Printer Friendly

The reintegration of the "afghan" veterans in present day society in the Republic of Moldova.


The soviet-afghan war (1979-1989) is the most long-lasting military conflict in the history of the Soviet Union. According to the official data from RSS Moldova, in those times, being part of URSS, 12,500 soldiers were involved, out of which 4 were missing in action, 700 were disabled, 301 (according to our data 304!) lost their life (1, 2).

The dynamics of the implication of Moldavians in this war was conditioned, besides political and military factors, by the makeup of the soviet army in Afghanistan. Thus, the first soldiers summoned came from the Asian provinces of URSS, because it was the soviet leaders opinion that ethnical and linguistic elements were to represent the main elements of the proximity between the soviet and afghan armies. In fact, things were to be different due to the historical regional litigations, knowledge of the language, etc.; which favoured cases of breakout, stealing and selling weapons. In this context, the Kremlin changed its strategy, and for the military units in Afghanistan they targeted military men from the western parts of the Soviet Union: Russians, Ukrainians, Belarusians, Moldavians (Romanian). As a result of this, we can notice that, during the soviet--afghan war, the national make-up of the troops fighting in Afghanistan was substantially modified, a fact that influenced the inclusion of Moldavians in this major historical event. Grosso modo, as a result of their devotion and open -hearted attitude, the Moldavians from the pruto-nistrean territory made a good impression both on their officers and on the soviet soldiers from other regions.

For the participants from the Republic of Moldova and also for the whole soviet space, the war in Afghanistan represented a detachment from the soviet society (a very difficult thing to achieve in a totalitarian regime) and an interaction, for the first time, with another civilization, finding themselves in a geographical and social mobility, a fact that placed them in a particular category in society after their return to URSS. Therefore, the stratification of a social segment having a new experience, which had been named "afghans", created, on the one hand, the community interest towards the former soviet fighters and, on the other hand, realized a clear identification of a number of people who experienced some traumatizing events. This identification of the "afghan" veterans, sometimes existing in a dichotomy with the community, has generated a series of dissensions, strained interactions, situations in which people did not understand each other, absence of a constructive dialogue. From this perspective, it is necessary to have a research study and an analysis of the causes that lead to such conflict situations.


Using a series of research methods and techniques, based on some signal questions (general information about the witnesses), on opinion questions (which point out the informant's opinion regarding the topic under investigation or retrieves an indirect information) and questions of performance (by means of open questions, the researcher focuses on the form of the subject in order to extract what is essential from the historical event), we made a questionnaire on 125 persons, that was used in the elaboration of formal interviews, recorded on audio tape or written down in the period of time 10th April, 2001-2nd February, 2010. The selection of the sample was made on the basis of the witnesses' relation to the event, on the military position of the persons directly involved in the war in Afghanistan, of the intermediary people, that is, those who transmit information referring to the memory of the direct participants; here we include relatives (parents, spouses, brothers, sisters, children, cousins), acquaintances or friends of the fighters.


People involved in such extreme contexts (military conflicts, terrorist attacks, holocaust, imprisonment, economic breakdown, political crises, repressions, natural calamities, accidents, crimes, kidnappings, tortures, rapes, family problems, etc.) will have traumatic consequences with emotional negative effects from a physical and psychic point of view.

A special category includes soldiers involved in wars: the change from a peaceful way of life did not represent a hiatus from the previous difficult events, it was a physical inner serious impact, both on their individual life and on relationships with their family and society (3). For the "afghan" veterans from the Republic of Moldova, as well as for all participants from the exsoviet space, the active alerting agent--the war in Afghanistan--led to long-term psycho-pathological consequences, psychic disturbances accompanied by somatic maladies, lack of balance, increase in psychic pressure, chronic depressive conditions, paralysis, nervous tics, disturbances in appetite, etc.; in fact, some of these physical symptoms are not real signs of a disease, hence their psychosomatic character.

Another problem resulting from the military conflict is the identity crisis of the former soldiers. The heterogeneous conditions caused a distortion of the old system of values, the creation of different visions, conceptions about life. In two extreme situations--determined by spatial bipolarity (Afghanistan, URSS) and the temporal one (the civil period and the military period), the former military men had completely different representations and personal behaviour. The feeling of discomfort, the rapid transition from a daily life in a war context to a public and private peaceful life, their family and social integration led to personality disturbances. This condition is worsened due to the changes of conception in the soviet community, to the socioeconomic and political crisis in URSS, aspects which had a direct impact on the state of mind even upon the health condition of the population (4, 5).

The society to which military men belonged abandoned them in the course of the running events, and the values for which they fought, sacrificed themselves, their military ethos became illusory, utopian. To these, a number of external political factors should be added. Due to the important changes on an international level, "at the end of the total war epoch, the fighter is an obsolete figure" (6). In a peaceful world, men with war experience, the more so in the case of a lost war, were repudiated. In this context, the soviet community considered them to be an element of chaos, of destabilization, marginalizing them. There is another significant aspect: at the end of 9th decade of the 20th century, in the context of the transformations taking place in the Soviet Union, an alternative way of thinking regarding the socio-political system appeared. It was a change of mentality, a fact that had a strong impact on those who participated in the soviet-afghan war. Events were developing in a specific context.

During the military conflict in Afghanistan, the soviet citizens themselves were confronted with important changes: Gorbaciov's perestroika (restructuring) and glasnosti (transparency), demilitarization, internal problems in the country, which put stress on the dynamics of the society. The soviet and post-soviet community (unlike the American one) did not want to share the terrible consequences of the war in Afghanistan (having in view the ideological impact according to which URSS never loses, another cause may be the ineffable reality in relation to this event) with the actors of this action (that is the former fighters), a fact with a double result: on the one hand, the soviet society, hostile to the military conflict and, on the other hand, the former soviet fighters frustrated by the attitude of rejection (7). In this way, the connection between military men and the military and passion mobilization army broke down (8). Referring to the socialization of the former soviet participants in the war in Afghanistan, B. Gromov, the former commander of the 40th army, mentioned a hindrance to achieving this: "The society that sent them to war was not prepared to receive them back" (9). Or, according to the suggestive remark made by the Russian psychologist D. Olishanskii, a social segment appeared, which could be defined as ours (our people) among the foreigners and foreigners among ours (10).

According to J. W. Pannebaker and B. L. Banasik, the community experiences a critical condition, defined as a propensity of the grown-up individual to perceive the most significant events at an age between 15 and 25 years, representing a psychological distance by which the public marking of a dramatic social event is avoided and "the idea of its anniversary would be ticklish or out of place" (11). The bipolar cleavage--occurring between society and the participants to the soviet-afghan war--determined an informational rhythm more, dynamic than the former fighters could have noticed, and the abrupt transfer from the armed conflict to a peaceful life affected the community after the end of the military scourge. The psychological discomfort caused by the armed conflict, created a barrier to the adjustment to the peaceful conditions. The resulting experience led to a personality crisis, creating "a condition of internal war" (12) or a crisis of the state of mind. The war veterans themselves confirmed this inherent fact in their post-war life: "We have brought with us the Afghanistan war" (13); "The never ending war" (14); "There have passed so many years, but I still have the image of war in front of my eyes" (15); "Afghanistan again. Many years have passed, but it comes back again" (16); "I think that until the present day I cannot adjust myself" (Sv. Andreeva); "It was so difficult for us to readjust." (V. Botnari); "It was more difficult to adjust ourselves to the civil life than it was to the war life" (17); "It is necessary to speak openly: the withdrawal of the military troops does not mean the end of the Afghanistan war (s. n.)" (18); "In our memory, there always will be a long and difficult struggle with the war scenes" (19). Thus, a war after war or the so-called new ending war persisted in the memory of the former soldiers (20).

This psychosomatic trauma of the former fighters resulting from an abnormal experience, also defined as hostility, psychological barrier, with sympathetic valences present in the post-war period of time and the consequences existing in their relationships with their family and society, was recorded in the literature of the domain under the name of synthetic syndrome (from Greek syndromos that which goes together), e. g., the Vietnamese syndrome, the Afghan syndrome. A thorough analysis of the behaviour of the former participants in the soviet-afghan war disclosed a number of dissensions: a conflict with their own personality, alter-ego, and, against this background, the relationships with their family worsened.


After coming back to the Soviet Union, the former soldiers from the Afghanistan war were confronted with a psychological imbalance: life in the army, with various images of confusion, extended indelibly into the peaceful context. This readjustment mechanism was marked by the abrupt transition from peace to war. During the military training, the soviet soldiers were not prepared to cope with post-war life. Officers, influenced by war episodes, had different ideas, antagonistic to civil life, hence a neglect to prepare soldiers during their training for post-war life. In the context of war, some other norms prevailed training soldiers for military actions. That is why, once coming back home, they would remain prisoners in the context created by the military conflict, manifested on the unconscious level (dreams), or would reactivate some skills obtained during the war.

Delirium represents a general characteristic of soldiers in all historical epochs; as a rule, it includes two types of representations in the war context: the first category has direct unchanged war images, and the second one represents a modified picture. This phenomenon may be associated with insomnia, as a way of obstructing nightmares, a fact with a major impact on the psychic and physical condition of the individual, leading to irascibility, depression, memory disorder, breakdown, fever, excessive sweating, etc: "At night, I was dreaming of enemies" (A. Oprea). "I was talking in my sleep, I was exploring by night" (A. Batca). "I was dreaming of big noises. I was tormented by the afghan nightmare" (St. Matei). "The first year, I was awaken by each noise. I used to sleep with my father's gun close to my head" (V. Cucu). "When I came back to the Soviet Union, many of us could not sleep. Why? Because it was silence (...). We had to switch on a cassette recorder or some music to be able to sleep" (S. Plesu). "When I came back, everything was normal by day, but towards the evening, emotions occurred (when, as a rule, the military actions took place in Afghanistan--n. n.) (A. Trofeev). "16 years have passed, but I am still dreaming" (S. Vladicescu). "I was shaking with fear, I was seeing only dead people" (P. Cojocaru). "When I came back, I was dreaming. I was getting startled in my sleep, I was screaming, even now, when I am deeply asleep, because I usually sleep badly, the next day my wife tells me: last night you startled in your sleep, you were speaking, but I could not understand what you were saying" (V. Dorosenco). "I did not adjust. After one year. We never slept up there. We could rest mostly by day. We had a day sleep, we did not sleep at night, it took a while till I got used again to sleeping. Maybe that is why even now I cannot sleep at night." (Al. Minciuc) "Before, but even now, I have nightmares." (N. Sergheevici) It was hard for me. For three months I did not go to bed without placing my pocket knife under my pillow. At night, in my sleep, I was screaming, I was fighting. Even now all this happens again. There are memories" (O. Valean). "Sometimes, I fight the whole night. It is as if someone is killing me, enemies torture me. I scream." (21) "After coming back home, for three months, I could not sleep well, I startled in my sleep and I had bad headaches." (22) "Up to this day, I dream of Afghanistan." (Tatiana Akimova) "12 years have already passed (...). There are lifelong consequences. I startled in my sleep, I fight." (Vl. Furtuna) "I did military service in the artillery and back home, I cannot say for how long I had nightmares, it seems to me that I am shot down." (V. Jomico) "Sometimes I dream again." (23) Some dreams were about imminent death (24).

Another effect of war consequences, which occurred on the basis of fight reflexes, was anxiety. Any situation, any image or sound connected somehow with military conflicts penetrated the peaceful life. As a result of this psychological recoil, a conditioned reflex occurred, specific to tense situations--palpitations, raising the level of adrenaline, which generates the symptoms of stress: depression, irascibility, aggressiveness, insomnia, etc. When I used to go out in nature, all the time I was on the alert not to come across a mine. I had some active senses when I was walking through the woods; I felt like being in a minefield ..., all the time I watched my steps ..." (V. Jomico) "I remember, once, my car broke down in an area with vineyards and I was a little scared (a place where enemies could have hidden--n. n.). I had such a reaction. It was like this for a month or two, then everything turned to normal." (A. Trofeev) "It was hard. From a psychological point of view too, how can I tell you, you see a plane and all your thoughts change. All your thoughts go to Afghanistan. If there was a car and you could hear the noise of its metal body, immediately you asked yourself if it was not a war incursion." (N. Sergheevici) "It is difficult to adjust to the 'civil' life (note the commas with the meaning of a priori milieu--n. n.) (...) Initially, it was difficult: I was no longer used to peace, silence, civil life." (25)

For some soldiers, the images from the war, which remained during the post-war period, will have a tragic impact. For example, the former participant to the soviet-afghan war, Grigore Loghin extrapolated the images of war for a long period of time, which resulted in a condition of physical and psychic exhaustion ending in his committing suicide: "getting again on his tractor, he will realize very soon that he was sadly wrong: memories from the war from THERE remained with him, following him everywhere (...) (s. n.). As in a movie, in front of him there were posts of fire, trucks on fire, long lasting bursts of gunfire and his comrades lost along the wretched roads in Afghanistan--some 18-19 year old lads (...). Sometimes, he would jump down from his tractor looking for shelter among the turned over furrows, hiding deep under the soil (...) Recovering, he would stand up, looking worriedly around him fearing somebody could have seen him, and again he got on the damn tractor; it's the big noise reminding him of those seen on the terrible Afghan land (...). He would gladly got rid of it even the next day, looking for another job, but still hoped for recovery (...). But, after two weeks he told his father, also a mechanic, that he could no longer work on the tractor, whose noise obsessively reminded him of the inferno from where he recently escaped, causing him terrible headaches (...). Grigore Loghin tried not only once to find a better job, because, after his return from Afghanistan, he could no longer endure the roar of engines" (26).

The psychological imbalance occurred when these people became aware (or when experiencing the crisis of awareness) of the changes produced after the war (on the basis of comparison); if for some of them this represented a huge process of becoming more mature than their peers, for others, it increased the identity crisis, a fact evident in the process of communication: "For me, it was hard when I came back. Everything was disgusting, I could not stand entertainment (V. Slanina). "I came back a little more scared, as if wilder." (V. Jomico) "I also changed my way of speaking." (V. Botnari) "You go younger and come back older (s. n.)." (F. Talpa) "They did not believe I was 20, they said I was 24-25." (M. Slutu) "Now, I came back more like a man, I was no longer a child, as when I left. I became wiser." (A. Dubenco) After the withdrawal of the soldiers from the territory of the war in Afghanistan, as in the case of KZ syndrome, which has some connections with the afghan syndrome, an immediate psychological treatment was necessary to reduce the risk of some psychological consequences: the victim is urged to speak about his trauma, but in the context of a therapeutic calming down interaction with an interlocutor who is a specialist. The early diagnosis and the treatment of posttraumatic stress represent a real problem for the public health, because persons who are not given a psychological treatment can later develop severe chronic disturbances, detrimental to themselves, to their family, and society" (27).

Professor Isaac M. Marks, psychiatrist at Bethlem Maudsley Hospital in London, evaluates the interdependence between trauma and its posttraumatic consequences (28). When this posttraumatic effect was not solved in the best way, the image of the war was transferred into another reality, remaining in the veterans' subconscious, so that they live a parallel, virtual life, side by side with the real one. A favourable solution would be achieved by introspective methods, the former soldiers should make a retrospective analysis with positive valences on the events of the war in Afghanistan. The experience of the military conflict resulted also in good individual characteristics: manliness, courage, endurance, discipline, etc., features not so important in a peaceful society. The physical, emotional and moral equilibrium of the former soldiers should be assessed not in accordance with the general accepted rules, with codes copied from the civil society, based on a personal consensus of maintaining inner harmony, resignation and individual relaxation by detaching themselves from the old stereotypes to act according to the principle of gradual understanding of the new realities. Otherwise, at the end of the 80s, the authorities in the Soviet Socialist Moldavian Republic understood the necessity of a moral and material support for those who did the international military service in the Democratic Republic Afghanistan (29).

The traumatic consequences of the military conflict influenced the somatic profile of the fighters. Given the intensity of the moments experienced in extreme situations, certain groups of muscles remained with extensive spasms in the post-war period of time. The American psychologist Benjamin Kolodzin (author of a number of studies referring to the Vietnamese syndrome) pointed out that the former American fighters in the war in Vietnam, without being aware of the fact, suffered from muscle soreness, as a result of post-war trauma, which led to negative effects such as: cramps, spasms, dizziness. B. Kolodzin underlines the fact that these physical characteristics occurred as something habitual, so that persons suffering from these consequences could not be aware of the condition of relaxation, a fact marked by evident nervous tension. More than that, experiments were conducted when patients were asked to relax by means of technical methods, and in the initial stage, they noticed some discomfort, because they had been used to the nervous condition, but they recovered after a period of time of re-adaptation (30). Although this concept was used for the Vietnamese syndrome, it can be used by extrapolation to the afghan syndrome. In other words, the veteran of the soviet-afghan war should become aware of their condition and they should do some physical exercises to get rid of the traumatizing consequences occurring after the military conflict, including those on the somatic level. Other physical consequences are: twitches, abdominal pains, cardiovascular diseases, etc.: "I rolled up my eyes, opened my mouth, shook my head, I was moving my hands and legs, I jumped. I was not myself" (V. Dorosenco). It is to be noted that these physical disturbances are determined, to a large extent, by a change in the process of thinking and by emotional factors. These substantial changes occurring after the afghan war were present also in the veterans' relationships with their families. Even during the military service, some soldiers noticed a cleavage regarding their filiation: "now my parents cannot do anything for me, I am not what I used to be, in the army I have understood a lot of things about life. When I was at home, I did not think of anything. But now, after having been in the army, I will take a different course of life" (31).

Coming back home, some of them felt as being in a world that had changed itself while they had been away from the community. They left for the army as children and, after their coming back, everyone noticed how mature they had become: "I was a stranger at home. Everyone, including my mother, treated me as if I were a child" (V. Cojocaru). "Mother told me that I was no longer her child. Such deep changes I had suffered." (I. Oca) "Mother told me that she would change me back to be the boy I used to be." (A. Sfecla) "Even my friends and relatives were crying, mother fell on her knees." (V. Botnari) "My sister was envied because her brother had come back from the army, and my sister said: he is like a stupid man, he sits down and does not say a word." (I. Rabak) "I was so close to my sister, but when I came back home we were estranged." (Svetlana Andreeva) "It was very hard for us to readjust, that is how my wife used to say." (N. Medvejonoc) In this way, some specific relationship developed, and their relatives and persons who knew them could not totally understand them, a fact relevant in their incompatibility to have dialogues.

In some families of the veterans (a fact evident in society as well), tense situations occurred as a result of dissensions in the process of communication. According to experts, the non-constructive dialogue between the former soldiers and the civil community can be explained from an interpretative perspective, but it is also connected to the means of expression, etc. Thus, in the context of the military conflict, fighters used a specific language (included in the sphere of survival), often incomplete, misleading, without expressing their thoughts in a clear way, a fact present in the post-war period (32). Therefore, the architecture of the verbal message transmitted by fighters (a fact assessed by us in the analysis of the interviews) is a specific one, and, as a result, a series of peculiarities should be considered: the presence of some verbal codes established during the war, an extreme attitude towards certain topics (e. g., prevails criticism and not praise), avoiding certain subjects or their partial approach, non-verbalisation, which should be interpreted as a means of expression (including a means of approval), etc.

The Russian psychologist Mihail Resetnikov noticed that, in many families of the former soldiers, the subject of the afghan war was considered taboo in the interaction between parents (i. e., participants in the war calamity) and their children, being obliterated by not speaking about trauma (33). The author makes analogies with the post-war situation of the children of Nazis in Germany. Due to the military experience, M. Resetnikov questioned the capacity of "afghans" to create a proper education for their children (34). One explanation for the veterans' tendency to avoid the subject of war is the fact that the veterans themselves try to detach themselves from the tragic consequences of this calamity: they fight against memories to forget this armed conflict to protect, even subconsciously, their family, their children: "(...) The Afghan has remained in my heart for the rest of my life. I do not want my children and my grandchildren to see what I saw in my job (s. n.)" (35). "My children keep asking me what happened there. I cannot tell them anything. They must not know anything about it." (36) A number former soldiers tried to find their equilibrium by setting up a family: "I came back home on April, 21st, on May, 7th, I was 21 and on November, 23rd, I got married. I got married because, otherwise, I could not find my peace. I found a good girl. Let's hope we will be in good shape, we have two children, a boy and a girl. We make it up, we have a household. I settled down at the right time. I have a house of my own" (V. Dorosenco). In the same context, some veterans, as a result of being considered an element of obstruction by the society, were confronted with problems in their marital life. It is relevant, in this sense, an anonymous letter from a former participant in the war in Afghanistan published by the newspaper "The Youth of Moldova" (1989): "I am overwhelmed by a big misfortune and by sharing it with you, I hope it will be easier for me. A couple of years ago, my motherland sent me do the military service in Afghanistan. While I was there, my girlfriend, whom I loved very much, used to write to me to tell that she was waiting for me and this fact helped me endure the hard times I had there. At last, the day came when I was discharged and I was back home. I was 20, I had been awarded two medals. I was extremely happy, thinking that we would be together forever. But her parents found out that I had been in Afghanistan and interfered saying that the boys who came back from that place are bad, mean and many other things. (s. n.) They also said that their daughter had clean hands while mine were dirty (...)" (37) A new type of man appeared in society, "the afghan", with a history of compromise, whose private life, his emotions and memories will come into contact with a strange, sometimes hostile community. The soviet-afghan war marked--volens, nolens--the soldiers' families: "mother used to tell me repeatedly: it seems as if I was with you in the army (s. n.). So much tormented she was, poor her" (38). In some families, the military conflict in Afghanistan caused the death of some of its dear members--children, parents, husbands, etc.

The journalist Svetlana Aleksievici, who was awarded a Nobel Prize (2015), speaks about the terrible impact of a family tragedy: "my best friend, he was like my brother, was taken in a plastic bag (...) His head, his hands, and legs separated from the body, his skin was abraded (...) like an animal, instead of a strong and handsome lad (...) After two years, his mother was taken to a hospital for the mentally ill. One night, she escaped to the cemetery saying that she would like to sleep close to him" (39). Family sensitivity is also related to a re-evaluation of the event, which is analyzed in a critical and negative way. This aspect may worsen the sufferings of the relatives of those who died in Afghanistan: "My son is in high school. Last year he had to write an essay. He tried to make an analysis of the soviet-afghan war according to the Voice of America. Although it may be correct, I do not like it very much. But the fact that they were called conquerors (...). We knew him in a different way (it is about her brother--Moroz, n. n.). This is sad for us (s. n.) (G. Metodi). For the parents of the former soldiers, this condition reached a climax due to the obnubilation, the rejection of the event, because "now everything is forgotten about the war" (Iustina Gavrilova Pirogov). Hence, suffering deepened, the death of close persons was circumscribed in an illusion. But, the most difficult problem is the relationship between the former soldiers and society. If, at a certain moment, a consensus occurred with one's ego or with their family (although for some of them this condition lasted), their reintegration into society was different. By encouraging and propaganda, it was aimed at socializing the former soldiers from the soviet-afghan war. "The military of the Army Forces fulfilled with honesty and dignity their duty in Afghanistan" (40) or "their bravery is our pride, their experience--our asset" (41); but these authors admit the dissentions between the former soldiers and the community. Grosso modo, the conflicts between the two polarities--society and the veterans from the war in Afghanistan manifested or still manifest on a conceptual level. Society tries to make the former military men adjust to the common way of life, achieved by the uniformity in the thinking paradigm, etc., based on social adaptation, while veterans consider themselves to be expelled from an adverse society, which established a number of rules with different codes and principles (42). The cleavage between the former soldiers and society had and has various ways of manifestation in conjunction with the individuality of each former soldier: opposition, isolation, aggressivity, violence, the complex of inferiority, bureaucracy.

A number of former soldiers had/have the tendency to hide their emotions by the so-called palliative strategies, such as: alcohol, sedatives, tranquilizers, etc.


The mechanism of integration of the former Moldavian soldiers from the soviet-afghan war is not enough investigated in its whole amplitude. From a scientific point of view, it is necessary to create an interdisciplinary research--history should be related to psychology, sociology, philosophy, anthropology, etc. The study of the social reintegration reveals the tense amplitude of the transition of the human activity from extreme situations and the severe effects created by such calamities. In contrast to the investigations made in the Western scientific community (in similar cases), in the post-soviet one, there are no complex studies regarding the social, and family integration of the former soldiers from the soviet afghan war, which should be analyzed by taking into account differences of race, nationality (which is very much diversified in the ex-soviet space), sex (including both, men and women), professional training, etc. The experience of the American veterans who performed their military service in Vietnam may be of great help in dealing with the various problems encountered by the former "afghan" soldiers. The Vietnamese praxis was evident in the USA by an "increase in hostility from the public" (43) or by "the public derision of the military forces of the USA" (44), an event that was considered to be a "humiliation and led to lack of confidence". One of the leaders, in an interview with the Russian journalist N. Soldatenko (1991), signalled the importance of the Vietnamese experience for the former soviet fighters: "I was in the Soviet Union. I interacted with your 'afghans'. It is something special to find yourself 20 years younger (...). I have in view the fact that the Soviet Union has the same problems the USA had and continue to have, and our experience could help you" (45). The comparative dimension counterbalances the investigation of standard representations created by society regarding the former soldiers, eliminating, in some respects, the supposed existence of a conspiracy connected by the society exclusively against veterans, rejecting the inherence of culpability, ingratitude, victimization (46).


The author declares has no potential conflicts of interest to disclose.


(1.) Xenofontov, Ion. Razboiul din Afganistan in memoria participantilor din Republica Moldova (1979-1989). Realitate istorica si imaginar social. Iasi; Editura Lumen, 2010, pp. 13-14.

(2.) Xenofontov, Ion. Razboiul sovieto-afgan. Studiu de istorie verbala. Perceptii. Documente. Iasi; Editura Lumen, 2011, p. 15.

(3.) Senavskaa, E. S. Psihologiavojny v XX veke: istoriceskijopyt Rossii, Moskva, 1999, p. 101.

(4.) Jones, Linda J. Social context of health work, London, 1994, p. 32.

(5.) Mascauteanu, Mariana. Impactul transformarilor socio-economice asupra starii sanatatii populatiei tarii, in "Revista de filosofie, sociologie si stiinte politice", Chisinau, 2007; 2; 132-138.

(6.) Omul secolului XX, volum coordonat de Ute Frevert si Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, Iasi: Polirom, 2002, p. 295.

(7.) Pozdnakov, A. I. Antivoennyjsindromili Perednnaaarmia?, Moskva: Voenizdat, 1990.

(8.) Kouplend, Norman. Psihologia i soldat, Moskva, Voenizdat, 1991, p. 18.

(9.) Kozuhov, M. Na straze--carandoy, in Komsomol'skaapravda, 09.07.1988; 4.

(10.) Ol'sanskij, D. V. "Afghanskijsindrom", in Literaturno eobozrenie, 1990, 3; 15.

(11.) Pannebaker, J. W., Banasik, B. L. On the Creation and Maintenance of Collective Memories: History as Social Psychology, in "Collective Memory of Political Events", Lawrence Erbaum Associates Publishers, SUA, 1997.

(12.) Akusin, N. V. Psihologiceskaapomos' voinam-afghancam v reabilitacionnomcentre Respubliki Belarus', in Psihologhiceskijzurnal, 1996; 17; 5; 102.

(13.) Lebed, Alexandru. "Noi am adus cu noi Afghanistanul", in OS, 16-22.03.1995; 3.

(14.) Kotenev, A. A. Neokoncennaavojna, in shtml.

(15.) Istomina, O. Nikogda ne zabudem ..., in Molodez' Moldavii, 1994; 5; 1.

(16.) Malys, Arkadij. Togdanagrad ne davali, in Vecernij Kisinau / Kisinev, 29.01.1988; 3.

(17.) Ivanenko, V. Afghanistan: armia i revolucia, in Krasnaazvezda, 18.06.1988; 5.

(18.) Interv'u s Mihailom Lesinskim, byvsimsobkorom Gosteleradio v Afghanistane, in Zurnalist, 1991; 2; 11.

(19.) Xenofontov, Ion. Teroarea afghan sau razboiul dupa razboi in viata combatantilor moldoveni, in "Stare de Urgenta. Revista de literatura, arta si atitudine", 2009; 15; 13.

(21.) Istomina, O. Nikogda ne zabudem..., in Molodez' Moldavii, 24.04.1990; 1.

(22.) Rudenko, V. G. "Afghanskijsindrom", in

(23.) Vakulovski, Alexandru. "Soldati romani ...", interviu cu Mihail Malancea.

(24.) Igumnov, A. Snifsamne Afghanistan, in Krasnaazvezda, 13.08.1989; 2.

(25.) Dudakov, Vadim. Neskol'kointerv'uob Afghanistane, in Literaturnyj Kirgizstan, 1988; 9; 97.

(26.) Vasile, Martin. Evadarea din infern sau recviem pentru ostasul internationalist Grigore Loghin, in "Tinerimea Moldovei", 15.02.1989; 4.

(27.) Lelord, Francois, Cristophe Andre. Cum sa ne comportam cu personalitatile dificile, Iasi, Ed. Trei, 1998, pp. 227-228.

(28.) Marks, Isaac M. Fears, Phobias and Rituals. Panic, Anxiety and Their Disorders, Oxford: University Press, 1987, p. 402.

(29.) Arhiva Organizatiilor Social-Politice din Republica Moldova, Fond 51, inv., 73, dos., 56, f. 2.

(30.) Kolodzin, B., Kakzit' poslepsihiceskojtravmy, p. 21, in http: //www.madap.

(31.) Corespondenta familiei Vrabie. Scrisori din Afghanistan, nedatata, august--noiembrie 1988.

(32.) Kolodzin, B., Kakzit' poslepsihiceskojtravmy, pp. 29-34, in http: //www.madap.

(33.) Otdel'nyeposledstvia i reabilitaciapostradavsih, p. 3, in http:www. artofwar

(34.) Resetnikov, M. M. Psihopatologiageroiceskogoproslogo i budusiepokolenia, in http:

(35.) Corespondenta familiei Vrabie. Scrisori din Turkmenistan, 20.12.1987.

(36.) Vakulovski, Alexandru. Soldati romani in Afghanistan. Manuscris (Interviu cu S. Gaidau).

(37.) Martin, Vasile. Evadarea din infern sau recviem pentru ostasul internationalist Grigore Loghin, in "Tinerimea Moldovei", 15.02.1989; 4; 38.

(39.) Aleksievic, Svetlana. Cinkovyemal'ciki, in Druzbanarodov, 1990; 7; 10.

(40.) Cagalov, K. M., Harrison, S. Afghanskaavojna. Vzgladizsegodnasnegodna, in Vostok, 1991; 2; 42-57.

(41.) Novosadiuc, V. Faptele de vitejie sunt mandria noastra, experienta lor--un bun al tuturor, in MS, 12.03.1988; 1, 3.

(42.) Cojocaru, Natalia. Trecatorii prin Piata Marii Adunari Nationale ziceau: "Afghanezii" (sic!) atata spiritele, in Flux. Cotidian national, 16.05.2000; 1.

(43.) Milza, Pierre, Berstein, Serge. Istoria secolului XX. In cautarea unei noi lumi (1973 pana in zilele noastre), vol. III, All, f.a.e. p. 48.

(44.) Toffler, Alvin & Heidi. Razboi si antirazboi. Supravietuirea in zorii secolului XXI, Bucuresti, Ed. Antet, 1995.p. 58.

(45.) Soldatenkov, N., Vojnakotoruu ne zabyt', in Argumenty i Fakty, 1991; 28; 6.

(46.) Legacies of Vietnam. Comparative Adjustment of Veterans and Their Peers, Washington, 1981.

Ion XENOFONTOV--Ph. D., Central Scientific Library, "Andrei Lupan" Academy of Science of Moldova, Chisinau, The Republic of Moldova Correspondence:


Ph. D., Central Scientific Library "Andrei Lupan" Academy of Science of Moldova, Chisinau, The Republic of Moldova

Submission: September, 13th, 2016

Acceptance: February, 04th, 2017
COPYRIGHT 2017 Institute of Psychiatry Socola, Iasi
No portion of this article can be reproduced without the express written permission from the copyright holder.
Copyright 2017 Gale, Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.

Article Details
Printer friendly Cite/link Email Feedback
Title Annotation:Multidisciplinary contributions
Author:Xenofontov, Ion
Publication:Bulletin of Integrative Psychiatry
Article Type:Report
Geographic Code:4EXMO
Date:Jun 1, 2017
Previous Article:Social and ethical implications of oxytocin intranasal administration in couple therapy. Is this the next Cupid's bow?
Next Article:Turning the Screw (on the Translator This Time).

Terms of use | Privacy policy | Copyright © 2022 Farlex, Inc. | Feedback | For webmasters |