauz diz, beles notes, De la fleur dont sanz sejor Chantent angles nuit et jor.(34)

(Let's leave the pastourelle for dead, Its music's out of fashion; Let us sing new songs instead, With sweeter notes of passion, Of the flower which without stay The angels sing of night and day.)

Further support for the view that Odo was using snatches of secular song for religious purposes comes from the sermon context of the second and third fragments. Both are incorporated in a sermon on John the Baptist which was probably addressed to students of theology: Odo refers to himself and his audience as nos clerici, presents John to them as a model for potential preachers and criticizes those clerici et claustrales who turn to the study of law and medicine in order to equip themselves for the service of secular lords who reject theologians as counsellors. The sermon is long, and at first sight appears rambling, but it has a clear overall structure, and is based on a set of closely related thematic oppositions: between this world and the next, between the service of lords and the service of the Lord, between silence and speech or song, and between secular songs and the song of the angels. The following summary does not cover every point made by Odo, but concentrates on the main themes of the argument; the text used is from Balliol MS 38, fols []-[].

The sermon begins with a protheme, a brief introduction based on the account of Christ healing the deaf mute in Mark vii.32-3, 35; Odo explains 'Surdus est qui mandata Dei audire non potest; mutus, qui uerba Dei non loquitur' (fol. []) ('The man who cannot hear the commandments of God is deaf; the man who does not speak the words of God is dumb'), and prays that his listeners may receive the uerba salutifera they hear into their hearts, express them in speech and carry them out in practice.

Odo then turns to his main theme, the account of the birth of John the Baptist in Luke i, from which he develops three consecutive passages:

1. Elisabeth impletum est tempus pariendi [Luke i.57]: God decided to give his son a bride, the Church, whose jewels [Song of Solomon i.9-10] are the preachers with their sacra eloquia. He entrusted her first to the care of the patriarchs and prophets, who, like night-watchmen [tanquam uigiles de nocte, fol. [149.sup.ra]], consoled her by singing the praises of the bridegroom in various songs (uariis cantilenis); John, the last of the line, finally announced his coming [see the passage quoted above]. The Church rewarded him by making his birthday a major feast; Odo describes the midsummer rites practised on the vigil of his feast-day, and discusses their significance. Noting that 'in hac nocte solent filie diaboli excercere maleficia et sortilegia' (fol. [149.sup.rb]) ('on this night the daughters of the Devil have the custom of practising sorcery and casting spells'), he denounces witchcraft and superstition in general.

2. Innuebant patri eius quem uellet uocari eum, et postea cum pugillari(35) scripsit, dicens, 'Iohannes est nomen eius' [Luke i.62-3]. 'John' is interpreted allegorically as 'the grace of God', because grace is the precursor of salvation as John was of Christ. If we are to celebrate the coming of the Saviour in glory, we should celebrate the feast of his precursor not with feasting but 'with the devotion of the heart'; John gained his pre-eminence among the sons of women [Matthew xi.11] by temperance rather than self-indulgence, preferring the service of God in the desert to the service of the rich at court. Odo warns clerici et claustrales against seeking advancement and transient worldly pleasures rather than eternal rewards:

Quid in uita iactas familiaritatem principum, qui post uitam eris socius bufonum, collega demonurn? ... Hii [domini terreni] in curribus et hii in equis phaleratis cum tintinnabulis aureis, cum uestibus cericis, cum pellibus uarijs, de lacrimis et sudore pauperum comparatis, pocius sunt de consorcio Pharaonis quam filiorum Israel, qui non in humilitate mare mundi huius transeunt, sed in aquis uehementibus inferni cum Pharaone submergentur. (fol. [15.sup.vb])

(Why do you boast about the acquaintance of princes in this life, when in the next you will be the associate of toads, the colleague of demons? ... These [earthly lords], in their carriages or on horses adorned with golden bells, in garments of silk and variegated furs, bought with the sweat and tears of the poor, belong more to the company of Pharaoh than that of the children of Israel; they do not cross the sea of this world in humility, but will be drowned with Pharaoh in the roaring waters of hell.)

The preacher is like an eagle flying between heaven and earth, crying 'Ve, ve, ve!' ('Woe, woe, woe!') to those who put their hearts on earthly things.

3. Apertum est os Zacharie et prophetauit, dicens, 'Benedictus Dominus Deus Israel, et cetera' [Luke i.67-8]. Odo looks back in his reading of this text to the protheme: as Zachariah was dumb before John was born, so everyone is dumb before the arrival of grace. But it is not always grace which opens people's mouths: they may be opened not only by God, but by the Devil, by money, or by the world (Odo illustrates all four by exempla and scriptural references). God opens mouths when people praise him, or confess their sins. He is well praised when there is a harmony (concordia) between actions and words (in opere et sermone);(36) Odo develops the point with an elaborate musical metaphor. Sound can be produced in three ways, by plucking, blowing and singing; plucking is appropriate to the harp, blowing to the organ, singing to the voice. 'Vox cithare est manus operatio, flatus organi mentis deuocio, cantus uocis sermonum exultatio [v.l. sermonis exhortatio]'(37) (fol. []) ('The sound of the harp is the work of the hands, the blowing of the organ devotion of mind, the song of the voice the exultation of words [variant reading: exhortation in speech].') These should combine to allow us to sing a new song to the Lord (Psalms xcvii.1); Odo explains: 'Vbi dicitur est canticum novum de incarnatione Saluatoris, de qua cecinerunt angeli Gloria in excelsis Deo' (fol. []) ('Where a new song is mentioned, this is of the Incarnation of the Saviour, of which the angels sang Glory be to God in the highest [Luke ii:14]'), and adds that 'modulationes super sillabas' (melismas) are designed to allow us, 'vocibus ... non significatiuis' (fol. [151.sup.vb]) ('through sounds without meaning'), to express the joy which is felt in the heart, but cannot be articulated in words. However, the harp, organ and voice can be silenced in various ways by worldly preoccupations, and other kinds of song are possible:

Nota quod quidam incoant antiphonam elationis cum Lucifero, quidam gulositatis cum Adam in Paradiso, quidam ut placeant Herodi et discumbentibus cum saltatrice in conuiuio, quidam cum angelis ut placeant Deo. (fol. [151.sup.vb])

(Note that some people begin an antiphon of pride like Lucifer, some of gluttony with Adam in paradise, some, so that they may please Herod and his dining-companions, with the dancing girl [Salome] at the banquet, some with the angels so that they may please God.)

The Devil began an antiphon of pride (elationis) in heaven, but because he was discordant (quia discordauit) he was thrown out; he then began an antiphon of temptation (suggestionis) in paradise, for which he was cursed, and one of unjust accusation (iniuste accusationis) at the Crucifixion, for which he was cast into hell, to howl a song of despair (canticum desperationis) for ever. Those who sing the antiphon of gluttony include those prelates and clerics who are more interested in the planning of their meals than in the care of souls; Odo quotes Jerome on the incongruity of well-fed, rosy-cheeked preachers preaching on the poverty and hunger of Christ and the merits of abstinence. The third group of singers is linked with Herod's wife Herodias, who exploited her daughter's skill in dancing during a feast at court to trick her husband into having John the Baptist executed (Mark vi.16-29):

Cum Herodiade cantant qui in cantilenis uel gesticulationibus sicut histriones principibus et ceteris discumbentibus placere desiderant. Et qui in talibus delectantur cum Herode Iohannem, id est, gratiam Dei, in se interficiunt. Vnde ystrionibus dare nihil aliud est quam demonibus immolare, quoniam tunc laudatur peccator in desideriis anime sue, et iniquus benedicitur. Qui ystrionibus uel meretricibus donant non naturam attendunt operis Dei, sed nequitiam operis humani; honorant in eis uicium, non naturam. Qui enim uident istrionem uel meretricem et delectantur, uidebunt Saluatorem et contristabuntur. Isti cantant coram uitulo conflatili, dicentes 'Hii sunt dii nostri', quoniam adulatores diuites deos suos reputant. Verumptamen qui cantilenas ystrionum non ad carnale gaudium sed ad cantilenam referunt angelorum non ita peccant, quoniam per ea que audiunt et uident, inuisibilia Dei comprehendunt. Si oblitus fuero tui, Ierusalem, oblivioni detur dextera mea -id est, si obliuiscar superne Ierusalem propter gaudium temporale, uita mea obliuiscatur a Deo. Adhereat lingua mea faucibus meis si non meminero tui, si non preposuero te, Ierusalem, in principio leticie mee. Orat iustus quod mutus fiat nisi gaudium celestis curie in omni gaudio sit primum et principale. Verumptamen qui dat ystrionibus ne scandalizentur, et [ut] obst[r]uatur os loquencium iniqua, crimen non incur[r]it. (fol. [152.sup.ra-b])

(Those people sing with Herodias who, like professional entertainers, want to please princes and their table-companions by songs or gestures. And those who enjoy such things kill John, as Herod did, in themselves - that is, the grace of God. So giving money to entertainers is nothing other than sacrificing to demons; because then the sinner is praised in the desires of his soul, and the evil man is blessed [Psalms ix.24]. Those who give money to entertainers and prostitutes are not rewarding their nature as formed by God, but the wickedness of human action; they are honouring vice in them, not nature.(38) So those who are filled with delight in looking at an entertainer or a prostitute will look on the Saviour and be filled with sorrow. These people sing before the golden calf, saying 'These are our gods' [see Exodus xxxii.1-4], because flatterers regard the rich as their gods. However, those who relate the songs of entertainers not to carnal pleasure but to the song of the angels do not sin in this way, because through those things which they see and hear they understand the invisible things of God. If I forget you, Jerusalem, let my right hand be given over to forgetfulness [Psalms cxxxvi.5] - that is, if I forget the heavenly Jerusalem for temporal joy - to that extent may my own life be forgotten by God. Let my tongue cling to the roof of my mouth if I do not remember you, if I do not make you, Jerusalem, the height of my joy [Psalms cxxxvi.6]: the just man prays that he may be struck dumb if the joy of the heavenly court is not the first and highest of all joys. But anyone who gives to entertainers in order that they should not be led into evil, and so that the mouths of those who speak slander should be stopped [Psalms lxii.11], does not incur blame.)

Finally, 'cum angelis cantant ut Deo placeant qui in psalmis et ymnis spiritualibus sine fermento inanis glorie Deum deuote laudant' (fol. [152.sup.rb]) ('Those who devoutly praise God in psalms and spiritual hymns, without any leavening of vainglory, sing with the angels to the pleasure of God').

Moving back to a less literal level, Odo argues that 'optima cantilena est cum quis coram sacerdote peccata sua cantat, coram Deo laudes et orationes cum deuotione resonat' (fol. [152.sup.tb]) ('the best song is when someone recites his sins in the presence of a priest, or devoudy recites praises and prayers in the presence of God'). This is true even if the speaker does not understand the words being used; God will understand them, as more may be given to the dumb beggar at the rich man's door uttering 'uoces non significatiuas et confusas' ('meaningless and confused sounds') than to one with fluent speech. So simple old women (simplices uetule) may be better rewarded for their devout though garbled prayers than the well-educated (bene literati), 'quoniam ascendit Deus in iubilo deuote orationis et Dominus in uoce tube predicationis' (fol. [152.sup.rb-va]) ('because God has men in rejoicing of devout prayer, and the Lord in the sound of the trumpet of preaching' [Psalms xlvi.6]). Just as a dumb wife may earn enough alms to support her husband, who speaks well, so 'we clerici, as husbands of the Church, should ask for the support of good women, 'ut precibus iliarum refecti per gratiam, populum reficiamus per doctrinam' (fol. []) ('so that, refreshed by their prayers through grace, we may refresh the people through teaching').

Odo concludes with a brief exhortation to his audience: 'Eiciamus ergo a templo corpotis nostri fimum luxurie, puluerem superbie, telas aranearum auaricie' (fol. []) ('Let us therefore cast out from the temple of our body the dung of lechery, the dust of pride, the spiders' webs of avarice') and a parting prayer.

For much of Odo's sermon, song figures only as a metaphor for other things, whether preaching or different modes of conduct; but in the passage on entertainers he is also discussing song in the literal sense, the cantilenae sung for the pleasure of a secular court. What is striking about his account of these songs is his unqualified hostility towards them. Unlike Langland, who was able to find a place in his vision of society for a class of minstrels who 'geten gold with hire glee giltlees, I trowe',(39) Odo denounces professional entertainers for the intrinsic sinfulness of their occupation; it is significant that he twice equates them with prostitutes. The only acceptable songs are the 'psalms and spiritual hymns' sung by the virtuous; the only acceptable use of secular song is its application to 'the invisible things of God'. Odo's sermon reveals a lively awareness of the secular culture around him, but he takes account of it either to denounce it or to advise that its manifestations should be re-interpreted as allegories of the invisibilia Dei.

This combination of denunciation of secular culture and its exploitation for didactic purposes probably has much to do with the historical and cultural context in which Odo's sermon was originally preached. There is nothing intrinsically improbable about Friend's assumption that it was preached at Toulouse. If, as the internal evidence suggests, Odo was preaching to university students of theology, there was nowhere else in the south of France in the late 1220s or early 1230s where he could have been preaching; there was no school of theology at this time at Montpellier, and the other universities in this area were founded much later.(40) There are also good reasons why Odo might have been a visiting lecturer in theology at Toulouse at this time. In Rashdall's words,

Toulouse was the very focus of the religious and intellectual fermentation which had at length broken forth in the Albigensian heresy: at Toulouse therefore it was determined to establish a great school which should be specially devoted to the maintenance of the catholic faith and the extirpation of heresy. In the north of France, where culture was more theological and more ecclesiastical than it was in the south, the intellectualism of the age was on the whole of a far less bold and destructive character than in the south of France with its educated laity, its sceptical troubadours, and its particularly indolent and ignorant clergy: it was determined, therefore, to build up a seminary of ecclesiastical learning upon the ruins of the vernacular and secular culture of Languedoc.(41)

In 1217, Honorius III had invited Paris masters of theology to teach and preach in Toulouse, and in 1229 Count Raymond of Toulouse, forced into submission by the Albigensian Crusade, agreed by the Treaty of Paris to give financial support to the developing university,(42) attracting further Parisian masters.(43) Odo himself was a Paris master - he had taken his doctorate in theology at Paris by 1219 - and it is probable that by the later 1220s he had established connections with the Dominicans who ran the school of theology at Toulouse. There is an approving mention of the Dominicans in one of his Sermones dominicales (completed in 1219), and in his commentary on the Song of Solomon, which dates from 1226, he speaks enthusiastically of their preaching and austerity of life, which he contrasts with the spiritual neglect and greed for temporalia of secular canons, priests and monks.(44)

If Odo's sermon was preached at Toulouse in this period, its preoccupations become more understandable. Its stress on the importance of preaching and of clerical austerity is consistent with the Dominican conception of the religious life, and its hostility to secular song, except as the raw material for allegory, can be read in terms of a broader clash between two ultimately incompatible forces, a too-independent secular culture and the implacable religious reformers of the post-Lateran period. A mirror-image of some of the points in his sermon can be found in a sirventes of 1233-4 against the Dominicans, Del tot very remaner valor, addressed by the troubadour Guilhem de Montanhagol to Count Raymond of Toulouse. Guilhem phrases his attack cautiously (the Dominicans had just taken on the role of inquisitors); but he begins by complaining to his patron that they and their clerical collaborators discourage the generous reward of merit:

E meron mal clerc e prezicador, quar devedon so qu'az els no.s cove, que hom per pretz non do ni fassa be. E horn que pretz ni do met en soan, ges de bon loc no.l mou, al mieu semblan.

Quar Dieus vol pretz e vol lauzor, e Dieus fo vers hom, qu'ieu o sai, e hom que vas Dieu res desfai, e Dieus l'a fait aitan d'onor qu'al sieu semblan l'a fag rice major, E pres de si mais de neguna re, doncx ben es lois totz hom, que car no.s te.

(And clergy and preaching friars are ill deserving, because they forbid that which it behoves them not to: that a man should for merit's sake give and act generously. Yet if a man scorns merit and generosity, it springs from no good motive, to my mind. For God is in favour of merit and praiseworthiness, and God became in truth a man, I know this; and the man who wrongs God when he has done him such honour as to make him, in his image, great and supreme, and nearer him than any living thing - every such man is then indeed a fool, for he has no self-esteem.)

Later in the poem, he defends fine clothes for both men and women, arguing that inner disposition is more important than outer apparel; hints that the clerics' scorn for this wicked world (lo segle savai) is hypocritical; and ends sombrely:

Sirventes, ray al pro comte dese De Toloza; membre.l que fag li an E gart se d'elhs d'esta ora enan.

(Sirventes, go swiftly to the worthy Count of Toulouse; remind him of what they have done to him, and let him beware of them from this time forth.)(45)

This discussion has brought us a long way from its starting-point, John Dygoun in fifteenth-century England, but it still has some relevance for the vernacular lyric that he allegorized in his notebook. Anyone who has worked for any length of time with medieval sermon literature learns to be cautious about suggesting direct borrowing from one work to another, and the verbal correspondences between Dygoun's allegorization of At a sprynge-wel vnder a thorn and Odo's allegorization of Ala funtaine are not close enough to prove direct influence; nevertheless, the correspondences in content are marked enough to suggest something more than complete coincidence. Both lyrics, although one is short and the other no more than a fragment, share the common elements of spring-well, thorn-tree and love. In both allegorizations the 'thorn' is linked with the crown of thorns and the spring with the two streams of water and blood issuing from Christ's side. In both the stream of water cleanses us from Original Sin. The interpretations of the stream of blood are less close, but still related: Dygoun links it with the remission of sins, Odo with the taking of the sacraments at Easter (the twenty-first constitution of the Fourth Lateran Council of 1215 required all Christians over the age of discretion to go to confession at least once a year, and also to Communion 'at least at Easter').(46) In both allegorizations, love is seen as a remedy against pain or disease (Dygoun's bote of bale / doloris ... medicina, Odo's contra omnem morbum medicamentum). The only major difference between the two is the presence of the maiden, and her allegorization as the Virgin Mary, in Dygoun. It is quite possible that the two passages are directly connected; Odo's sermons had considerable influence on later sermon literature, and were still being copied and borrowed from by English preachers in the fifteenth century.(47) But even if they are not, their similarities suggest that Dygoun was working within a tradition of allegorization which was already well established. Wenzel cites from the early fourteenth-century preachers' handbook Fasciculus morum a passage which also links hawthorn and spring with the crown of thorns and the wound in Christ's side;(48) the parallel with Odo takes the tradition back to the early thirteenth century and defines it more precisely.

The status of Dygoun's lyric is less easy to determine than the status of his allegorization, but again Odo may help to clarify the problem, even if he cannot be used to solve it conclusively. All of the lyric fragments found in the Sermones de festis can be related to contemporary types of secular love-lyric, and it is probable that Odo in the Sermones was practising what he preached in his sermon on John the Baptist, and adapting them to religious ends. The fairly close parallels between Odo and Dygoun help to confirm Wenzel's view that At a sprynge-wel is unlikely to have been 'made up by the preacher for his particular purpose'.(49) This leaves us with two possibilities. The first (which Wenzel favours) is that he is drawing on 'an originally independent English poem', which has 'a strong claim of being considered a non-homiletic, secular song'.(50) The correspondences with the lyric fragment quoted by Odo do not necessarily rule this out; the lack of any explanatory comment in Odo's Sermones de festis on the origin of the fragments he uses implies that they would have been instantly recognizable to his audience, and their parallels with surviving Provencal and/or northern French lyrics strengthen the likelihood that they were part of the common currency of popular song. Parallels to A la funtaine are particularly well attested, and Wenzel cites fainter echoes of the same themes in Middle English poetry,(51) which suggests that a similar tradition may have existed on this side of the Channel. The second possibility is that not only Dygoun's allegorization but his English poem are based primarily on the sermon tradition - that is, that he (or perhaps a predecessor) has adapted and embellished the French original for an English-speaking audience. In some ways this is a simpler explanation than the first one, since it does not require the existence of an independent English lyric capable of being allegorized in exactly the same way as Odo allegorized his earlier fragment (even including the idea of the bore of bale, which is found in Odo's commentary but not in the lyric text he cites). But it still assumes, like Wenzel's theory, the influence of secular lyric. As the French parallels cited indicate, the cluster of themes underlying Ala funtaine combines broad similarities with individual variations across a range of texts, and one of these variations is between the association of the well-spring with love in general and with the woman in love in particular. The lyric in Dygoun seems to represent a variation within this tradition rather than a departure from it; and this suggests that its composer was familiar with the tradition itself, whether in French, English or both.

In either case, we seem to have here, as in Odo, a case where 'a profane and sacred world of discourse' meet; and Odo's comments on the songs of entertainers in his sermon on John the Baptist indicate why preachers felt it was desirable to link the two worlds. The preacher enters the world of profane discourse to convert the invisibilia Dei into terms which his audience will understand; but in doing this he also makes it possible for his audience to follow him back into the 'sacred world of discourse', using what would otherwise be occasions of sin to remind them of heavenly truths. By converting the lyrics he uses from profane entertainment to mnemonic links between this world and the next, he bridges the otherwise unbridgeable gap between the songs of entertainers and the song of the angels.

BELLA MILLETT Department of English, University of Southampton


Texts of the lyric fragments in manuscripts of Sermones de fistis other than Balliol MS 38

1. Cambridge University Library, MS Kk.1.11, fol. []:

Qui me lasse par amur \dautrui/, Mala ioya prenda lo cot dilui.

Cambridge, Trinity College, MS 8, fol. [146.sup.vb]:

Ki me leis put autrui, [M]ale ioie prenge le cots de lui.

Cambridge, Trinity College, MS 358, fol. [132.sup.vb]:

Ki me lesse put amer autri, Male ioie prenge le cors de lui. [in margin, in what looks like same hand: Gallice]

London, British Library, MS Egerton 2890, fol. [197.sup.ra]:

Qui ma laissea par amer autrui, Mala ioia prenge cor delui.

2. Cambridge, Trinity College, MS 8, fol. [156.sup.rb]:

Quam [sic] uenderat li duz, li franc, Ke mi quers desire tant?

Cambridge, Trinity College, MS 358, fol. [115.sub.rb]:

Quand uendrat li duz, li frang, Ki mis quers desire tant?

3. Cambridge, Trinity College, MS 8, fol. [156.sup.rb]:

Ie vei le ior, derelothe, Ie vei le ior, do[relothe], Ie vei le ior, do[relothe], compaine.

Cambridge, Trinity College, MS 358, fol. []:

jo uei ior, dor\e/nlu, Jo ue ior, dorenlu, Jo uei ior, dorenlu, compaigne, Jo uei [ior omitted?], dor\e/nlu, compaigne.

4. Cambridge University Library, MS Peterhouse 109, fol. [194.sup.v]:

Ala futayne sur [sic] le spine Sunt amurs.


I owe thanks to a number of Southampton colleagues (Dr Trevor Jones (French) for reading a draft of this article and advising on the Provencal side, Dr John J. McGavin (English) for information on medieval entertainers, and Drs Jeanice Brooks and Daniel Leech-Wilkinson (Music) for advice on melismas); to the Medium AEvum readers for further advice and bibliographical references; and to the Master and Fellows of Balliol College, Oxford, for allowing me to make use of MS 38.

1 Siegfried Wenzel, Preachers, Poets, and the Early English Lyric (Princeton, NJ, 1986),

p. 212.

2 Ibid., p. 224.

3 Ibid., pp. 230-1 (from Oxford, Magdalen College, MS 60, fol. [214.sup.r]; Wenzel's translation.

4 Ibid., p. 210.

5 Magdalen MS 60, fol. [214.sup.r-v]; text and translation from Wenzel, Preachers, p. 231.

6 Wenzel, Preachers, p. 232.

7 Ibid., p. 229.

8 Albert C. Friend, 'The life and unprinted works of Master Odo of Cheriton' (unpub. D.Phil. diss., Oxford, 1936), and 'Master Odo of Cheriton', Speculum, 23 (1948), 641-58. Odo's works include treatises on the Lord's Prayer and the Passion, three sets of sermons (the Sermones dominicales, Sermones in epistolas, and Sermones de festis), a commentary on the Song of Solomon (on this, see further Jean Leclercq, 'Helinand de Froidmont ou Odon de Cheriton?', Archives d'histoire doctrinale du moyen age, 32 (1965), 61-9), his Fables, and a Summa de penitencia. The Fables and the exempla from the Sermones dominicales are edited by Leopold Hervieux, Les Fabulistes latins: Depuis le siecle d' Auguste jusqu'a la fin du moyen age, 4: Eudes de Cheriton et ses derives (Paris, 1896); the sermons, with manuscripts, are listed in Johannes Baptist Schneyer, Repertorium der lateinischen Sermones des Mittelalters fur die Zeit von 1150-1350 (Autoren: L-P), Beitrage zur Geschichte der Philosophie und Theologie des Mittelalters 43:4 (Munster, 1972), pp. 483-9; but the only printed edition is an abridged version of the Sermones dominicales, Flores sermonum ac evangeliorum dominicalium excellentissimi Magistri Odonis, cancellarii Parisiensis (Paris, 1520).

9 Friend, 'Master Odo of Cheriton', p. 655.

10 Friend, 'Life', p. 260 n. 1.

11 In his thesis, Friend lists over twenty manuscripts of the Sermones (including nine in England, five in France, one in Germany, one in Portugal, and two in Spain). Most of the thirteenth- and fourteenth-century English manuscripts include one or more of the four fragments (which I have numbered in the order of their appearance in the Balliol MS); however, they are not found in either of the two surviving fifteenth-century manuscripts, Windsor, Eton College, MS 24, and Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 420.

1. Cambridge University Library, MS Kk.I.11 (thirteenth/fourteenth century): 1 (2, 3: omitted; 4: sermon not included).

2. Cambridge University Library, MS Peterhouse 109 (thirteenth century): 4 (1, 2, 3: omitted).

3. Cambridge, Trinity College, MS 8 (thirteenth century): 1, 2, 3 (4: omitted).

4. Cambridge, Trinity College, MS 358 (thirteenth century): 1, 2, 3 (4: omitted).

5. London, British Library, MS Egerton 2890 (thirteenth century): 1 (2, 3: omitted; 4: sermon not included).

6. London, Lambeth Palace, MS 481 (thirteenth century): (1: omitted; 2, 3, 4: sermons not included).

7. Oxford, Balliol College, MS 38 (thirteenth century): 1, 2, 3, 4.

12 For other instances of this exemplum, see F. C. Tubach, Index exemplorum: A Handbook of Medieval Religious Tales, FF Communications 204 (Helsinki, 1969), p. 389 (no. 5148).

13 The letters imo are entered in MS above talibus, in a different hand.

14 The word cumpaine is difficult to render in English. It is the feminine form of the word for 'companion', and may mean 'friend, companion', or 'partner' in the sexual sense - mistress or wife.

15 See Pierre Bec, La Lyrique francaise au moyen age (xif-xiif sixties): Contribution a une typologie des genres poetiques mgdievaux: Etudes et textes, 1: 2 vols (Paris, 1977-8), 1, 57.

16 Ibid., 1, 65-6, and the references given there.

17 English Lyrics of the XIIIth Century, ed. Carleton Brown (Oxford, 1932), no. 62, lines 20-4; see also p. 214.

18 See Bec, La Lyrique francaise, 1, 66-7, and the further references given there.

19 Ibid., I, 142-50.

20 Ibid., II, no. 56 (L'ame qui quiert Dieu de veraie entente), lines 15, 18-20:

Diex, donnez moy ce que mes cuers desirre ... Li biaus, li bons, plus que nul ne scet dire.

Amis, amis, Trop me laissiez en estrange pais

and no. 57 (Et pour mes maus a oublier), lines 3-7, 14:

Et pour mes maus a oublier N'ai autre raison de chanter Quant il en est sans moi aleir, Li biax, li dous qui m'amour a(s)t.

An paradis bel ami ai ... E! tres doux Diex, quant vous verrai?

The difference from Odo's use of the genre is that the speaker in both lyrics is the individual soul (identified explicitly in no. 56), in exile from paradise on earth, rather than the Church separated from her Bridegroom because of the Fall; the reunion will be effected by the ascent of the soul to heaven rather than (as in Odo) by the descent of Christ to earth.

21 Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Laud Misc. 511, fol. [110.sup.v], quoted Wenzel, Preachers, p. 226.

22 The genre is described, and the surviving texts edited and annotated, in B. Woledge, 'Old Provencal and Old French', in Eos: An Enquiry into the Theme of Lovers' Meetings and Partings at Dawn in Poetry, ed. Arthur T. Hatto (London, 1965), pp. 344-89.

23 See Dictionnaire de l'ancienne langue francaise, ed. Frederic Godefroy, II (Paris, 1883), s.v. 'dorenlot', 2 ('exclamation servant de refrain'), and the variant forms and examples given there.

24 See, e.g., Woledge, 'Old Provencal and Old French', no. 4, Us cavaliers si jazia (late twelfth or thirteenth century): 'Ai! / Qu'ieu aug que li gaita cria: / "Via! / Sus, qu'ieu vey lo jorn venir / Apres l'alba"' (lines 6-10); no. 6, Quan lo rossinhols escria (thirteenth century?): 'Tro la gaita de la tor / Escria: "drutz, al levar! / Qu'ieu vey l'alba e.l jorn clar'" (lines 5-7); no. 8, Dieus, aidatz (c. 1215 - 30) (the watchman is speaking): 'L'alba par / E.l jorn vei clar' (lines 19-20).

25 See, e.g., ibid., no. 2, Reis glorios (c. 1165-1200), lines 14-15; no. 7, Gaita be (late twelfth or early thirteenth century?), lines 21-30; no. 8, Dieus, aidatz (c. 1215-30), lines 23-44.

26 See ibid., p. 382. The phrase is from one of the additional stanzas of Reis glorios; for the status of these stanzas, see The 'Cansos' and 'Sirventes' of the Troubadour Giraut de Borneil, ed. Ruth Verity Sharman (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 367-8.

27 For a description of the rondet de carole, see Bec, La Lyrique francaise, I, 220-8; for illustrations, ibid., II, 158-62 (nos 127-39).

28 Ibid., II, no. 127.

29 Ibid., II, no. 132. See also no. 130 (olive-tree, spring, the lovers Robin and Mariete), and no. 135 (hazel-tree, spring, a lover promising to be true to his lady).

30 Ibid., II, no. 48. See also Altfranzosische Romanzen und Pastourellen, ed. Karl Bartsch (Leipzig, 1870; repr. Geneva, 1973), passim, but particularly III, no. 50 (pp. 314-15).

31 See, e.g., the opening stanza of Bec, La Lyrique francaise, II, no. 35:

En un vergier lez une fontenele, dont clere est l'onde et blanche la gravele, siet fille a roi, sa main a sa maxele: en sospirant son douz ami rapele: 'ae cuens Guis amis! la vostre amors me tout solaz et ris.'

Bec classifies this lyric as a chanson de toile, with the specific theme of the malmariee, the unhappily married woman, and links its opening (unusual for the genre) with the motif of the fille a la fontaine which he finds also in other poems (nos 36-40); but these other poems have much less in common than those cited above with the fragment under consideration.

32 See n. 30 above.

33 Bec, La Lyrique francaise, II, no. 61.

34 Ibid., II, no. 62, lines 35-40. For the reference to 'new songs', cf. Odo's interpretation of Psalms xcvii.1 below.

35 The text in Luke has postulans pugillarem; the Balliol MS 38 reading is probably the rationalization of a misinterpreted abbreviation of postulans.

36 This point is omitted in Balliol MS 38, but found in MS Peterhouse 100, fol. 183(v), 'Iterum, bene laudes Deum cum fit concordia in opere et sermone, ut per exemplum concordes proximo, per uoluntatem Domino, per obedientiam magistro.'

37 MS Peterhouse 109, fol. 183(v).

38 Peter Cantor makes the same point, which he attributes to Jerome, in his Verbum abbreviatum, XLIX (PL, CCV, col. 155): 'Item Hieronymus: Paria sunt histrionibus dare, et daemonibus immolare, si quia histriones sunt dederis, non quia homines.'

39 William Langland: The Vision of Piers Plowman, ed. A. V. C. Schmidt, 2nd edn (London, 1987), Prol. 33-4.

40 See Hastings Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, 2nd edn, ed. F. M. Powicke and A. B. Emden, II (Oxford, 1936), pp. 115-210.

41 Ibid., II, 162.

42 Its university status was confirmed by papal bull in 1233.

43 Rashdall, Universities, II, 163-6.

44 See Leclercq, 'Helinand de Froidmont ou Odon de Cheriton?' (n. 8 above), pp. 64-9.

45 Texts from Les Poesies de Guilhem de Montanhagol, troubadour provencal du xiii siexle, ed. Peter T. Ricketts (Toronto, 1964), pp. 43-5; translations from Anthology of Troubadour Lyric Poetry, ed. and trans. Alan R. Press, Edinburgh Bilingual Library 3 (Edinburgh, 1971), pp. 260-3. The narrator of Raimon Vidal's Abril issia expresses similar views (lines 930-45): see Raimon Vidal: Poetry and Prose, ed. W. H. W. Field, II, University of North Carolina Studies in the Romance Languages and Literatures 110 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1971), p. 36.

46 'Omnis utriusque sexus fidelis postquam ad annos discretionis pervenerit, omnia sua solus peccata confiteatur fideliter, saltem semel in anno proprio sacerdoti, et iniunctam sibi poenitentiam studeat pro viribus adimplere, suscipiens reverenter ad minus in pascha eucharistie sacramentum' (Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, ed. Josepho Alberigo et al., 3rd edn (Bologna, 1973), p. 221).

47 See the references to Odo in H. Leith Spencer, English Preaching in the Late Middle Ages (Oxford, 1993); she identifies him as one of the main influences on late Middle English sermon literature, and sees his work as enjoying 'a fresh vogue' in the fifteenth century (p. 319).

48 Wenzel, Preachers, pp. 232-3.

49 Ibid., p. 231.

50 Ibid., p. 232.

51 Ibid., pp. 210-11.
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