Printer Friendly

The professional emancipation of women in 19th-century Serbia.

In the nineteenth century, Serbia had just started working towards its independence. The difficult legacy of centuries under Ottoman and Habsburg rule had left Serbia an agricultural society of small landholders with an undeveloped economy, general illiteracy, no public institutions, and no infrastructure. (1) Development was further hindered by Serbian and other Balkan national movements and the clashing interests of great powers, which caused permanent political instability and constant wars. (2) By the early twentieth century, Serbia was still one of Europe's most underdeveloped states. (3)

In such an underdeveloped society, patriarchal norms linked the position of women to their biological role as mothers and wives and relegated them to the private realm. In the first half of the nineteenth century, there were only a few women in the public sphere: wives and daughters of rulers and some members of the elite. The traditional role of women was woven into the law. The right of women to engage in business transactions was abolished in the Civil Code of the Principality of Serbia of 1844 (in force until 1946). A married woman could enter into legal and business agreements only with her husband's consent. A married woman could not be employed or engage in any public service without her husband's consent; unmarried women were in certain cases left the possibility of free choice. (4) This was not an exception in countries in which Napoleon's Civil Code of 1804 was imposed. Consequently, women were legally and politically subordinate to men.

From Education to Emancipation

The first step towards the emancipation of women was the right to education, which provided access to employment, economic and social independence, and active participation in civic life. In the nineteenth century, this request preceded the demand for female suffrage.

The Ottoman Empire granted Serbia the right to open Serbian-language schools in 1830. Before then, hardly any Serbians, especially women, were literate. Apart from a few wives of Serbs from Hungary who came to help in building the new state, Jevrem Obrenovir's daughter Anka, who at the age of 13 published translations of stories in Zabavnik and wrote a diary, was one of the few Serbian women to have a solid education. (5) It is documented that in 1832, of 211 pupils in Belgrade 16 were girls. (6)

An incentive for opening girls' schools was provided by the satirist and Minister of Education Jovan Sterija Popovic, who claimed that the state had an equal obligation to the education of boys and girls. (7) The passage of the first school law of 1844 allowed for the establishment of the first special schools for girls, and where such schools did not exist, girls could attend boys' schools until the age often. By 1858, 30 girls' schools had been opened. (8) The beginning of 1883 saw the passage of the most important law of that time, which introduced six years of compulsory and universal public education "for each child living in Serbia," which by that time was the standard in most developed states, like France, the United Kingdom, and some American states. (9)

Secondary education for girls started with the opening of the Higher Women's School in Belgrade in 1863. Apart from providing general education, its task was to prepare female teachers to work in girls' elementary schools. Its faculty boasted some of the most highly educated women in Serbia. (10) In 1879, the first female craft school opened its doors, followed by a school of commerce and several private institutes. The first gymnasium for girls was not established until 1905. By 1900, Serbian girls were attending 165 elementary schools, and by 1914 there were 12 gymnasia, 45 craft schools, 2 schools of teacher education, 3 colleges, and several private schools. (11)

The increase in the number of educated girls notwithstanding, at the end of the nineteenth century Serbia had the lowest rate of female literacy in Europe. Out of 1,211,604 women listed in the 1900 census, 94 percent were illiterate. Compulsory education was not enforced; only about 10 percent of girls and 44 percent of boys regularly attended elementary school. Craft and housekeeping schools enrolled fewer than 2,000 girls. (12)

There were no universities in Serbia until 1905; however, they were preceded by the Lyceum (1838), which had departments of legal and philosophical sciences. The Higher School (established in 1863) had faculties of philosophy, law, and technical sciences. (13) In 1871 a girl by the name of Draga Ljocic attended lectures at the Faculty of Philosophy for one semester, after which she withdrew and went to Switzerland. Under the regulations, students were required to take a matriculation exam, and since no gymnasia admitted girls, female candidates had to take their graduation exam in male gymnasia. Most directors of gymnasia and rectors of the Higher School were reluctant to approve the enrollment of girls.

In 1891 two women, Leposava Boskovic and Kruna Dragojlovic, defied these obstacles and graduated from the Faculty of Philosophy. In subsequent years other women enrolled, and in 1905 the newly established University of Belgrade made no distinction between male and female students. By then, female students in Belgrade outnumbered female enrollees at other European universities. (14) The exercise of the right to an education, even before it was granted to girls in the Habsburg and German empires, was the first victory of the Serbian women's movement.

Paulina Lebl, a first-generation student at the University of Belgrade, wrote, "Generally, in our country, a conviction persisted in the very atmosphere that women should be precluded from higher education, and we didn't even think that this opinion could be changed in the near future. In general, we perceived the entire feminist movement as a movement for higher education of girls." (15)

Before taking advantage of the right to an education in their own country, Serbian girls who wanted a university education and to enter a profession usually attended universities elsewhere in Europe. In the second half of the century, the University of Zurich was the most receptive to female students. The first to enroll in its medical program, in 1872, was Draga Ljocic, who was joined by other Serbian women; by 1914, 32 Serbian women were studying in Zurich; a few others were attending universities in Geneva, Lausanne, and Bern. (17) The data from France, although incomplete, shows that in 1914 more than 20 female students from Serbia were paying their own way, while six had state scholarships. German universities did not open their doors to women until 1908. Between then and 1914, ten Serbian girls attended the University of Berlin, two enrolled in Munich, three in Halle, and one in each of Jena, Giessen, Tubingen, and Darmstadt. Several women who had completed their medical studies obtained their doctorates in Russia. (18)

Apart from doctorates in medicine, several women earned doctorates in philosophy, law, and the sciences. The first PhD in philosophy among Serbian students was awarded to a girl from Belgrade, Pravda Markovir, who earned this honor at the University of Munich at 24 with a thesis on Schopenhauer. (19) At Swiss universities, which girls from Serbia first attended, a PhD in chemistry was granted to the Serbian chemist Vukosava Marjanovic and a PhD in pedagogy to Ljubica Roknic.

The Serbian state supported the advanced education of its female citizens. After 1882 it sent 46 girls to universities and higher schools in Switzerland, France, Austria-Hungary, Russia, and Italy. This number constituted 5 percent of all state scholarship holders. (20) Although this percentage seems small, it becomes impressive in light of the high rate of illiteracy, the general subordination of women, and Serbia's poverty, as well as in comparison to the number of female students in far more developed European countries.

Ladies: The Pioneers of Professionalization

Entry into a profession implies the possession of a set of knowledge and skills obtained through specialized education. A profession itself, apart from profoundly contributing to material wealth and permanent income, is also a status symbol and a means of social advancement. The entry of women into professions required them to leave the home. In Serbia at that time, the only respectable social role for a woman was that of mother and housewife, who, in addition to working in the house, did farm work.

In contrast to more advanced countries, Serbia did not have clearly defined classes; it did have a small middle class, composed of civil servants, army officers, traders, academics, and a few doctors and engineers, and established gender relations were socially enforced. There were virtually no industrial workers, nor were there occupations at lower levels common to those in the West, such as domestic servants, which in Belgrade had mostly been left to newcomers from southern Hungary.

The first demand for professional women came from the education sector, so that Serbia's first educated women were teachers, and then physicians, nurses, and telegraph operators. At the same time, women began conquering some of the remaining male bastions.

There were two motivations behind women's appeal for education and choice of profession. The first was the desire for knowledge, and the second was the desire for economic self-sufficiency. The girls who acquired a profession most often belonged to the middle class; they were daughters of traders or senior public servants, who could afford to pay for their extended education.

Most often the strongest support for girls' education came from family members. Dr. Pavle Bota expressed his commitment to the education of his daughter Milana, a philosophy student in Zurich:
   From the start of her schooling twelve years ago, I wanted, and I
   still want, her "survival" to be assured in any circumstance that
   may occur in her life, even if she should ever by misfortune lose
   the support of her husband and of course, more easily of her
   father. (21) (Fig. 1)

Dr. Bota could support his daughter financially. However, Mrs. Lebl, a poor mother of four girls, also understood very well the importance of female independence As soon as the first Serbian female gymnasium was opened, she enrolled her youngest daughter, Paulina ("my mother didn't doubt for a single day"). (22)

Class origin influenced the girls' choice of school. Poor girls chose craft schools, professional career schools, or schools for teacher education for practical reasons as these professions improved their prospects for employment and self-sufficiency. On the other hand, for about half the wealthier young women who attended the Higher Women's School, an education was thought to improve marriage prospects.

Teachers and professors. Teachers were the first women employed by the state in public service and therefore received recognition of their right to work. (23) The demand for teachers coincided with the establishment of schools for girls. In the beginning, teaching positions were held by women from Hungary who were well-educated but not necessarily proficient in Serbian. Graduates of the Higher Women's School were qualified to teach in girls' schools. Alongside general education courses, the school offered instruction in housekeeping, handicrafts, singing, and the basics of pedagogy. In other words, girls were taught "these female specificities" that they would need as wives and mothers. With the opening of the Women's School for Teacher Education (1900), male and female teachers had the same training and had to pass the teacher's examination. Female teachers, however, were paid less than their male counterparts. The placement of teachers was determined by the state, and their first job was usually in a remote village.

Although they were public servants, female teachers were not appointed by ministerial decree as males were. A ministerial decree could only apply to those who had performed their military service. Thus, for a long time the status of female teachers remained legally unclear. Another important factor in their status came from regulations, which in most cases prevented female teachers from getting married and raising a family. Female teachers were not allowed to keep their jobs unless their husbands were also teachers. The assumption was that a woman would work only until marriage; afterwards, it would be the husband's duty to provide for her. The extent to which this attitude was accepted is evidenced in a statement made by Ljubomir Kovacevic, Minister of Education, who claimed in 1902 that if a female teacher "gets married, it cancels any reason whatsoever for a woman to deal with public service." He added that "she cannot be a good mother and a good teacher, as she will be either a bad mother or a bad teacher" and concluded that women received sufficient concessions by being granted approval to marry their male colleagues. (24)

However, these rigid regulations were not enforced, usually because there was a shortage of teachers. Sometimes women returned to work after marriage and childbirth, although it often meant that they would be separated from their families. The state placement of teachers could not always accommodate the needs of teacher couples, so many of them lived and worked in different places for years. In 1863 a man from Sabac petitioned the Minister of Education to order that his wife, a teacher in Valjevo, be dismissed from her job so that she could return home. He cited Article 110 of the Civil Code, which prescribed that a husband decides on all issues in the name of his wife. The minister denied the request, violating two laws: that a woman must obey all decisions of her husband and that female teachers who were married to men who were not teachers were ineligible to work. (25) Although the restrictive laws remained in force, the number of exemptions increased, as did the number of women who wanted to work in their professions.

In addition to stipulating a mandatory level of professional knowledge, the law required teachers to be mature and well-behaved. In practice, this request was often abused by school inspectors or municipal authorities, which led to the dismissal or transfer of female teachers. Thus, the result was a dual scrutiny, professional and social. (26) The livelihood of female teachers depended on the educational authorities' arbitrary assessments of their conduct, because they were expected to set a good example for their students. Paulina Lebl, as a young girl, had so much respect for her teacher that she later wrote that "teacher Mara is getting married to a trader. What a fall, what a pain. As I understood at that time, teachers [and] professors were members of the highest social class, i.e., the highest beings on Earth." (27)

The state did not hold female teachers in such high esteem, in spite of some progress. The number of female teachers grew, much more slowly, however, than the number of male teachers. Additionally, equal attention was not paid to women's professional education, as they only began to obtain adequate professional knowledge after 1900. The number of female teachers grew with the number of schools: in 1864 there were 38, and by 1900 the number had reached 916. (28) It is evident that in time this profession became recognized and in smaller communities even valued, although the abovementioned limitations for female teachers were extremely high. The only teachers were those individuals who liked the work and could make a living from it.

Architects. Jelisaveta Nacic graduated from the Faculty of Engineering at Belgrade High School in 1900 and became Serbia's first female architect. (29) She thus became one of the ten first female architects in the world. (30) (Fig. 3)

Thirteen years after Nacic, Jovanka Boncic from Nis (31) graduated with a degree in engineering from Darmstadt, thus becoming the first woman in Germany to have this title. (32) A photograph of her sitting among her male colleagues was published in Berliner Illustrierte Zeitung in 1913 and on the cover page of the catalogue for the exhibition honoring the 100th anniversary of that university being open to women. (33)

These two examples show that Serbian girls were entering demanding technical professions. What is even more impressive is that they were being hired. Upon graduation, Nacic became an architect for the Belgrade municipality. Thus, she not only entered a male preserve but also distinguished herself by designing architectural pieces which still adorn Belgrade, such as the school "Kralj Petar" on the street of the same name (1906) and the Aleksandar Nevski Church. Her colleague Jovanka Boncic started her career as an architect in 1914, but upon marriage to a Russian she left Serbia only to return after the October Revolution. She was immediately admitted to the Ministry of Civil Engineering, and during her long career several of her projects were realized, among which are the Banska Palace in Banja Luka, the Women's School for Teacher Education in Belgrade, and the Faculty of Veterinary Medicine. By 1914, several more women had graduated with degrees in architecture from the University of Belgrade: Angelina Necir, Vidosava Milovanovir, Jelena Golemovir-Minir, and Milica Vuksic (married Karasin ski). (34) The majority of them established careers, some leaving upon marriage. In any case, they left their mark on architecture.

Female physicians. On 3 February 1879, Draga Ljocic from Sabac defended her doctoral thesis in medicine in Zurich and became Serbia's first female physician. She had interrupted her studies to work as a nurse during the Serbo-Turkish War (1876-77). Nevertheless, she belonged to the first generation of European female physicians; preceding her were the Russian Nadezhda Suslova in 1867 and Elisabeth Garret Anderson from Britain, with a PhD from Paris in 1865. Ten years later the first Frenchwoman, Madeleine Bres, obtained her doctorate. In 1879, Aletta Jacobs from the Netherlands defended her PhD, followed by Maria Cutarida from Romania (1884), Ana Panova from Bulgaria (1887), and Hedwig Wodmer Zimmerli from Switzerland (1889). Maria Montessori was the first to accomplish this at the University of Rome in 1896. Since there was no medical faculty in Serbia and the country had a shortage of physicians, young Serbian women followed Draga Ljocic to Switzerland and later to France, Russia, and Germany.

However, the medical diploma was not sufficient for obtaining employment. Immediately upon graduation, Dr. Ljocic submitted a request to the minister for permission to practice. (35) Despite the divided opinions of male colleagues, she was allowed to take the state examination, and after she passed it, she was granted permission to practice. However, she still could not work in public hospitals, because she had not completed military service. Ljocic herself commented on the absurdity of this provision in a job application, claiming that although the law did not envisage women physicians in public service, it did not prohibit them. When she was finally admitted to the Public Hospital in Belgrade in 1882, she could not obtain a better status than that of a physician's assistant, although she performed the duties of the head of the Hospital for Women. (Fig. 2)

In 1886, she was promoted to assistant doctor, a position for which she was grossly overqualified. However, with the same assurance which made her decide to go study and prove women's capacities for becoming medical doctors, Draga Ljocic continued to break through bureaucratic logjams in order to reach professional equality with her male colleagues. The requests she sent to ministers and the king himself resulted in her dismissal in 1889. By then she had enough of a reputation to establish her own practice, but she continued working for women's professional and political emancipation. She did not receive the desired public appointment (decree) with the right to a pension until 1919. In the meantime, she helped found the Maternity Association and the Association of Women Physicians and contributed to the passage of regulations that allowed women to take professorial examinations. Although she suffered humiliation at the hands of her male colleagues, and particularly from the bureaucracy, which either would not or could not find a legal basis to put her undoubted expertise into the same realm with her male colleagues, Ljocic took strides toward the acceptance of women as equal professionals, which was gradually becoming the rule in Serbian society. (36)

What to Sacrifice--Family or Career?

The majority of Serbian female professionals wanted to define themselves as wives and mothers. One of them wrote, "It is not enough to obtain a diploma, get a job, become financially independent. It is equally important ... to get married, get a life companion, own a home." (37) And of course, like the majority of women, they followed their instincts, fell in love, and raised families. Some of them abandoned their studies or careers.

Draga Ljocic balanced her private and professional duties without sacrificing her marriage or children. Her daughter Radmila Milosevic, who graduated from medical school in Zurich in 1912, gave up her career when she married a Serbian diplomat. Mileva Andrejevic returned to Serbia from Zurich with a husband but without her medical degree. Sometimes the termination of studies was influenced by financial troubles, sickness, marriage, or pregnancy. Svetislav Stefanovic, who, in order to be with his sweetheart Milana Bota as soon as possible, wrote to his future father-in-law:
   I was never against her taking the PhD, but I knew how much she
   would suffer working to obtain that 'dumbing-down' diploma. What I
   know is this: so far, she doesn't even know the topic of her
   thesis, and between October and next May she needs to finish her
   dissertation, study Goethe and Schiller, acquire significant
   knowledge in experimental psychology, and remain healthy without
   losing her feminine nature. Our love is not since yesterday, nor
   does it need to be nurtured by phrases anymore. It is mature and
   gives us the right to be proud of
   it. It is strong and stronger now than ever and gives us the
   strength to overcome all existential difficulties. (38)

Milana Bota left Zurich without completing her doctorate, married her impatient fiance, gave birth to their children, and accompanied her husband throughout his successful career as a physician and writer. Her good friend Mileva Maric did the same by marrying Albert Einstein. The previous example also reflects both sides of the then male society: while the father wanted his daughter to achieve success in science and become independent, the boiling blood of her young lover was sending a message that love is a sufficient guarantee of her future status!

The assumption that a career is an obstacle to family life can be questioned when it comes to these female pioneers. They did not question the institution of marriage, but they wanted it to be an equal partnership. A sample of 24 women architects and 17 female physicians indicates that 62.8 percent were married and that 22 percent of them left their jobs after marriage. (39) That is a larger percentage than in Western countries. Most of these pioneers of professional emancipation kept their birth name or added their husband's surname. They were not only wives but independent persons with their own identity. Draga Ljocic was known by her maiden name, not her married name--Milosevic. The same is true of Jovanka Boncic, whose married name was Katerinic, and Jelisaveta Nacic, whose married name was Lukai. That readiness to keep their personal and professional identity was the result of an enormous effort to become accomplished and recognized on their own. Most of these women were familiar with the works on female emancipation by Svetozar Markovic and Russian socialists, as well as the work and accomplishments of early feminist movements.

Their cousins and friends encouraged the first generation of Serbian female professionals to stand up against stereotypes and move towards professional and political emancipation. Draga Ljocic's biggest supporters were her brother Dura and her husband, both of whom were socialists. The sisters Milica and Anka Ninkovic continued their education, inspired by the ideas of Svetozar Markovic. In that prominent, although small generation, spouses were partners, and some of the advances towards recognition of women in public and professional life were accomplished with their help. Subsequent generations of girls did not have strong political encouragement, but they did have more access to employment and less difficulty obtaining positions. All of these pioneers of female emancipation saw their occupations as a way to prove that both sexes were equal, and that is why the most active among them succeeded in achieving the right to education, equal employment, and professional recognition.




Ljubinka Trgovcevic

Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Belgrade

(1) This research was conducted as part of the project Rodna ravnopravnost i kultura gradanskog statusa: Istorijska i teorijska utemeljenja u Srbiji [Gender Equality and the Culture of Civil Status: Historical and Theoretical Foundations in Serbia], no. 47021, 2012. This project was funded by the Ministry of Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia.

(2) Following the First (1804) and Second Serbian Uprising (1815), Serbia was declared a vassal principality. It was recognized as independent at the Congress of Berlin in 1878, and four years later it became the Kingdom of Serbia. After the uprisings it had a territory of 24,000 [km.sup.2] and about 400,000 inhabitants, while in 1910 its territory was 48,303 [km.sup.2] with a population of 2,911,701. Holm Sundhaussen, Historische Statistik Serbiens 1834-1914: Mit europgiischen Vergleichsdaten (Munich: R. Oldenburg Verlag, 1989).

(3) In 1900, the urban population was 350,000, or 14.1 percent, while the number of literate citizens was only 17 percent. See Sundhaussen, Historische Statistik Serbiens 1834-1914; Marie-Janine Calic, Sozialgeschichte Serbiens 1815-1941: Der aufhaltsame Fortschritt wahrend der Industrialisierung (Munich: R. Oldenburg Verlag, 1994).

(4) Marija Draskic and Olga Popovic-Obradovic, "Polozaj zene prema Srpskom gradanskom zakoniku," in Srbija u modernizacijskim procesima XX veka, bk. 2, Polozaj zene kao merilo modernizacije, ed. Latinka Perovic (Belgrade: Institut za noviju istoriju Srbije, 1998), 11-25.

(5) Natasa Miskovic, "Bauerntoehter und Prinzessin: Das Tagebuch der Ana Obrenovic, Belgrad 1837," in Les femmes dans la societe europeenne/Die Frauen in der europaischen Gesellschaft, ed. Aune-Lise Head-Konig and Liliane Mottu-Weber, 8 Congres des Historiennes suisses/8. Sehweizerisehe Histodkerinnentagung (Geneva: Soeiete d'Histoire et d'Archeologie de Geneve, 2000), 263-78.

(6) Milenko Karanovich, The Development of Education in Serbia and Emergence of Its Intelligentsia (1838-1858) (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), 28.

(7) Ibid., 64-65.

(8) Ljubinka Trgovcevic, "Skolovanje devojaka u Srbiji u 19. veku," in Obrazovanje kod Srba kroz vekove, ed. Radoslav Petkovic, Petar V. Krestic, and Tibor Zivkovic (Belgrade: Istorijski institut, 2003), 81-88.

(9) This law could not be implemented in practice, in part because Serbia had the youngest population in Europe. In the year 1900, 54 percent of its citizens were under 19 years of age, while 24 percent were between the ages of 5 and 14. The education of all children required more than 1,100 large school buildings and 12,000 teachers, which the Serbian economy could not finance. See Ljubinka Trgovcevic, Planirana elita: O studentima iz Srbije na evropskim univerzitetima u 19. veku (Belgrade: Istorijski institut, Sluzbeni glasnik, 2003), 9-31.

(10) Latinka Perovir, "Modernost i patrijarhalnost kroz prizmu drzavnih zenskih institucija: Visa zenska skola (1863-1913)," in Perovir, Srbija u modernizacijskim procesima 19. i 20. veka, bk. 2, Polozaj zene kao merilo modernizacije, 141-61.

(11) Trgovcevic, "Skolovanje devojaka," 78.

(12) Sundhaussen, Historische Statistik, 119, 533.

(13) Ljubinka Trgovcevic, "High School, University of Belgrade and Modernization of Serbia (1863-1914)," in The Role of Education and Universities in Modernization Processes in Central and South-Eastern European Countries in the 19th and 20th Century, ed. Peter Vodopivec and Ales Gabric (Ljubljana: Institut za novejso zgodovino, Avstrijski znanstveni institut; Vienna: Zentrum fiir Soziale Innovation, 2011), 38-41.

(14) In France in 1900, female students made up 3 percent of all enrolled students.

(15) Paulina Lebl Albala, Takoje nekad bilo (Belgrade: A. Lebl, 2005), 244.

(16) Statistika nastave u Kraljevini Srbiji za 1892/3 i 1893/4, and vols. 1897/8, 1900/1, 1903/4, 1905/6 (Belgrade, 1898-1912).

(17) Trgovcevic, Planirana elita, 185-209.

(18) Ljubinka Trgovcevic, "O studentkinjama iz Srbije na stranlm univerzitetima do 1914. godine," in Perovir, Srbija u modernizacijskim procesima XX veka, bk. 2, Polozaj zene kao merilo modernizacije, 83-101.

(19) Prawda M. Markowits, Die Einfuhlung bei Schopenhauer (Munich: Wolf, 1910).

(20) Trgovcevic, Planirana elita, 290-93.

(21) Ivana Stefanovic, Privatna prima: Prema sadrzaju jednog kofera (Belgrade: Sluzbeni glasnik, Arhiv Srbije, 2012), 195.

(22) Lebl Albala, Takoje nekad bilo, 80.

(23) Ana Stolic, "Vocation or Hobby: Social Identity of Female Teachers in Nineteenth-Century Serbia," in Gender Relations in South-Eastern Europe: Historical Perspectives on Womanhood and Manhood in the 19th and 20th Century, ed. Miroslav Jovanovic and Slobodan Naumovic (Belgrade: Udruzenje za drustvenu istoriju; Graz: Institut fur Geschichte der Universitat Graz, 2002), 56.

(24) Nedeljko Trnavac, "Indiferentnost prema skolovanju zenske dece u Srbiji 19. veka," in Perovic, Srbija u modernizacijskim procesima XX veka, bk. 2, Polozaj zene kao merilo modernizacije, 71.

(25) Aleksandra Vuletic, "Vlast muskaraca, pokornost zena: Izmedu ideologije i prakse," in Privatni zivot kod Srba u devetnaestom veku, ed. Aria Stolic and Nenad Makuljevic (Belgrade: Clio, 2006), 112-13.

(26) Stolic, "Vocation or Hobby," 70.

(27) Lebl Albala, Takoje nekad bilo, 44.

(28) Arsen Durovic, Modernizacija obrazovanja u Kraljevini Srbiji 1905-1914 (Belgrade: Istorijski institut, 2004), 154.

(29) See Jelena Bogdanovic, "Jelisaveta Nacic: The First Serbian Female Architect," Serbian Studies 18, no. 2 (2004): 403-11.

(30) The first American woman to become an architect was Mary L. Page (1873). In Europe the first was the Finn Signe Hornborg (1890), followed by the Norwegian Lilli Hansen (1894) and Briton Ethel Charles (1898). Two years after Nacic's graduation, the first woman graduated from the Ecole des Beaux-Arts, the American Julia Morgan. Elena Markova was the first Bulgarian to obtain the title of architect, and she received it in Berlin in 1917. The first Romanian female architect, Virginia Haret, did the same in 1919 at the School of Architecture in Bucharest, followed by the first Austrian, Margarete Schutte-Lihotzky, and the Canadian Ester Hill (1920).

(31) Boncic's examination records and diploma can be found in the Archive of the Technische Hochschule in Darmstadt (TH Darmstadt, Archiv), no. 25-2a.

(32) "Jovanka Bontchits," Technische Universitat Darmstadt, accessed 22 August 2012, http://

(33) "Dokumentation Studentinnen," Technische Universitat Darmstadt, accessed 14 September 2012,

(34) Divna Duric-Zamolo, Grada za proucavanje dela zena arhitekata sa Beogradskog univerziteta generacije 1896-1940, ed. Aleksandar Kadijevic, PINUS zapisi, vol. 5 (Belgrade: Zajednica tehnickih fakulteta Univerziteta, 1996), 19-21, 79.

(35) Sonja Bokun-Dinic, "Dr Draga Ljocir: Neovdasnji zivot," Godisnjak (Meduopotinski istorijski arhiv, Sabac) 20, 1986: 47; Neda Bozinovir, Zensko pitanje u Srbiji u XIX i XX veku (Belgrade: Devedesetcetvrta/Zene u crnom, 1996), 85.

(36) Gordana Stojakovic, "Pioneer Serbian Women Physicians and Their Activist Role in Women's Rights," Serbian Studies 24, nos. 1-2 (2010): 122-23.

(37) Lebl Albala, Takoje nekad bilo, 77-78.

(38) Letter from Svetislav Stefanovic, January 1900, in Stefanovic, Privatnaprica, 197.

(39) Olga Pelcer, "Obrazovanje i/ili brak: Prilog istrazivanju o obrazovanim zenama u Srbiji," in Rani radovi polaznika alternativne akademske obrazovne mreze 1998-2001, ed. Aljosa Mimica and Zoran Grac (Belgrade: BOS, 2002), 277.
Female Students at the High School and University of Belgrade'6

Year      Female Students   All Students   % of Female

1892/3          16              583           2.74%
1897/8          22              416           5.28%
1900/1          22              400           5.50%
1903/4          47              462          10.10%
1905/6          75              487          15.40%
COPYRIGHT 2011 Slavica Publishers, Inc.
No portion of this article can be reproduced without the express written permission from the copyright holder.
Copyright 2011 Gale, Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.

Article Details
Printer friendly Cite/link Email Feedback
Author:Trgovcevic, Ljubinka
Publication:Serbian Studies
Article Type:Essay
Date:Jan 1, 2011
Previous Article:Introduction.
Next Article:Women's World (1886-1914): Serbian women's laboratory as an entrance into the public sphere.

Terms of use | Privacy policy | Copyright © 2019 Farlex, Inc. | Feedback | For webmasters