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The reach of translation in the works of Anne Finch.

The translations of Anne Finch, Countess of Winchilsea (1661-1720), far exceed the commonplace function of importing the foreign into the domestic; instead, Finch draws on the power of translation as a vehicle of social and political critique, in order to articulate values usually marginalized within her culture. Translation granted her a literary authority--an authority born in part of precedent--to assert cultural values that many in her nation would have found bold or perhaps seditious. These values--Jacobitism and feminism--constituted what I am calling Finch's double position of internal exile from the dominant British culture. (1) As a mode of representation, translation informed her poetics, where the act of translation served to remind her not only of one languages insufficiency to convey the meaning of another language, but also languages insufficiency to represent tout court. Challenges to representation recur thematically in, for instance, Finchs rendering of the bonds of friendship and love, where these spiritual bonds cannot be fully reduced to syllables. In spite of the centrality of translation in Finch's work, relatively few critics have considered it in this light. (2) I propose that we attend to a spectrum of translation in Finch's work that, although not specific to her, enables us to see even more broadly the importance of translation as a practice and signifying network in her poetry. Finch composed a considerable number of translingual translations (i.e., translations as traditionally understood, rendering a text in a different language,), second-hand translations (i.e., sometimes now called secondary, intermediary, or intermediated translations; for her, typically translating into English a French translation of an Italian, Latin, or Greek text), and intralingual translations (i.e., the remaking of a text within the same language, such as in her psalm "paraphrases"). (3) More broadly, like so many writers, she translates forms and tropes whereby she imports other cultural traditions and values in an act that translation scholars now categorize as cultural translation.

Here I shall argue that Finch's attention to these several sorts of translation offers us a path through which to trace her cultural translation of Jacobitism and feminism and her standards for the work of the poet. Although her attention to Jacobitism and feminism has been acknowledged and explored by many critics, little discussion has considered how Finch, occupying a similarly doubled position as translator and socially displaced person, used a range of translation practices to make these internally exiled cultures legible. Her translations reveal those concepts to have been defining positions of subcultures that were exiled within Britain. (4) Finchs exclusion from an education in the most esteemed languages--Latin and Greek--shapes her definition of the subcultures she intends to translate. To demonstrate the stakes of translation for Finch as a poet and an internal exile, I will begin with brief background accounts of her allegiance to the Stuart court, first, and second, of the translation theories in her time. These theories emphasized the importance of translation, especially of classical languages, in developing the male poets creative and even ontological achievements. Such backgrounds establish why Finch would choose translation as the ideal instrument for representing her alternative values as a poet and the exilic communities to which she belonged. These backgrounds prepare for my discussion of several works in which she demonstrates her particular program of cultural translation. I conclude with a discussion of her representation of these subcultures in her most explicit statement about translation: "A Poem. Occasion'd by the Sight of the 4th: Epistle Liber Epistolarum 1. of Horace; Immitated and Inscrib'd to Richard Thornhill Esq by Mr Rowe, Who Had before Sent Heither, Another Translation from Horace." (5) In this poem, Finch's critique of patriarchy, specifically of an educational system in which most women were excluded from learning classical languages, converges with her critique of the urban Whig politics that opposed her Jacobite ethos. That ethos, like her feminism, informs her representation of friendship and love. "A Poem. Occasion'd by the Sight of ... Horace" enacts her implicit ars poetica, shaped by her exclusion from the education of her male peers and her rejection of an urban Whig political center. The intensity of Finch's response to seeing Rowe's imitation of Horace registers the significance of the translator's power.


To describe Finch's work as translating the culture of internal exiles draws on several scholars' notions of cultural translation. (6) Thomas O. Beebee has argued that "all translation is cultural translation. It appears linguistic to the extent that significant cultural overlap, ideology, or other factors obscure cultural differences." (7) The culture translated need not originate outside of the nation, although this is the direction most often considered in theories of translation. Rather, the so-called foreign culture can reside within the dominant, domestic one--a subculture that reflects minority religious, social, ethnic, and political perspectives and thus requires translation of several kinds to become legible and possibly to achieve influence. In this spectrum of translation that is not always translingual, Finch conveys the subcultures of Jacobitism and feminism to her British readers, subcultures that were inseparable for Finch but that may or may not have overlapped for her readers. (8) To call Jacobitism and feminism "subcultures," however, weakly describes how Finch and many of her contemporaries would have experienced these positions and perspectives. Instead of labeling them as "subcultures," I propose we call them "internally exiled cultures." (9) Jacobites (women and men) and Finchs countrywomen were British but socially, politically, and economically circumscribed. These ideological strangers in their own land frequently populate Finch's works, where translation affords a thematic and representational paradigm for representing the presence of these exiles.

It is no wonder that translation proved such a resource for negotiating the internal exiles of Jacobitism and feminism; after all, as Peter Burke notes in a discussion of Renaissance translators, translators themselves

were often emigres, exiles or refugees, taking advantage of their liminal position and making a career of mediating between the two countries to which they owed a kind of allegiance. It is likely that these people had a 'double consciousness,' to use the famous phrase of W. [E. B.] Du Bois about North American blacks, and that this double consciousness assisted them in the task of translation. (10)

Finch's role as translator may be compared with several described by Peter Burke, although he focuses on earlier generations of European translators. (11) While the force of Finch's translation is subversive in relation to the dominant culture, this subversion is often conveyed with diplomatic shrewdness and didactic probity. (12) Conveying her Jacobite exile, she draws on an earlier tradition of royalists who, living abroad during the interregnum, used translation extensively. Indeed, "translation became so central to their legacy that one scholar refers to it as 'the characteristic literary activity of Royalists in defeat.'" (13) Later in the seventeenth century, observes Julie Candler Hayes, translation "enabled a self-reinforcing group identity among defeated and dispirited loyalists, and it proved a highly useful tool in the melding of aesthetic and political discourse." (14) Loyalists' attention to translation informed the "sense among many that language had failed in its communicative function or its ability to sustain truth." (15) Finch uses translation to restore the truths of Jacobitism and feminism.

When James II left England for France to gather forces to reclaim his throne, Stuart culture and above all its political authority shifted from the dominant culture to the internal--seen as foreign and treasonous--one of Jacobitism. Finch returned, or retranslated, her allegiance to the Stuart line into an English discourse that had officially expelled it. Her use of translation cannot be separated from her time at the Stuart court. She served from 1682 to 1684 as Maid of Honor to the Italian Mary Beatrice (the wife of the Duke of York, the future James II) until her marriage to Heneage Finch on May 15, 1684. Thus began her early adulthood as a court insider, part of an international group of multilingual women writers and artists. (16) What was evidently Finch's longest translation--the now-lost or destroyed first act of Torquato Tasso's Aminta--must have been motivated in part by Tasso's association with Mary Beatrice's ancestors in the d'Este family. (17) Throughout her life Finch's admiration for Mary Beatrice's personal cultivation and multilingualism endured, appearing more than thirty years after her service as Maid of Honor, when she recalled "drawing near" the chair of Mary Beatrice where she heard her astonishing linguistic talents:
   Bles't my attention was when drawing near
   (My places claim) her crouded audience chair
   I heard her by admiring States addrest
   With embasies in different tongues exprest
   To all that Europe sent she gave replies
   In their own speech most eloquent & wise[.]
      ("On the Death of the Queen," 66-71) (18)

Clearly a key point of Finch's admiration for the Queen and for the formative literary circle in which she spent an early part of her life was this facility with languages, with a translator's ability to reach people "in their own speech."

With the Revolution of 1688, the abdication of James II, and the installation of William and Mary on the throne, Finch and Heneage were exiled from the circle of power. In April 1690, Heneage was arrested for treason, discovered by the authorities attempting to leave England to join James II in France. Although the charges were eventually dismissed, Heneage would have been barred from travel outside Britain. (19) It is little wonder then that Finch's commitment to women's artistic potential was inseparable from her allegiance to the Stuarts: perhaps to abandon one allegiance would have seemed to mean abandoning the other. This bond between Stuart allegiance and feminism was strengthened for the rest of her life by her marriage. Throughout her life, Heneage supported her writing: his unyielding allegiance to the Stuart line robbed him of any opportunity in the new government. As internal exiles they focused on her work: she composed poetry and drama, and he spent much of his life transcribing her work into fair copies for circulation in manuscript and ultimately in print.

One example of Finch's translations that reimport the stakes of Stuart allegiance is her "Part of the Fifth Scene in the Second Act of Athalia" from Jean-Baptiste Racine's important play Athalie: Tragedie Tiree de l'Ecriture Sainte (Paris, 1691). In Racine's play, drawn from the biblical story of Athalia (see 2 Kings), the character Athalie believes she has destroyed the royal line, but by the play's end, one royal member, a grandson of the late king, will assume his rightful place. The portion of the scene that Finch translates includes Athalie's account of her rise to power and a disturbing dream in which her dead mother, Jezebel, warns her that the Hebrew God may take the throne from her. Finch's choice of Racine's play enables her to mirror the return of the son of James II. Although the composition date of Finch's translation is unknown, the work appears to have been written after the death of James II, and its authorized printing in 1713 would have clearly indicated to her readers that the surviving member of the royal line in Racine's play was analogous to James II's son in exile in France. Although "merely" a translation of Racine's work, Finch's "Part of the Fifth Scene in the Second Act of Athalia" undeniably asserts her Jacobite interest in shaping affairs of state at the height of the succession crisis in 1713 while Queen Anne's health continued to decline. (20) That her source text is French mirrors Finch's political point: the royal line that the usurper attempted to destroy is to be found in France.

Such politicizing uses of translation are common, but Finch's provide rare examples of the reach of translation's power by a woman whose allegiance to the Stuart court in exile at the Chateau of Saint-Germain can be described as a cultural if not bellicose Jacobitism and whose commitment to this position reinforced her convictions about women's (namely, her own) political and cultural authority to intervene in a nation's future. The Stuart court was politically and materially (and to some extent religiously, as some Jacobites, including the exiled Stuarts, were Catholic) aligned with France as its haven of exile after 1688. From Finch's perspective, France's protection of the exiled royals and support of hereditary kingship was proof of its political and spiritual virtue over Britain's politics of public sway and mercantile interests that she saw as responsible for inviting William and Mary to violate the succession. We see an example of her use of translation to condemn Williamite mercantile interests in "The Jester, and the Little Fishes, a Fable, Immitated from the French" (composed ca. 1700-02). Here, she adapts La Fontaine's "Le Rieur et les Poissons" to attack the Darien scheme, led by William Paterson, to establish a trading colony in Panama. Finch would have found Paterson's efforts to benefit from William Ill's wartime economy repugnant. (21) In her recurring literary reimportation and cultural restoration of French sources, Finch fueled her cultural rebellion against William III and his successor, Queen Anne, whom Finch considered disloyal both to her father James II and, after his death, to his son who could have been Britain's James III.


The importance of translation as paradigm and practice in Finch's work should not surprise. Because in the longer history of translation the translator has often been regarded as secondary to the author of the "source" text, many readers today may forget the greater prestige of translation and translators in Finchs lifetime. In her era translation--especially from the Greek and Latin--was a competitive literary endeavor acknowledged as vital to the translatio studii and imperii (the movement of learning and imperial power, respectively) that shaped British culture and politics, especially after the Restoration. (22) Translation was also at the heart of what today we would identify as theories of literature and creativity. (23) Debates about translation in the seventeenth century had raised questions about, among other matters, what constituted the category of translation, whether verbal representation was possible, and how translation could shape the character, even the soul, of the translator. (24) Finch and her literate contemporaries recognized that translations from Latin and Greek and from selected European vernaculars were crucial to developments in British literature and central to Britain's participation in the Republic of Letters, just as they understood that translation as an ideal and a practice shaped poetic values and poetic character.

Translating from Latin and Greek was a prestigious, "manly" act achieved by elite education. Paul Hammond has described the importance of this education in relation to John Dryden's work, where "Latin was the primary object and medium of knowledge." (25) For Dryden's generation, "Latin was the key to power, the way into the symbolic order," an order that, as Hammond observes, was "being broken and remade, and with it the place of Latin" in Dryden's, and we can add in Finch's, lifetime. (26) For Finch, the act of translating French was doubly charged as the sign of her gender-based educational inferiority and as the link to her exiled king and queen. Although relatively well educated, like the majority of elite women in her time, Finch was not taught Latin or Greek. As Penelope Wilson has described in her study of the readers of classical poetry in eighteenth-century England, "the classics were very clearly felt to be beyond the bounds of a woman's intellectual sphere" except through translation. (27) Exceptional cases can be cited of women who learned classical languages, as Wilson reminds us when referring to Lady Mary Wortley Montagu's acquisition of Latin. (28) That Montagu described learning Latin as "stealing" it indicates the enduring prohibitions against women learning classical languages. (29) When Finch writes explicitly about the power of translation as practiced by educated men--to free ancient works of the past locked to those uneducated in Latin--we hear in her description a sense of wonder that underscores how unattainable this education was for her. In "Ardelia's Answer to Ephelia, Who Had Invited Her to Come to Her in Town--Reflecting on the Coquetterie and Detracting Humour of the Age," Ardelia (Finchs pseudonym) praises the translation feats of Roscommon, "who from the Latin, Virgil frees, [sic] / Who loos'd the bands, which old Sylenus bound, / And made our Albion rocks, repeat the mistick sound" (162-64). (30) Such translations held sway precisely because the originals were inaccessible to Finch and others. In contrast to such liberating powers are the educational restrictions on her sex that she defines most memorably in her "Introduction":
      How are we fain, fain by mistaken rules?
   And Educations, more then Natures fools,
   Debarr'd, from all improve-ments of the mind,
   And to be dull, expected, and dessignd....

Figuring women's exclusion from education as "fain," Finch enlists the original Fall to show how deeply a woman's very being is affected by such bars to improving her mind. (31)

Women's exclusion from the most elite translation practices--Englishing the great classical sources--was an ontological prohibition. Robbed of these improvements, they were barred from the transformative experience of translating such culturally valued works. A recurrent theme in contemporary theories of translation was the relationship between a translator and the writer he translated, making translation incontrovertibly the achievement of men where "translators claimed an affinity, spiritual kinship, or even equality with their originals." (32) In such theories, the translator defines and elevates his very being by what and how he translates. These textual-ontological actions could be figured as physical labor associated with manly strength and an achievement likened to manly conquest, with the male translator assuming the power of Pindar, Virgil, or Horace. Within this theoretical framework, the significance of the writer translated thus adds to the textual achievement of the translation to burnish the translator's character and status. Roscommon's Essay on Translated Verse underscored "the bond of sympathy, even identification, that must exist between a successful translator and his original," becoming the "He" who is author of the source text. (33) Advising the would-be translator, Roscommon explains that he must
      chuse an Author as you chuse a Friend.
   United by this Sympathetick Bond,
   You grow Familiar, Intimate and Fond;
   Your thoughts, your Words, your Stiles, your Souls agree,
   No Longer his Interpreter, but He. (34)

For Dryden, this ideal of intimacy with the source author at times embraced a larger system of spiritual affinity, likened to metempsychosis. = In this context, for a woman to translate Pindar, Virgil, or Horace--successfully--is thus a disturbing textual and ontological act.

In "The Preface," Finch describes her literate contemporaries' extensive knowledge of literary standards in a list that shows the pivotal role of translation in conveying these standards from Greek and Latin to French and English, the latter languages "familiar" even to her sex: (36)

I am besides sensible, that Poetry has been of late so explain'd, the laws of itt being putt into familiar languages, that even those of my sex, (if they will be so presumptuous as to write) are very accountable for their transgressions against them. For what rule of Aristotle, or Horace is there, that has not been given us by Rapin, Despreaux, Dacier [sic], my Lord Roscommon &c--?

Because of the translation of poetic theories into vernaculars, women ought to know these "laws" and in turn be responsible for "transgressions against them." Finchs phrasing is ambiguous: on the one hand, it may indicate that women should bear equal responsibility in maintaining the literary standards clarified by the writers she lists; on the other hand, it may suggest that if women transgress these standards they should be able to do so intentionally. Her choice of the word "transgressions" acknowledges the social, moral, and spiritual condemnation that too often attended the reception of a woman "so presumptuous as to write." She doubles the convergence of translation and literary standards by closing her list of poetic theorists with the question "can there any where be found, a more delightsome, or more usefull peice of Poetry, then that--
      --correct Essay,
   Which so repairs, our old Horadan way[?]

This high praise of Lord Mulgrave's An Essay upon Poetry (1682), itself an imitation-translation of Horaces Ars poetica, quotes the description of Mulgrave's work in Roscommon's Essay on Translated Verse (1684). Mulgrave's and Roscommon's works were widely esteemed, but not all admirers of these works could claim, as could Finch, close social and political connections with their authors. Finch would have known Mulgrave, who like her husband, Heneage, had served as a Gentleman of the Bedchamber to James II. (37) Finch almost certainly knew Roscommon through her connections at court: both she and Roscommon's third wife, Isabella Boynton, Countess of Roscommon, had served as Maids of Honor to Mary Beatrice (although Isabella Boynton had served before Finch came to court), and Roscommon had evidently been master of the horse to Mary Beatrice while she was Duchess of York. (38) There is evidence that Heneage was closely connected to Roscommon's "translation academy," concerned with the study and improvement of the English language. (39) Beyond the considerable biographical interest of these social and political connections, their importance here is that they locate Finch in an extended, powerful group centrally concerned with translation and literary standards; they inform, from lived social experiences, Finch's values; and those values call on Stuart alliances and a particular model of intimacy between women and men that she explores in her poetic practice.


To recognize how frequently Finch relied on translation to represent her dual internal exilic status requires our attention to the variety of kinds and degrees of translation in her oeuvre. Any attempt to classify which works by Finch are translations reveals the expansiveness and complexity of translation as a category in her time--well beyond, that is, Dryden's famous degrees of closeness, metaphrase, paraphrase, imitation. (40) More broadly, debates about what should be classified as a translation considered a "range of approaches to issues of freedom versus fidelity, the relation of past to present, and the capacity of language to represent other cultural realities." (41) Finch's work illustrates a spectrum of kinds of translation that includes translingual translations (from one language to another) and various intralingual translations that do not necessarily rest on linguistic differences but rather on the conveyance of cultural differences. Roughly one-fifth of her poems are translations in the conventional, translingual, sense: she Englished mainly works in French, a number of them imitations, not strict translations. (42) Her attention to the limits of language no doubt informed her preference for looser over metaphrastic translation, sometimes labeling them as "translated, with liberty" (e.g., "La Passion Vaincue. Done into English with Liberty" and "An Epistle from a Gentleman to Madam Deshouliers, Returning Money She Had Lent Him at Bassette, upon the First Day of Their Acquaintance. Translated with Liberty from the French"). (43) Some of the source texts of her translations were written originally in French (e.g., those by Michel de Montaigne and Anne de la Vigny) while others were French-mediated: French translations of works in Italian and one work in Greek (by way of Anne Dacier). Only three of her surviving translations were from Italian, apparently from her own painstaking word-by-word translation of Tassos Aminta. (44) In addition to the widespread practice of what some scholars call secondhand translation (for Finch, the use of French translations of Italian or Greek works), almost half of Finch's work may be classified as intralingual translations, taken not from foreign originals but from prior English translations. Standing in a long line of English fabulists, dating at least as far back as the translating printer Caxton, she translates the Aesopic tradition from analogues that are sometimes in English (e.g., "There's No To-morrow a Fable from L'Estrange") and at other times in French (several of her fables translate La Fontaine's). Still others combine source texts in English and French. Her practice of translation is capacious, active, and nuanced.

Jacobite and feminist themes run through many of these works. Included in the larger group of intralingual translations are her paraphrases of the King James Bible and the Book of Common Prayer, in which her spiritual trials cannot be separated from political ones. (45) Finch's "Psalm the 137th: Paraphras'd to the 7th: Verse" (composed ca. 1688-96) draws on a tradition of using this particular psalm as a "powerful ... resource for those who felt alienated and oppressed" by different groups depending on who was in power (e.g., by Royalists during the Interregnum). (46) Her paraphrase of this psalm, which first appears in her earliest surviving manuscript collection transcribed shortly after the Revolution of 1688, clearly figures her position of exile as that of the Israelites during the Babylonian captivity:
   Proud Babilon, thou saw'st us weep,
      Euphrates, as he past along
   Saw on his banks, the sacred throng
      A heavy, Solemn mourning keep,
   Sad Captives, to thy Sons, and thee,
   When nothing, but our tears were free.

In Finch's "Some Reflections in a Dialogue between Teresa, and Ardelia. On the 2d. and 3d. Verses, of the 73d: Psalm" (composed no later than 1693), she constructs a dialogue with her half-sister Dorothy Ogle, the poem's "Teresa," to voice her despair as she witnesses the prosperity of those who turned from James to support William's usurping reign. God hates the "Proud," she acknowledges, "yett me, he does expose / Empty of all things, naked to their scorn" (21-22):
   These are the men, posses the mighty Store,
      Compasse the Earth, and with the boundlesse Deep
   All they bestow, receive again, with more;
      Whilst I, in fears to loose, and cares to keep,
      Obtain but daily bread, with interrupted sleep

In the context of models of affinity between the translator and author, when Finch translated Davids words as psalm paraphrases, did she take on the power of this man "after Gods own heart"? When she "translated" various analogues of Aesop's fables, was she the double or spiritual inheritor of the wily slave who taught her "betters"? (47)

To these categories of translation--direct, secondary/intermediated, and intralingual--we can add other ways that Finch used translation to reimport Jacobite and feminist "source" cultures into the dominant domestic, British "target" cultures of patriarchy and Whiggism. Finch, as did other writers, used forms, value systems, or tropes that originated in texts from other languages but became naturalized in English texts and indeed known by writers and readers only or mainly in reference to those English texts. One thinks, for example, of English poets' uses of the sonnet form, long naturalized after earlier translations of Petrarch into English; or of English poets' uses of the Longinian sublime by poets who may or may not have known Longinus's original, or even a translation of his work, but who appropriated other English uses of the Longinian sublime. A complex example of this extended field of translation and adaptation processes is the trope of the beatus ille (happy man) as appropriated from Horace's Epode 2 by numerous British writers including Finch. (48) Countless writers used the phrase "Happy the man" or "Blessed is he" to refer to this text in ways that exceed local allusion, calling on the beatus vir as a classical ideal of values that are inseparable from--yet as imported and adapted are at times quite detached from--Horace's literary authority. Finch took full and conscious advantage of this cultural translation, repeatedly using the beatus ille trope as a fulcrum for lifting many of her feminist and Jacobite values. Her poem "To a Freind [sic] in Praise of the Invention of Writing Letters," which begins "Blest be the man," necessarily invokes the Horatian text but does not translate it. (49) With her typical skill, Finch uses the beatus ille trope in an epistle that defines the happy man as he who invented writing, thereby lessening the distance between lovers and friends. Instead of replicating Horace's poem, Finch intralingually translates the trope to draw on Horace's literary authority and the beatus ille. Significantly, she does this both to change the Horatian value system embedded in the beatus ille and to retain its cultural prestige so widely acknowledged by her English readers. Instead of Horace's ideal man, who has his own plot of land in the country where he enjoys a life of ease and moderation, Finch's beatus ille invents letter writing, a gift for all friends and lovers who would "baffle absence, and secure delight" (5). In her adaptation, the beatus ille is still male, but his achievement lies in the invention of writing that Finch describes as enjoyed by women and men.

In "The Petition for an Absolute Retreat" she adapts the beatus ille in her account of an ideal life in the country radically different from that in Horace in its focus on feminist and Jacobite values. (50) Unmistakably feminist, this retreat would free her from domestic chores--"Curteous Fate, affoard me there, / A Table, spread without my care" (22-23)--and the restricting fashions of her day (65-71). In this retreat, Finch desires both the company of a friend and
   A Partner, suited to my mind,
   Solitary, pleas'd and kind,
   Who partially, may something see
   Preferr'd to all the World, in mee.

But Finch's desire for an ideal retreat is also inseparable from the conditions she suffered after the Revolution of 1688; indeed, the poem is inscribed to her friend Catherine Tufton, who helped Finch after the Revolution (see especially 164-67). (51) This event is the context for Finchs account of herself as
   Blasted by a Storm of Fate,
   Felt through all the Brittish State,
   Fain, neglected, lost, forgott,
   Dark oblivion all her lott. (160-63)

"Dark oblivion" figures Finch's internal exile as a Jacobite, whose meaningful presence she makes visible using the theme and practice of translation.


The beatus ille trope plays a prominent role in her most explicit account of translation's importance: "A Poem. Occasion'd by the Sight of the 4th: Epistle Liber Epistolarum 1. of Horace; Immitated and Inscrib'd to Richard Thornhill Esq by Mr Rowe, Who Had before Sent Heither, Another Translation from Horace." (52) In the poem's conclusion, her reformulation of the beatus ille participates in her wider redefinition of this ideal as a feminist and Jacobite stance. Both an implicit ars poltica and ars poetica, the poem translates to her readers, and indirectly to the poet and playwright Nicholas Rowe ("Mr Rowe"), the perspectives of women and Jacobites, the internal exiles whose perspectives he has ignored in his attempt to translate-imitate Horace. Composed between 1699 and 1702, Finch's poem is superficially a response to the translation by Rowe of Horace's fourth poem from his first book of epistles (beginning "Albi, nostrorum sermonum candide iudex"); more deeply, her poem is a complex countertranslation of what Rowe has failed to represent.

Dominating Finch's poem is her characterization of Rowe's--and other men's--translations of the classics as enabled by and promulgating patriarchal privileges. Jayne Elizabeth Lewis has demonstrated that "A Poem. Occasion'd by the Sight of ... Horace" targets the gender politics of translation and that "what occasions the poem is less the prospect of imitating Horace than that of illuminating its own distance from him as well as from the male homosocial network of sending and receiving that brought Horace to England in the first place." (53) I argue further that Finch supports the indictment of patriarchy by calling on and supplanting the standards of translation articulated most famously by Roscommon's Essay on Translated Verse. By modifying certain standards in Roscommon's essay and returning to the authority of Horace's ideal rural location Finch establishes her authority to critique Rowe's imitation. Key to her modification of Roscommon's principles is her application of them to intimate relationships of inhabitants, including women, of the country. Her feminism in the poem cannot be separated from her Jacobitism as she critiques Rowe's effort by claiming her knowledge of her Stuart connections in the country, also known to members of her manuscript coterie reading the poem. In the center of the poem, Finch briefly dismantles the barriers on women's exclusion from classical languages and translation by representing a green world of her rural connections with the Stuart court that annihilates the exclusive standards of classical translation.

"A Poem. Occasion'd by the Sight of ... Horace" begins by observing that this is the second time "in our Solitude" that Finch has seen a translation of Horace by Rowe: (54)
      Twice in our Solitude has now appear'd
   Such Verse as Rome throng'd with applauders heard
   And twice Her Horace been to us reviv'd
   As prais'd and pollish'd as to them he liv'd....

Lewis rightly remarks that "Finch frames her praise in the perspective of the female reader, whose 'Solitude' marks her separation from the male community." (55) Rowe's choice of Horace--and Finch's choice of commenting on this particular translation by Rowe--attests to the male exclusivity of his poem. The importance of Horace's work and ethos in Finch's era cannot be overestimated however much attitudes towards Horace varied. (56) Rowe's choice of text featured friendship between cultured men, both poets, with Rowe assuming the position of Horace, who writes to his friend Albius. That Rowe addressed his translation to Thornhill, member of a well-connected family in Kent, contributed to Rowe's social and cultural authority to translate the poem. In Finch's corrective cultural translation, however, Rowe's status as a newcomer (born in 1674, he was thirteen years Finch's junior) to this community in Kent and his urban Whig politics place him outside "our Solitude." (57) The Thornhills were well known to Finch, who not only lived nearby but also shared their ties to the Stuart court: both Thornhill's grandmother and sister had served there. (58) Thus, Finch's solitude, "our Solitude," includes the position of "retirement" she shares with her husband in Kent and with families such as the Thornhills: neither "my Solitude" nor a Horatian or Rowe-like solitude, it is reimagined as the solitude of several companionships involved in internal exile.

Her correction of Rowe's representation of his friend Thornhill depends on her knowledge of her neighbors in the country, a knowledge that exposes the error of one of Rowe's changes to Horace's epistle. (59) Finch's inability to read Horace in Latin would not have restricted her from knowing--through other translations, of course--that in Epistle 1.4 Horace does not describe himself as writing from the city. And as Finch's attention to the figure of the beatus ille shows, she was sensitive to the poetic and cultural authority of Horace's Sabine retreat to her contemporaries. Indeed, such a retreat was a recurring element in Jacobite literature, which troped the marginalized Stuart sympathizers as isolated denizens of the English countryside in an adaptation of royalist literary codes. (60) Rowe's specification that he writes from London, rather than a rural retreat typical of Horace, clearly deviates from his source text. (61) By labeling his poem an "imitation" (see note 41), Rowe has permitted himself latitude in the translation, alerting the reader to changes that may range from the modernization of persons, places, and other references, to more complex alterations. (62) Finch's response to his poem shows that her concern is not with his deviation from the Latin text, however. She is concerned with a graver error in her view of poetic representation: Rowe appears to be ignorant of the meaning of Thornhill's life, however much Rowe claims his friendship. Rowe's geographical and political locations obscure his perception of Thornhill and the community of "solitude" he enjoys. That Rowe was a Whig would, for Finch, further hobble his understanding of Stuart loyalty that typically saw hereditary claims established in the country, not in Williamite mercantilism. Not only does Rowe's poem fail to represent his friend Thornhill accurately, but it also fails to represent him appropriately, failing to understand the insufficiencies of language for describing intimate relationships. Finch will demonstrate how to work with the insufficiencies of language when it is her turn to describe Thornhill's life.

Central to Horace's Epistle 1.4 is his imagination of his friend Albius's activities in the country. In another translation of the epistle, which appeared in the widely known Tonson edition of Horace in English, this is rendered as follows: (63)
   Albus, the fairest Critic that I know,
   What shall I say that you are doing now?
   In Pedan fields do you design to write,
   More great than Cassius, and with higher flight?
   Or dost thou gravely walk the healthy Wood,
   Considering what befits the Wise and Good?

When Rowe speculates on the activities of Thornhill--"Say what thou dost in Retirement find / Worthy the Labours of thy active Mind" (3-4)--he proposes that Thornhill might be writing tragedies in emulation of Otway's or meditating alone in a grove, where "Thou and thy Thoughts do from the World remove" (8). Observing Rowe's lack of knowledge of his friend (presumably not Rowe's actual ignorance)--Finch asks, why should Rowe "Mistake the softer Buisnesse" of Thornhill's heart (15),
   Or ask how he the too swift Hours imploys
   Who late possess'd of so long courted Joys
   Flyes to some still retreate and shunn's the Citty's noise[?]

Her tone is lighthearted, but the lines nevertheless criticize Rowe's imitation of Horace when that imitation reveals Rowe's obtuse neglect of Thornhill's recent marriage to Frances Coell, called Orania in Finch's poem. (64) Thornhill's situation shares no resemblance with Rowe's revision of the Horatian retirement of Epistle 1.4, Finch explains; rather, Thornhill's situation is a blissful retreat with his new bride. Finch adds that Rowe is especially wrong to expect his friend to write tragedy, given his happy circumstances: "Nor be itt thought that Tragedy has place / Within the influence of Orania's Face" (25-26). (65) Rowe's mistaken imagination of his friend's life is a fatal error in terms of theories of translation that held sway in his time. As discussed above, friendship frequently served as a model of the relationship between translator and source author. Rowe's apparent ignorance of Thornhill's circumstances casts doubt not only on his knowledge of a person he claims is a friend, but also on the depth of his literary friendship with Horace, a doubt fueled in part by Rowe's city-dwelling stance. The cultural significance of Horace's Sabine standards makes Rowe's adjustment threaten his writerly ethos. Finch invites us to notice this, and to cast a skeptical eye on Rowe's translation.

Her attention to depicting accurately "retirement" in the country and the women who live there is part of a larger program in her work argued by Michael Gavin: "Finch advanced an ideal of femininity and country life that was not so much restrictive as it was disciplinary. That is to say, Finch argued for provincial writing as a life-work, as a discipline." (66) Gavin acknowledges that her life-work and discipline of provincial writing and women's writing included her Jacobite sympathies, but he rightly observes that critics have less widely acknowledged her "literary politics," which, as my essay argues, hinge on her expansive use of translation. (67) That for Finch the country is the center instead of the periphery is shown in her poems praising country homes and families she knew in the country. (68) Her elevation of what to some might be regarded as oppressive landed patriarchy repeatedly asserts the importance of women and displaced Jacobites in this "retreat."

Finch's correction of Rowe's translation targets far graver wrongs than his ignorance of Thornhill and Horace when she alludes to and adapts particular standards in Roscommon's Essay on Translated Verse, standards that return her poem to the beatus ille trope. (69) These allusions also establish an elite political subtext, drawing on what was almost certainly her contact with Roscommon at court (described above). What for today's readers is a submerged dimension of the poem--Finch's assertion of her Stuart cultural capital that had become a liability after the Revolution of 1688--would have been closer to the surface for her contemporary readers who, reading her poem in manuscript, knew why she was in exile in the country. (70)

She makes Roscommon's Essay a touchstone early in her poem by adapting lines from it to praise Rowe's translation: "The Stuff and Workman's skill so nicely shown" lead us to believe "the Words as well as thoughts his own" (5-6). (71) At least superficially praising Rowe's work, which like other translations can give "Joy" to those who do not know other languages, she marvels that thanks to translation, "Babell's scatter'd streames unite again / Beneath the conduct of th'industrious Pen" (9-10). These rivers of language, unplumbed by those who cannot translate, are united by the translator's powers. But when Finch later refers to streams, she describes the poet's work as originating in those of the heart: "'tis from our own bosome cares that flow / The moving Scenes we on the World bestow" (31-32). Such a reference to herself as a poet among translating poets accords with Roscommon's Essay, which affirms that "No Poet any Passion can Excite; / But what they feel transport them when they write." (72) For Finch, as for Roscommon, the poet's work must originate in the heart's streams: the poet's moving "scenes" belong to a river of the present whose source is inward. The greatest authority to translate lies neither in learning nor in an affinity with the source author translated, but rather in uniting lived experience with language.

The language of the heart poses an obstacle more difficult than Latin or Greek, one that Finch considers in many of her works--language's fascinating insufficiency in representing the greatest passions, which she frequently defines as an intimacy of lovers or of friends that is ultimately the conversation of souls. Thus, any representation of Thornhill, whom Rowe claims to know, and Orania, Thornhill's wife, should fail: that is, to represent fully Thornhill's love for Orania or Finchs friendship with Orania is linguistically impossible, as it would deny the distance between language and the indescribable union of souls. For Finch various experiences defy linguistic representation, as in "A Nocturnal Reverie"; there, the "Spirit feels" a "sedate Content" (39), "But silent Musings urge the Mind to seek / Something, too high for Syllables to speak" (41-42). When in "A Poem. Occasion'd by the Sight of ... Horace" Finch turns to describe Thornhill and his wife, she employs her characteristic techniques to respond to this obstacle. She represents Thornhill's recent marriage to Orania with a shield of privacy: Thornhill "a while remains / Contemplating his Blisse on silent Plaines," where he "Lives to Himself and the selected Fair" and cannot spare "those lov'd moments" (51-54) to send a letter to Rowe. In describing her own friendship with Orania, she characterizes it as a sublime surrender that she includes parenthetically: (73)
   Even I who to my Heart Just bounds had sett
   And in my Friendship scorn'd to be coquette
   Or seem indulgent to each new Adresse
   Which generall Friends in common terms expresse
   Now (by so sweet a violence compell'd)
   The amplest room to kind Orania yield[.]

The love that defines friendship in her texts can be represented only briefly and elliptically, usually as a moment of sublime ineffability. Such an approach to friendship and intimacy conforms neither to Roscommon's identification with the source author nor to Dryden's transhistorical narrative of metempsychosis, but it corrects Rowe's translation within the animating frameworks of feminism and the life of retirement.

This concern with the inadequacy of linguistic representation converges with her attention to the limits of political representation (specifically of women) in the poem's disturbing close. After expressing her gratitude to a male friend (his identity is not certain) who praised what she describes as her faulty verses out of politeness to her sex (62-64), Finch closes with an address to Rowe and his male coterie (Thornhill and probably William Shippen) and to "the Race of Men":
      Happy You three! happy the Race of Men!
   Born to inform or to correct the Pen
   To proffitts pleasures freedom and command
   Whilst We beside You but as Cyphers stand
   T'increase Your numbers and to swell th'account
   Of your delights which from our charms amount
   And sadly are by this distinction taught
   That since the Fall (by our seducement wrought)
   Ours is the greater losse as ours the greater fault.

The heavy indictment of society's abuse of women is undeniable in her description of women as ciphers: "an arithmetical symbol or character (0) of no value by itself, but which increases or decreases the value of other figures according to its position" (OED "cipher/cypher" n. 1a). (74) In Finch's "accounting," women are the "stuff" that constitutes the "numbers"--that is, verses--authored (and authorized) by men. Increasing men's achievements and swelling their pleasures also suggest, as Lewis argues, women's reproductive and erotic roles in this system. (75) This arithmetic sums up the devastating experience of internal exile, the experience of being present but unaccounted: "a person who fills a place, but is of no importance or worth, a nonentity, a 'mere nothing'" (the figurative definition, 2a, of "cipher" in the OED). Finch's techniques for articulating the frustrating impossibility of women's participation in the system of Horatian translation, even as she is participating in it with this corrective poem, include this ambiguous ventriloquism of the narrative of the Fall, repeating what women are taught. A technique of subversive code switching often used by satirists, this ventriloquism uses the "source" language of British patriarchy to convey her culture of internal exile. Compounding the poem's jarring conclusion is her ambiguous phrase "by our seducement wrought," which could indicate women as the objects instead of agents of seduction, as Lewis has observed. (76) The poem ends with the word "fault," in which we may hear either the poet's acceptance of blame or rueful mimicking of the patriarchal narrative.

The last lines of Finch's concluding verse paragraph return us to Roscommon's introduction to his Essay, where he invokes Horace's beatus ille to praise Lord Mulgrave's recent translation of Horace's Ars poetica: "Happy that Author, whose correct Essay / Repairs so well our Old Horatian way" (lines 1-2). Whereas the beginning of "A Poem. Occasion'd by the Sight of ... Horace" positions the speaker as an onlooker excluded from Horatian correspondence, the conclusion positions the speaker as all women speaking to "the Race of Men" in a collective apostrophe. By changing the conventional "happy the man" to "happy the Race of Men," Finch redefines the happy man as a plural patriarchy constructed on privilege. Thus, she exposes the ideal of classical translation as the achievement of patriarchy not that of individual talent, thereby challenging the fantasy of a male translator's individual achievement. Precisely because of the collective power of a patriarchal tradition of translation, Finch cannot respond to Rowe's individual imitation using the original epistolary vector of address between correspondents. Representing those exiled from power, she constructs instead a collective "we" that must apostrophize rather than reply. In its more restricted definition, the trope of apostrophe addresses those who cannot hear (typically the distant, dead, inanimate, or abstract). In her use of apostrophe, Finch addresses a system rendered ideologically deaf to those it has excluded. Although the poem's closing tone may appear to mingle resigned defeat with bitter accusation, Finch's change to the structure of address profoundly challenges the structure of exclusionary exchange. (77) In her cultural countertranslation, Finch recasts four texts--Rowe's imitation of Horace, Roscommon's Essay, and Horace's Epistle 1.4 and Epode 2--and asks us to reread all of them from the position of internal exile. Thus does the work of Anne Finch extend the reach of translation, its "transforming principle" that has been described as "the heart of all literary activity." (78)

University of North Carolina at Greensboro


I wish to thank A. E. B. Coldiron for generous guidance in the many stages of developing this essay. Without her expertise in leading the Folger colloquium on early modern translation and her unstinting help with the history and theory of translation, this essay could never have been written. I also wish to thank the journal's anonymous readers of the essay for their astute suggestions, and Lorna Clymer and Catherine Ingrassia for their perceptive comments on an early draft of this essay.

(1) Paul Kleber Monod, "A Restoration? 25 Years of Jacobite Studies," Literature Compass 10 (2013): 311, provides this broad yet concise definition of Jacobitism: "support for the exiled Stuarts after the Glorious Revolution of 1688."

(2) Jayne Elizabeth Lewis, "Invading the 'Transparent Laberynth': Anne Finch and the Poetics of Translation," in Dwelling in Possibility: Women Poets and Critics on Poetry, ed. Yopie Prins and Maeera Shreiber (Cornell U. Press, 1997), 166-84, illuminates several ways that Finchs translations function in relation to her oeuvre and convey her perspective on translation. Referring to Finch's "The Goute and Spider," Lewis argues that "Finch's 'Laberynth' embodies a constitutive contradiction in English women's relationship to neoclassical poetics, and particularly in their relationship to contemporary theory and practice of translation" (168). The most sustained treatment of the broader significance of translation to Finch's body of work appears in Ellen Moody's essay "Anne Finch as a Translator." The essay, written in 1993 and 1994, is posted on Ellen Moody's website: http:// Moody examines Finch "as a translator and imitator--for that is what she was, and centrally," and makes a major claim about the significance and pervasiveness of translation in Finchs oeuvre. Moody focuses especially on certain stylistic techniques developed in Finch's translations, including her translations of portions of Tassos Aminta and several of La Fontaine's fables. The present essay extends Lewis's and Moody's attention to the importance of translation in Finch's poetry and specifies it with several claims. See also Martha Rainbolt's excellent discussion of Finch's translation of Sappho's fragment 55 in "Their Ancient Claim: Sappho and Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century British Women's Poetry," Seventeenth Century 12 (1997): 111-34, esp. 126-27. Several of Finch's translations have been discussed briefly by other critics: see, for example, Ann Messenger, "Publishing Without Perishing: Lady Winchilsea's 'Miscellany Poems' of 1713," Restoration 5 (1981): 27-37, esp. 31-33; Rosamund G. Eland, "Problems of the Middle Style: La Fontaine in Eighteenth-Century England," Modern Language Review 66 (1971): 731-37. Myra Reynolds includes a brief section on Finch's translations in her introduction to The Poems of Anne Countess of Winchilsea (U. of Chicago Press, 1903), xciv-xcvi.

(3) Here, "intralingual translation" is more specific than Roman Jakobson's "an interpretation of verbal signs by means of other signs of the same language." Jakobson, "On Linguistic Aspects of Translation," in Lawrence Venuti, ed., The Translation Studies Reader, 2nd ed. (New York: Routledge, 2000) 139. In my use of "intralingual translation," Finch reworks an already translated text from a new perspective, rerendering translated content with entirely new sociocultural implications and results.

(4) Internal and external exiles have, of course, used translation in many different times and places; one thinks of the variously exiled religious communities of the Tudor period (whether Protestants exiled from England under Mary I, or recusant Catholics remaining in England under Elizabeth I) and of those writing from positions of internal political exile in more distant times and places. Scholars in several fields have registered that the writing of "exile" both is and is not only about geographical place (such as studies of negritude, of diaspora, or even of disability as particular kinds of exile). For a perspective on exile informing the work of another writer in Finch's period, see Pat Rogers, "Swift and the Poetry of Exile" in Swift's Travels: Eighteenth-Century British Satire and Its Legacy, ed. Nicholas Hudson and Aaron Santesso (Cambridge U. Press, 2008), 124-42.

(5) All quotations of Finch's works and information about their dates of composition and print publication in this essay are from the two-volume Cambridge Edition of the Works of Anne Finch, Countess of Winchilsea, gen. ed. Jennifer Keith, referred to by volume titles--Volume 1: Early Manuscript Books, ed. Jennifer Keith and Claudia Thomas Kairoff, assoc, ed. Jean I. Marsden; and Volume 2: Later Collections, Print and Manuscript, ed. Jennifer Keith and Claudia Thomas Kairoff (Cambridge U. Press, forthcoming).

(6) Considerable scholarship follows Peter Burke's use of the term "cultural translation" in the collection Cultural Translation in Early Modern Europe, ed. Peter Burke and R. Po-chia Hsia (Cambridge U. Press, 2007); see esp. the introduction (1-4) and Burke's essay, "Cultures of Translation in Early Modern Europe," 7-38. Following Burke recently, see Karen Newman and Jane Tylus, eds., Early Modern Cultures of Translation (U. of Pennsylvania Press, 2015); and Tania Demetriou and Rowan Tomlinson, eds., The Culture of Translation in Early Modern England and France, 1500-1660 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015).

(7) Thomas O. Beebee, Transmesis: Inside Translation's Black Box (New York: Palgrave, 2012), 220. One must keep in mind that "One of the processes of translation that the change of language camouflages is the shift in cultures. The concept of 'cultural translation' ... seems to mean something different for each scholar and critic who uses it" (220). As Anne Coldiron asks, "can there ever be a purely linguistic translation, since language always arises within culture? In this sense, isn't all translation 'cultural'?" Coldiron distinguishes between the process (which she sees as always cultural) and the substance translated, which at least theoretically could be separated from the cultural (private correspondence, April 2016).

(8) See Lewis's discussion of how "conceptions of translation are really conceptions of the relationship between authoritative and disadvantaged languages" ("Invading the 'Transparent Laberynth,'" 169).

(9) See Philip Majors "Royalist Internal Exile," Writings of Exile in the English Revolution and Restoration (Farnham: Ashgate, 2013), 101-38, which treats the writing of internal exiles in England during the Interregnum.

(10) Peter Burke, "The Renaissance Translator as Go-Between," in spectrum Literaturwissenschaft / spectrum Literature: Renaissance Go-Betweens: Cultural Exchange in Early Modern Europe, ed. Andreas Hofele and Werner von Koppenfels (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2005), 23.

(11) Burke, "The Renaissance Translator as Go-Between," 17-31.

(12) See Burke, "The Renaissance Translator as Go-Between," 21, on the translator as diplomat and teacher.

(13) See Julie Candler Hayes, Translation, Subjectivity, and Culture in France and England, 1600-1800 (Stanford U. Press, 2009), 62-63, quoting from Nigel Smith, Literature and Revolution in England, 1640-1660 (Yale U. Press, 1994), 318.

(14) Hayes, Translation, Subjectivity, and Culture, 95.

(15) Ibid.

(16) See Carol Barash, English Women's Poetry, 1649-1714: Politics, Community, and Linguistic Authority (Oxford U. Press, 1996), 149-50; and Barbara McGovern, Anne Finch and Pier Poetry: A Critical Biography (U. of Georgia Press, 1992), 20-22.

(17) Finch explains her reason for abandoning the translation: "there being nothing mixt with itt, of a serious morality, or usefullnesse, I sacrafis'd the pleasure I took in itt, to the more sollid reasonings of my own mind" ("The Preface"). Other translations by her, perhaps including longer ones, may have been destroyed or lost.

(18) Qtd. from Keith and Kairoff, Vol. 2: Later Collections, Print and Manuscript.

(19) On this episode, see McGovern, Anne Finch and Her Poetry, 58-60. According to Paul Monod, although there is no record of any penalties assigned Heneage after the dismissal of his case, he would never have been granted an official pass for travel outside of Britain after this event (e-mail message to Claudia Thomas Kairoff, December 2, 2013).

(20) One might read the character Athalia as representing the British state or more specifically Queen Anne, in her resistance to her half-brother James (potentially James III), and Jezebel as William III or Mary, his wife and James II's daughter. See Lewis's analysis of the poem in "Invading the 'Transparent Laberynth,"' 179-80.

(21) See the explanatory notes for this poem in Keith and Kairoff, Vol. 1: Early Manuscript Books. I discuss this poem further in a forthcoming study: Challenges to Modernity in the Works of Anne Finch.

(22) For other discussions of the acknowledged importance of translation in the Restoration and eighteenth century, see, for example, Lewis, "Invading the 'Transparent Laberynth,"' esp. 170; Elizabeth Spearing, "Aphra Behn: The Politics of Translation," in Aphra Behn Studies, ed. Janet Todd (Cambridge U. Press, 1996), 154-77; Sherry Simon, Gender in Translation: Cultural Identity and the Politics of Transmission (London: Routledge, 1996), 52; Mirella Agorni, "The Voice of the 'Translatress': From Aphra Behn to Elizabeth Carter," Yearbook of English Studies 28 (1998): 183-84; and several essays in The Oxford History of Literary Translation in English: Vol. 3, 1660-1790, ed. Stuart Gillespie and David Hopkins (Oxford U. Press, 2005), esp. Stuart Gillespie, "Translation and Canon-Formation" (7-20); Stuart Gillespie and Robin Sowerby, "Translation and Literary Innovation" (21-37); and Stuart Gillespie and Penelope Wilson, "The Publishing and Readership of Translation" (38-51).

(23) Elizabeth Spearing has observed its importance to Aphra Behn and reminds us of translation's importance to Cowley and Dryden, among many others ("Aphra Behn: The Politics of Translation," 154).

(24) For an outstanding overview of translation theories in Finch's era that includes translation's connections with the categories of subjectivity and mimesis, see Hayes, Translation, Subjectivity, and Culture, esp. 1-25.

(25) Paul Hammond, Dryden and the Traces of Classical Rome (Oxford U. Press, 1999), 34. Hammond elaborates that "Latin was the language over which Dryden attained mastery in the privileged setting of Westminster School under the rod of Richard Busby. Boys would translate daily from Latin into English and vice versa, and learnt to compose with equal facility in each language. Sometimes they would put a Latin poem or speech into English, and then translate the translation back into Latin, or on into Greek. Through this discipline the languages became intricately linked, and one's sense of the character and resources of each separate language was shaped by the recognition of how it related to others: English was Latin in potentia" (35).

(26) Ibid.

(27) Penelope Wilson, "Classical Poetry and the Eighteenth-Century Reader," in Books and Their Readers in Eighteenth-Century England, ed. Isabel Rivers (Leicester U. Press, 1982), 72.

(28) Ibid.

(29) Quoted in Isobel Grundy, Lady Mary Worthy Montagu (Oxford U. Press, 1999), 15.

(30) The composition date of "Ardelia's Answer to Ephelia" is not known: its terminus a quo is ca. 1685, and its terminus ad quern is ca. 1701-2 (Keith and Kairoff, Vol. 1: Early Manuscript Books). Finch's line 164 adapts a line from Roscommon's Essay on Translated Verse: "And Albion's Rocks repeat his Rural Song" (2). All quotations from Roscommon's poem are from the second edition, printed in London, 1685.

(31) In a similar vein, Aphra Behn described the power of translations of the classics for women who typically were denied education in Latin and Greek. See her "To the Unknown Daphnis on His Excellent Translation of Lucretius." Some women translators, of course, did work from Greek and Latin, beginning with Margaret More Roper in the early sixteenth century, but these were in the minority. Finch's lack of training in classical langauges was the more common condition of educated women. For an overview of women translators in the Restoration and eighteenth century and the languages from which they translated, see Sarah Annes Brown, "Women Translators," in Gillespie and Hopkins, The Oxford History of Literary Translation in English, 3:111-20.

(32) Penelope Wilson, "Poetic Translators: An Overview," in Gillespie and Hopkins, The Oxford History of Literary Translation in English 3:96.

(33) David Hopkins, "Dryden and His Contemporaries," in Gillespie and Hopkins, The Oxford History of Literary Translation in English, 3:60. See also Lewis's overview of late seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century theories of translation ("Invading the 'Transparent Laberynth,'" 170-72).

(34) Roscommon, Essay on Translated Verse, 7.

(35) On this aspect of Dryden's understanding of translation, see the analysis of his Preface to Fables Ancient and Modern (1700) in David Hopkins, "Dryden and His Contemporaries," in Gillespie and Hopkins, The Oxford History of Literary Translation in English, 3:63-65. In her discussion of Dryden's "Dedication of the Aeneis," Hayes argues that this work "embodies crucial features of what for lack of a better term I could call 'translational,' rather than authorial self-consciousness" in what amounts to a "meditation on authorship-in-translation" (Translation, Subjectivity, and Culture, 113).

(36) The date of composition of "The Preface" is unknown, but its terminus ad quem is ca. 1701-02. Lewis interprets Finch's phrasing in these references to others who have translated literary rules as "barely disguis[ing] a deeper ambivalence to their masterful translations and the linguistic assumptions that brought them into being" ("Invading the 'Transparent Laberynth,"' 178). On these references in Finch's "Preface," Michael Gavin, "Critics and Criticism in the Poetry of Anne Finch," ELH 78 (2011): 638, remarks that "several themes immediately stand out that demand attention: Finch's ambivalent gender politics; her elevation of a recent tradition of poetic theorists; her emphasis on translation and the accessibility of books; and not least her claim that poetry had been fully and finally theorized. Finch argues that these developments laid the groundwork for a new system of accountability and a new kind of transgression."

(37) Soon after, Mulgrave was promoted to Lord Chamberlain of the Household. For information about Mulgrave's complex political allegiances and offices, see Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. "Sheffield, John, first duke of Buckingham and Normanby (1647-1721)," Margaret Sankey,

(38) See Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. "Dillon, Wentworth, fourth earl of Roscommon (1637-1685)," by Stuart Gillespie,

(39) See Carl Niemeyer, "The Earl of Roscommon's Academy," MLN 49 (1934): 436-37; and Gillian Wright, Producing Women's Poetry, 1600-1730: Text and Paratext, Manuscript and Print (Cambridge U. Press, 2013), 152.

(40) Even within the category of "imitation" there were two recognizable variations in Finch's era: one was "the careful consecutive modernizing of a single poem which was, in effect, a form of translation designed for those who did not know the original"; the other was "not just modernization but the deliberate alteration of meaning in order to create a different poem," which achieved its full effects with readers who knew the original. See Frank Stack, Pope and Horace: Studies in Imitation (Cambridge U. Press, 1985, 19-20). Stack notes that, of course, these two approaches to imitation are fluid and many works do not fit them precisely. Of the many studies of the type of translation termed "imitation," see, for example, Harold F. Brooks, "The 'Imitation in English Poetry, Especially in Formal Satire, Before the Age of Pope," RES 25 (1949): 124-40; Leonard A. Moskovit, "Pope and the Tradition of the Neoclassical Imitation," SEL 8(1968): 445-62; and Howard D. Weinbrot, "Augustan Imitation: The Role of the Original," Proceedings of the Modern Language Association Neoclassicism Conferences 1967-68, ed. Paul J. Korshin (New York: AMS Press, 1970), 53-70.

(41) Hayes, Translation, Subjectivity, and Culture, 6.

(42) The total number of Finch's works is explained by Keith and Kairoff: "On the evidence of the archives that have survived we have determined that Finch wrote 232 poems, 2 plays, and a prose preface to her work." This calculation includes "2 poems excised from the early octavo manuscript (although it is possible that these duplicate poems under different titles in other collections authorized by Finch), distinct versions of poems included separately in our edition, and Finchs 'Prologue [to Aristomenes]' and 'Epilogue [to Aristomenes]'. The number does not include songs within her plays or passages from poems within her prose work 'The Preface'" ("General Introduction" in Vol. 1: Early Manuscript Books).

(43) In another variation on imitation, Finch subtitles her parody of Milton's Paradise Lost, "Fanscomb Barn," as "in Imitation of Milton."

(44) In "The Preface" Finch describes "the Verbal translation that I procured out of the Italian" of which she only put "into English Verse" the first act.

(45) Many of Finch's religious poems can be better understood as intralingual translations of English texts, including "The Last Chapter of Eclesiastes Paraphras'd. Inscribed to Mrs: Catherine Fleming" and "From St. Austin's Manual English'd by Roger's Chapter the 3d: The Desire of That Soul Which Hath a Feeling of God."

(46) Hannibal Hamlin, Psalm Culture and Early Modern English Literature (Cambridge U. Press, 2004), 219.

(47) Cf. Moody's observation that "for Finch (I quote Ben Belitt on Robert Lowell [Adam's Dream: A Preface to Translation New York: Grove, 1978]) translation gave her a 'surrogate identity' through which she gave utterance to her most passionate concerns. Finch's generation understood that self-expression is a primary motive in translation" (Ellen Moody's website).

(48) On the uses of this trope in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century English literature, see Maren-Sofie Rostvig The Happy Man: Studies in the Metamorphoses of a Classical Ideal, 2nd ed., 2 vols., Norwegian Studies in English, no. 2 (Oslo: Norwegian Universities Press, 1962).

(49) The composition date is unknown, but its terminus a quo is ca. 1696; the poem was first printed in 1713.

(50) The composition date is unknown, but its terminus a quo is 1688 and terminus ad quem is 1702. In discussing Finch's use of the beatus Ule trope, Rostvig refers to its role in this poem and in "A Nocturnal Reverie" (The Happy Man, 1:298-300).

(51) See McGovern, Anne Finch and Her Poetry, 110.

(52) The title of Rowes poem as it appears in Charles Gildons New Miscellany of Original Poems, on Several Occasions (London, 1701) is "The 4th Epist. of Hor. 1. I. Imitated by the same hand [i.e., Nicholas Rowe], Inscrib'd to R. Thornhil, Esq."

(53) Lewis, "Invading the 'Transparent Laberynth,"' 181; see also 180-84.

(54) Finch may refer to either Rowe's "An Imitation of the 21st Ode of Horace, 1. 3. Ad Amphoram" or "To Venus, Ode 1, 1. 4"; both were printed in the same New Miscellany of Original Poems, on Several Occasions (pp. 7-11 and 11-15, respectively) that included his imitation of Horace's Epistle 1.4.

(55) Lewis, "Invading the 'Transparent Laberynth,"' 181.

(56) See, for example, Rostvig, The Happy Man; Stack, Pope and Horace, 3-17; and David Hopkins, "Roman Satire and Epigram," in Gillespie and Hopkins, The Oxford History of Literary Translation in English, 3:224-27. The literature on the reception of Horace is, of course, vast; for a recent study relevant to Finch and translation, see, among many others, Stuart Gillespie, English Translation and Classical Reception: Toward a New Literary History (London: Wiley Blackwell, 2011), esp. 60-75, on Dryden's Horatian ode.

(57) It cannot be determined how well Finch knew Nicholas Rowe, but he evidently had a hand in Charles Gildons New Miscellany of Original Poems, on Several Occasions (London, 1701), the collection that includes his imitation of Horace as well as several poems by Finch. Many years after composing her "Poem Occasion'd by the Sight of ... Horace," Finch composed an epilogue to Rowe's play Jane Shore, which she subtitled "To Be Spoken by Mrs. Oldfield the Night before the Poet's Day" (composed 1714).

(58) Thornhill's mother was "a Lady of the Bedchamber to the Queen Dowager, Henrietta Maria, and his sister a Maid of Honor to Queen Mary Beatrice. Lady Joanna Thornhill, youngest daughter of the famous Royalist officer Sir Bevil Grenville, served Catherine of Braganza as dresser from 1666 to 1692; his sister may have been the Mary Thornehill, Maid of Honor, listed in the State Papers Domestic as having been granted a pension in 1684-85, presumably upon her marriage. If so, Finch would have known Thornhill's grandmother and sister from court" (Keith and Kairoff, Vol. 1: Early Manuscript Books).

(59) Although Lewis does not discuss this dimension of Finch's poem, Finch's experience with the Thornhills supports a broader argument by Lewis about recurring characteristics seen in translations by women: "women translators themselves consciously brought nonlinguistic experience to bear upon their work, weaving the material, the occasional, and the apparently extraneous into translations already more explicitly marked with the traces of reading than they 'should' have been" ("Invading the 'Transparent Laberynth,'" 173).

(60) Among several discussions of the rural ethos that informed Jacobite politics, see that of Murray G. H. Pittock, which also traces its roots earlier in the seventeenth century ("Rights of Nature: The Ideal Images of Jacobite Ruralism," British Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 13(1990) 223-37).

(61) Rowe's relocation of Horace's ethical location could be read as dismantling Horace's authority. Interpretations of lines in Horace's Ars poetica were hotly debated as some thought them to demand accuracy and others to approve latitude in translation (Hayes, Translation, Subjectivity, and Culture, 4).

(62) See, for example, Frank Stack's analysis of Pope's imitations of Horace, where Pope's changes to the source text invite "an active re-reading of those well-known poems" (Pope and Horace, 24).

(63) The Odes, Satyrs, and Epistles of Horace (London, 1684), 485.

(64) Lewis mistakenly identifies Coell/Orania as Rowe's lover, not Thornhill's wife ("Invading the 'Transparent Laberynth,"' 182), and so does not address this aspect of Finch's critique in the poem.

(65) Finch continues by affirming her admiration for Otway and suggesting that Rowe's comment about Thornhill indicates that he may not understand Otway's genius terribly well: "Not He [Otway] who cou'd so well our Souls command / And toutch each String with a prevailing hand / His Belvedera's or Monimia's Fate / Cou'd ere have Plotted in so bless'd a State" (27-30).

(66) Gavin, "Critics and Criticism," 634.

(67) Ibid., 637.

(68) Gavin, "Critics and Criticism," 643, discusses Finch's representations of "patriarchal estates" that "bring men and women together under the banner of a shared poetic tradition. This is thoroughly ideological."

(69) Although Lewis does not discuss Finch's allusions to Roscommon's Essay in this poem, see Lewis's analysis of gender politics in her account of neoclassical translation theory, which includes a discussion of Roscommon's work ("Invading the 'Transparent Laberynth,"' esp., 172).

(70) The poem's first known printing was in 1903.

(71) Roscommon, Essay on Translated Verse, condemns a prose translation of Horace that degrades the source text: "Degrading Prose explains his [Horace's] meaning ill, / And shews the Stuff, but not the Workman's skill" (4).

(72) Ibid. 19.

(73) Why Finch chose Orania as the sobriquet for Frances Thornhill is not certain, but the name may refer to Aphrodite Orania/Ourania/Urania, the "other" Aphrodite associated with heavenly, not carnal, love. This association with heavenly love would carry the cultural weight to replace the tradition of idealized love or friendship between men with an ideal love in marriage (here, between Thornhill and Orania) or friendship between women (here, between Finch and Orania) (Keith; Kalroff Vol. 1: Early Manuscript Books). Cf. Hayes's discussion of Derrida's Politiques de l'amitie to acknowledge the "multiple forms of 'otherness' in the passage between languages and affective relations" (Translation, Subjectivity, and Culture, 22).

(74) Readers may recall the passage from Shakespeare's Winters Tale (1623), also quoted as an example in the OED: "Like a Cypher / (Yet standing in rich place) I multiply / With one we thanke you, many thousands moe, / That goe before it" (1.2.6-9).

(75) Of Finchs passage, Lewis writes, "Finchs poem ultimately resegregates the reproduction of literate culture (through translation) and the female body. More accurately, it finally admits the separation that has structured her poem throughout. It shifts, thus, to the inevitable calculus in which women figure only to the extent that they do not figure at all. ... At most, they are confined to biological reproduction ('t'increase your Numbers') and pleasure ('to swell th'Account / Of your Delights'). Although these metaphors invoke fertility, they also occasion exclusion and absence" ("Invading the 'Transparent Laberynth,'" 184). See also Richard Bradford's careful attention to Finch's stylistic techniques in these lines: "Rhyming Couplets and Blank Verse," in Christine Gerrard, ed., A Companion to Eighteenth-Century Poetry (Oxford: Blackwell, 2006), 346-47.

(76) See Lewis's reading of this passage ("Invading the 'Transparent Laberynth,'" 184).

(77) Cf. Lewis's analysis of Finch's translations and poems about translation: they "consume their impediments" as they "make those very obstructions exemplary threads in their own verbal fabric" ("Invading the 'Transparent Laberynth,"' 175-76).

(78) Willis Barnstone, The Poetics of Translation: History, Theory, Practice (Yale U. Press, 1993), 8.
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Author:Keith, Jennifer
Publication:Philological Quarterly
Article Type:Critical essay
Date:Jun 22, 2016
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