Printer Friendly

The preacher of the Fourth Lateran Council.

The Fourth Lateran Council held at Rome in November 1215 was the culmination of the pontificate of Innocent III (1198-1216) and focused on crusade, heresy, and the reform of the Church--the preoccupations of this pope's reign. (1) While it may not be possible to treat the Council's canons as the personal writings of the pope, it seems that Innocent himself set the agenda. (2) One area of reform that figured prominently was preaching. The Council treated the subject to an extent unprecedented in the medieval Church. (3) It reiterated portions of Lucius III's famous bull Ad abolendam (1184) that connected preaching outside of the jurisdictional structure of the Church with heresy. (4) It acknowledged the importance of providing spiritual food to the laity through preaching and mandated that the bishops, if unable to preach themselves, appoint suitable men to the office. (5) It condemned the practices of hiring preachers and hawking relics. (6) Furthermore, it connected closely the morality and financial support of the clergy with their preaching duty. (7)

While historians have noted this emphasis on preaching as one component of the Council's focus on pastoral care, the office of preaching itself as visible in the canons has not previously been examined in depth. (8) Who then was the ideal preacher as envisaged by Lateran IV? Of what did the preacher's function consist? On what did he base his legitimacy and authority? And when the Council asserted the importance of preaching, to what exactly was it referring? Indeed, what did "to preach" mean? A reasonable starting place to attempt to answer these questions is the examination of the thought of Innocent III, and what we find is that preaching for Innocent was not simply instruction or exhortation; rather, it was liturgical and sacramental. And the preacher of the Fourth Lateran Council was not simply orthodox, well-educated, or eloquent; he was first and foremost clerical and Christological. Preaching was an intrinsic component of the Church's sacramental nature. Situated within the earthly liturgy, preaching was a structural component in the bridge between heaven and the world that was the sacramental reality of the Church. Indeed, a central proposition of this article is that it is Innocent's understanding of the Mass as the ultimate sacramental event, where the incarnate Christ and his Mystical Body, the Church, are united, that provides the hermeneutic for understanding the pope's and Lateran IV's "preaching." Innocent's emphasis on preaching in Lateran IV and throughout his reign ought to be understood as a part of the pontiff's attempt to extend the theophany and harmony of the liturgy into the world.

As with Innocent's actions throughout his pontificate, in the canons of Lateran IV the practical and prudential were subsumed into an overarching, incarnational, and sacramental theological vision. In Vineam Domini, the letter of April 19, 1213, by which Innocent summoned the Council, he stated that its agenda was "to uproot vices and implant virtues, to correct abuses and reform morals, to eliminate heresies and strengthen faith, to allay differences and establish peace, to check persecutions and cherish liberty, to persuade Christian princes and peoples to grant succor and support for the Holy Land from both clergy and laymen." (9) This is an echo of Jeremiah 1:10, and the same imagery was commonly used by Innocent and others to describe the papal office, together with that of the episcopate, and the mission of the Church in its entirety. (10) To Innocent, the business of the Council was that of the Church itself. The clearest window into Innocent's understanding of this business is provided by his sermon Desiderio desideravi, which he addressed to the assembled fathers at the opening Mass of the first conciliar session. (11) The sermon is an exegesis of Luke 22:15: "With desire I have desired to eat this pasch with you, before I suffer"--a meditation on the paschal mystery. Innocent moved from a traditional scriptural exegesis of the word pasch--noting that it could sometimes mean a feast, an hour, a lamb, unleavened bread, or even Christ himself--to the agenda before the Council. (12) As King Josiah in the eighteenth year of his reign restored the Temple and celebrated the Pasch, so Innocent, in the eighteenth year of his reign, would restore the "the Temple of the Lord," which was the Church, and the Pasch, which was the Council, would be celebrated. (13) And this Pasch, Innocent asserts, must be understood in three senses: the physical--the liberation of Jerusalem; the spiritual--the reform of the Church; and the eternal--salvation. He then proceeds to expound upon each of these, demonstrating how each task fell especially to the priests of the Lord, and how each was bound up with the Paschal Sacrifice itself. The sermon culminates in Innocent's treatment of salvation, "the eternal Passover." (14) It was this Pasch above all that Innocent desired to eat with the fathers, and the meal could be understood either spiritually or corporally. Both meanings come together in the Eucharist: "Of the Eucharist it is said, 'He that eats me shall live because of me;' of eternal glory it is read, 'Blessed is he who will eat bread in the kingdom of God.'" (15) Innocent began his sermon with the words of Christ at the Last Supper, and he ended it with the Eucharist--the perpetuation of the eternal sacrifice temporally--while in between came the Church in history.

Innocent was here speaking within the traditional medieval symbolism which understood the universe as at once a temple and a human body, and equally each church, each temple, as being both the universe and a body. Within this framework the cosmic and the liturgical corresponded to each other and to history and all three corresponded to the Bible, finding unity within its multiple meanings. (16) Innocent placed the agenda for the Council within this exegetical framework, presenting Church reform, the rooting out of heresy, and the war against the infidel as different expressions of the same imperative, ordered toward the Eucharist and salvation. (17) The Eucharist was the most important of the Paschs that Innocent wished to celebrate with the fathers because the Eucharist was the Pasch itself. Innocent begins with the institution of the Eucharist by Christ, travels through history, and ends in the same place--in the Mass. Thus the "diverse aspects of sacred knowledge" (18) are unified, each finding their place within the central Christian mystery, the paschal sacrifice--the Mass.

In his opening sermon, Innocent explicitly places preaching within this fundamentally theological and sacramental cosmos. Following Ezekiel (9), the preacher was the man dressed in "white linen," which signified his "honest habits" and "good works." He carried an "inkhorn" filled with knowledge given by the Holy Spirit and marked a Tau on the foreheads of the faithful with the "ink of doctrine," which was applied with the "pen of the tongue" on the "parchment" of their hearts. (19) It was by such a marking that the bishops would be able to distinguish between the faithful and evil doers, making sure to leave those marked unharmed, while destroying the others. (20) This Tau was directly related to the paschal sacrifice: "T is the last letter in the Hebrew alphabet, expressing the form of the cross, which was such before Pilate placed the inscription over the crucified Lord: which also the blood of the lamb placed over each post and on the lintel of the homes marvelously signified." (21) Indeed, as Innocent had pointed out in his treatise on the Mystery of the Altar, De Sacro Altaris Mysterio: "Perhaps it is made by divine providence, at least it is not produced by human industry, that the Canon [the Eucharistic Prayer] begins with the letter T, which by its form shows and expresses the sign of the cross in figure. For T indicates the mystery of the Cross, the Lord speaking through the prophet: 'sign Tau on the foreheads of the men weeping and groaning' (Ezekiel 9)." (22) It was those so marked who would celebrate the eternal, the Eucharistic Pasch, which was the anagogical Pasch, not to be divorced from or seen to be in conflict with the moral or the historical Paschs (the crusade--fought by "those signed with the cross"); this was the mark of Revelation 14:1, and it was the preacher who did the marking. The preacher's activity in the world, then, was ordered toward the Eucharist and through it to salvation, to the eternal liturgy of the City of God. (23)

And so, Innocent's conception of preaching must be understood in relation to the Mass, that nexus between heaven and earth wherein preaching became the word of God itself, the eternal gospel. (24) Christ had redeemed the world once in history, but this redemption was perpetuated in the Church on the altar. (25) The Christian reality was perfectly expressed in the Mass, and sin was the reason that the harmony of the temporal Church did not match its perfect harmony. The liturgical actions and objects were, like the Scriptures, to be interpreted according to the four senses--in doing so, the Church was expressed in her totality, in her universality, and in her status as the Bride of Christ. (26) The Mass was the banquet of the sacramental marriage between Christ and the Church whereby the two became one body. (27) The Mass to Innocent was all salvation history, the whole and universal Church, in microcosm. As such, every aspect of Christ's mission and every aspect of the Church were perfectly presented in the ritual--the ritual itself collapsing, with the significant and signified in the allegory becoming one and the same, at the consecration. (28) Preaching was perfect in and intrinsic to the liturgy. By moving between Innocent's conception of perfect preaching in the Mass, his exhortations and actions regarding preaching in the temporal Church, and the canons of the Council, the identity of the preacher of the Fourth Lateran Council begins to emerge more clearly. (29)

In Innocent's sacramental cosmos, the incarnational event was undiminished in time. Because Christ's teaching was a fundamental component of his incarnational mission, preaching was a fundamental component of sacramental life--through it, the teaching of Christ was made ever present. In his treatise on the Mystery of the Altar, Innocent equated the preaching of the gospel in the Mass with the preaching of Christ himself. The preaching bishops or their vicars, the priests, followed the example of Christ--they were, in fact, his vicars. (30) As such, they were the mediators between God and man. They brought the precepts of the Lord to the people through their preaching and the prayers of the people to the Lord through their supplication. They bridged the gap between God and man when they performed their most holy office and brought Christ himself to the people in the Eucharist. (31) And so, the bishop, as a successor to the apostles, continued Christ's mission "to do and to preach" through both his words and actions. (32) For example, in Innocent's exposition of the spiritual senses of the vestments of the Old Law, which, he asserts, are figures of the vestments of the New, he states that the pomegranates and gold bells of the fringes of the robe are to be understood as works and preaching, respectively, and that "the two ought to be joined in the priest, lest without these entering the sanctuary he might die. 'For Jesus began to do and to teach,' leaving an example for priests, that they might follow his steps, 'who did not sin' and was honest in life, 'neither was guile found in his mouth,' that truth might be in their preaching." (33) To Innocent "to do and to preach" formed a unity because the incarnate Christ himself, in both his words and his actions, was the Word of God. Christ's doing and preaching culminated in his sacrifice on the cross, and the bishop's culminated with the same sacrifice at the altar. (34) In the sermon that Innocent gave on the occasion of his consecration as bishop of Rome he stated: "First I am held to give the food of example, then the food of the word, that worthily I may give the food of the sacrament, because 'Jesus began to do and to teach,' leaving us an example that we may follow his footsteps, 'who did no sin, neither was guile found in his mouth.'" (35) Because Christ had said to his apostles "to you it is given to know the mystery of the kingdom of God, but to others in parables," and because after the Resurrection "he opened to them the senses that they might understand Scripture," it was the bishop who approached the altar and opened the book of the gospels. (36) The "doings" and the "teachings" of Christ remained unified in a single man, his vicar, transformed by the sacrament of orders and in the performance of his sacramental functions, most perfectly in the Mass.

All Christian teaching, in so much as it was an expression of Christ's teaching, therefore, had a sacramental dimension and was in some relationship to the "preaching" in the Mass, where the identification between the Church's teaching and Christ's teaching was complete. In his treatise on the Mystery of the Altar, Innocent does not distinguish between the preaching of the gospel and the gospels themselves--reading the gospel and preaching the gospel were one and the same. (37) The Mass was the perfect manifestation of the Christian cosmos and in it the word was the Word, the sermon was the Sermon, and wisdom was Wisdom. (38) In the Mass, therefore, distinctions between preaching, theology, and Scripture collapsed into identity within the teaching of Christ itself. While in the world outside the Mass this identification was weakened, the different aspects of Christian teaching remained nevertheless bound up together in the single word of God. Indeed, in the early thirteenth century the divisions that would arise later between theology, exegesis, and preaching did not yet exist. (39) In the milieu of the Parisian schools in which Innocent was educated and where he was exposed to such renowned preachers as Jacques de Vitry and Fulk of Neuilly, preaching remained fundamentally connected to exegesis, theology, and indeed all study. And this study retained its "monastic" characteristics. During the twelfth century the inward drive to spiritual perfection that had so distinguished the exegetical and theological mentality of the tenth- and eleventh-century monastic reform movements was increasingly complemented by an outward drive toward the perfection of the Church, a drive that culminated in the canons of Lateran IV. (40) In this movement the lectio divina of the monks may have transitioned to the lectio of the schools, but the fundamental connection between preaching, theology, and exegesis remained, as did the belief that it was a sacred exercise. (41) As meditation on the Scriptures and the glosses led the monk to a perfection revolving around liturgical prayer, wherein a monk's entire life became a sort of liturgical worship, so the study and disputation of Scripture in the schools culminated in preaching, aimed at bringing the laity to the same perfection. (42) Peter the Chanter, himself probably a teacher of Innocent at Paris, wrote that, "the exercise of sacred Scripture consists in three activities: in lectione, disputatione, predicatione." (43) As Beryl Smalley has noted, in the theological work of the twelfth century it is difficult to distinguish between the three practices. (44) Preaching was the crowning achievement of the theologian. (45) Indeed, theologians studied and expounded upon the Scriptures in order to convey their meaning to their fellow men through preaching, (46) and so to fulfill the clergy's obligation to feed the flock with the word, to bring the laity worthily to the Wedding Banquet, or, to put it another way, to bring the Church at large into harmony with the liturgy, as the cloister was ideally in harmony with the liturgy. To Innocent all aspects of sacred knowledge collapsed into identity in the proclamation of the gospel in the Mass as simply Christ's "teachings," made sacramentally present.

This proclamation of the word of God through preaching was, therefore, not simply instruction. It was a conduit of grace and required the sacramental grace of holy orders. As Innocent states, "Insipid is the food of doctrine which is not flavored with the salt of wisdom, especially the wisdom concerning which the Apostle says of Christ that He 'is the power of God and the wisdom of God.' Hence no teaching tastes well which does not resound with Christ, who is the soul's flavor and delight and sweetness." (47) This salt of Christ's wisdom is placed in the new vessels of the apostles and their successors, and Christ "through his preachers sends the Gospel into the letter that kills, because 'It is the spirit that quickens.'" (48) Preaching the word of God was a grace, a gift from the Holy Spirit, a part of the sacramental reality of the Church, through which the clergy participated in God's speaking of himself through his word. (49) The successors to the apostles and their vicars, having been "given to know the mystery of the kingdom of God" through holy orders, communicated it to the rest of the Church in parables, "using historical, allegorical, anagogical, and tropological interpretations, through authorities and arguments; with similitudes and exempla." (50) Such inspired preaching "builds faith, increases hope, and reinforces charity.... It is the road of life, the ladder of salvation, the gate of paradise." (51)

Preaching was a sacramental activity, ordered toward the sacraments proper. In common with all grace, the ordained preacher had to prepare himself to receive the grace to preach, and accept it freely. Innocent states: "We--to whom it has been given ex oficio to know the mysteries of the kingdom of God, while to the rest in parables--must especially beware of ignorance." (52) The education that Innocent demanded of the clergy in doctrine, Scripture, and eloquence was in preparation for their reception of grace. (53) The clergy were required both to know the doctrines and how to teach them. (54) Canon 11 of Lateran IV, therefore, confirmed the decree of Lateran III declaring that every cathedral church must have a theologian to teach the Scriptures free of charge to the clerics of the cathedral church and other scholars, (55) and extended it to include all other churches with sufficient resources. Furthermore, it stipulated that every cathedral church should also have a grammarian to teach eloquence to the priests, and that every metropolitan church "shall have a theologian to teach scripture to priests and others and especially to instruct them in matters which are recognized as pertaining to the cure of souls." (56) But this education was only a prerequisite to the performance of the office of preaching. Knowledge had to be turned into the virtues of wisdom and eloquence and combined with integrity in order that a preacher might be formed. This required sacramental grace. When Innocent wrote that the preacher needed to possess "wisdom, eloquence, and integrity" that he might understand what he says, and do what he understands, he was paraphrasing the commission from the rite of ordination. (57)

The apostolic mission, properly understood, was to continue Christ's mission "to do and to teach." Only to the members of the priesthood was given the grace to understand "the mysteries of the kingdom of God," and this understanding was manifested not only in their words, but in their actions. "For, 'he that shall do and teach, he shall be called great in the kingdom of heaven.'" (58) As Innocent had stated in his opening sermon of the Council: "He therefore who possesses the inkwell of the scribe [the preacher marking Tau on the foreheads of the faithful], through the gift of knowledge given to him by the Holy Spirit contains and restrains the desires of the flesh, that in life he might not diverge from his teaching, lest it be said of him: 'Physician, heal yourself.'" (59)

Hence, the correspondence between right-living and preaching was intrinsic and, from Innocent's viewpoint, clearly expressed in the liturgical action. When the deacon, after having received the blessing of the bishop, carried the book of the gospels to the ambo, he was preceded by torches and incense because "the preacher ought to emit from himself a good odor," as the disciples sent by Christ displayed the brilliance of miracles and the odor of virtue. In doing so, they stood in the place of Christ himself whose virtue and fame preceded his doctrine--the gospel consisted in both the good news and the bearer of the news. (60) As Innocent stated: "The clerical life should anoint the body of Jesus, that is, the Church, supporting her equally with word and example so that it may imitate him who began to do and to teach. The man who has so acted and taught, he will be called great in the kingdom of heaven." (61) A priest who failed to both "do and teach" weakened his correspondence to Christ and, therefore, undermined the sacramental mission of the Church. This was so serious that, to Innocent, the immorality of the clergy was the means by which all evils principally entered into the people: "faith perishes, religion is deformed, liberty is confounded, justice is crushed, heretics spring forth, schismatics grow insolent, the perfidious rage, and the Agarenes prevail"--the correction of these evils was precisely the agenda of the Council. (62)

Innocent's exhortations to moral standards among the clergy throughout his pontificate were therefore fundamentally theological and based on the conception of the priest as the Vicar of Christ. This theological understanding, however, ought not to be understood as precluding practical considerations. On the contrary, Innocent argued that when heretics saw the clergy sin they taught that tithes should not be paid, that their preaching should be ignored, and that their sacraments were worthless, (63) and when faced with the example of a sinful clergy, the laity would descend into iniquity. (64) These practical concerns and the theological reality that underpinned them found no conflict within Innocent's sacramental cosmos. Indeed, their congruency was an essential consequence of the combination of the eternal and the temporal in Christ and the continuation of that combination in the Apostolic Church, and the role the priesthood played in mediating grace within it. Just as the clergy's preaching was more than instruction, so too their lives were more than example--practical and theological imperatives were not in conflict. (65)

The clergy's preaching and example were therefore intrinsic to the sacramental life of the Church, and rooted in the Incarnation itself. Sacramentally conjoined to and made one with Christ, (66) the Church continued his mission of word, example, and sacrament. (67) These were the three dimensions to the single gospel. Christ commended to his spouse, the Church, and especially its rulers, the ability and the charge to preach the truth, to be meek in heart and just in works, as he was. (68) "Cleanliness of heart and body" was especially necessary of the priesthood through whom the culmination of Christ's human life, the Passion, was perpetuated in the wedding feast of the Mass. (69) Indeed, it was the Eucharist which made unity with the incarnate Christ, and through him God the Father, perpetually possible. (70) The Word and the Sacrifice could not be separated: "Since Christ exists in things according to his Divine nature in three ways--in everything through essence, in only the just through grace, and in men assumed through union--he wanted likewise to exist in things according to his human nature in three ways--locally in heaven, personally in the Word, and sacramentally on the altar." (71) And the sacramental life of the Church was perfected in the Mass. As Innocent wrote of the ordo of the Mass, "the order is correct, that after preaching would follow faith in the heart, praise in prayer, fruit in work: faith in the Creed, praise in the offertory, fruit in the sacrifice." (72)

The priest who fulfilled his sacramental mission had a corresponding triple inheritance: low--earthly support; middle--scriptural understanding; and high--heavenly beatitude. (73) Those who failed, however, would suffer greatly because they had the power to know the mystery of the kingdom of God and to consecrate the Body and Blood, and from those to whom much was given much was expected, and "if the prelate becomes dissolute in vice, by whom will the people be instructed?" (74) In their failure they undermined the Church, and therefore Christ's redemptive mission. Indeed, as Innocent said, "if the head should be infirm the whole body will languish, for 'the whole head is sick, and the whole heart is sad. From the sole of the foot unto the top of the head, there is no soundness therein.'" (75) We can see, then, why Canon (26) on the confirmation of episcopal elections states: "There is nothing more harmful to God's church than for unworthy prelates to be entrusted with the government of souls." (76) Also, we can see the profound connection between the canons concerning the morality, education, sacramental duties, and preaching of the clergy. Canon 10 states that "nourishment of God's word is recognized to be especially necessary" for the "salvation of the Christian people" because "man lives not by bread alone but by every word that proceeds from the mouth of God." Bishops were to appoint men to "carry out with profit this duty of sacred preaching, men who are powerful in word and deed," who would build up the people entrusted to them "by word and example." These coadjutors were to carry out not only the office of preaching, but also that of "hearing confessions and enjoining penances and in other matters which are conducive to the salvation of souls." (77) This "sacred preaching" was the word component of the apostolic mission of word, example, and sacrament, and was necessarily a clerical activity. Both those who denied the sacerdotal power of confecting the Eucharist, and those who "usurp the office of preaching" were therefore declared by the Council to be heretics--both errors challenged the Incarnation itself. (78)

Innocent found this "official" aspect of preaching also in the Mass: before the deacon processed to the ambo to proclaim the gospel he approached the bishop and asked for his blessing, because "How do they preach, unless first they be sent." (79) The bishop's visible blessing in the Mass was significant. While Christ invisibly sent the law and the prophets, an act liturgically represented by the subdeacon's reading of the epistle without a blessing, after he became incarnate and abided with men, he had visibly sent the apostles. The bishop, as the vicar of Christ, in both the microcosm of the Mass and in the temporal Church was the custodian of doctrine and the commissioner of evangelists. (80) Innocent's invocation of Romans 10:15 in his explanation of the liturgical action associated it directly with Ad abolendam, Lucius III's decree of 1184 against heretics, subsequently excerpted in Canon 3 of Lateran IV. (81) Traditionally, Romans 10:15 had been taken to refer to God's commission of preachers to the Gentiles. (82) Peter Lombard had understood the sending as referring to the grace that was poured on the apostles and through them to the nations. (83) And the ordinary interlinear gloss reads: "they are not to preach unless sent; they are not true Apostles unless sent," and it is they "who illuminate the world." (84) This was a primarily spiritual reading of the text. It was not until Ad abolendam that the "sending" of Romans 10 was directly connected to the jurisdictional structure of the institutional Church. Innocent brings these together: the "sending" of the Holy Spirit and the "commissioning" of the juridical Church are one and the same. The rubrics of the Mass and the legal framework of the temporal Church were united in the person of the bishop, the figure of Christ--the spiritual authority and the jurisdictional authority necessary to preach flowed from the same source and through the same conduit: the apostolic commission to preach was intrinsic to the apostolic Church, and the Church was, like Christ, as much human as it was divine. A challenge to the bishop's power over sacred preaching was a challenge to the bishop's power over the sacraments, and his power over the jurisdictional Church--it was a challenge to his apostolic succession, and indeed to the sacramental nature of reality. Ad abolendam had implied as much when it directly associated the flouting of apostolic authority concerning preaching with the denial of the efficacy of the sacraments. (85)

But to Innocent the laity were no less intrinsic to the sacramental Church than the clergy. In the Mass, after receiving the pontifical blessing, the deacon proceeded to the ambo carrying the gospels as a teacher and a preacher, and the subdeacon followed him as a listener and a minister to his needs. When the Gospel has been proclaimed, the subdeacon carried the gospels back to the bishop to show the fruits of preaching. This exchange, Innocent explained, was expressive of the relationship between the preacher and the laity in the temporal Church. Invoking St. Paul's claim to material support in 1 Corinthians 9, he argued that the preacher was entitled to material support from those to whom he preached. The deacon through his preaching and the subdeacon through his work both increased justice and both proceeded toward salvation. (86) Innocent's insistence on the material support of the clergy is well known. Throughout his pontificate he battled against the practice of bishops leaving their clergy without incomes and of church patrons not appropriating a sufficient portion of the tithes to the priests who actually ministered to the people. (87) Canon 32 of Lateran IV, which used 1 Corinthians 9 as justification, legislated against both these practices. (88) Again, we see the coincidence of the liturgical and the legal, the theological and the practical.

The conception that underpinned this understanding was that of the diverse orders within the Church. Innocent did not divide society into those who prayed, those who fought, and those who worked. (89) Rather, he emphasized the divisions between the ordained, the celibate, and the married. In an Easter sermon Innocent stated that Mary Magdalene, Mary the Mother of James, and Salome represented the three lives: lay, regular, and clerical: "The lay life should anoint the feet of Jesus, the regular life the head, and the clerical life the body. For the feet of Christ are the poor, the head is the divinity, and the body is the church." The laity supported the Church through the corporal works of mercy, the regulars through prayer, and the clergy through word and example. (90) Preaching was the preserve of the clerical order and was the "nourishment" of the body. (91) This conception reached perfection in the Mass. There were three orders of guests to the wedding feast, praelati, continentes, and conjugati, and three types of people participated in the Mass, namely celebrantes, ministrantes, and circumstantes. (92) Together these orders constituted the body of Christ and each was perfect in its own way. (93) Innocent's view of society was, therefore, essentially ecclesiological and liturgical. Sacred preaching was a clerical activity that reinforced the body of Christ and found its perfection in the Mass. But to Innocent, this exclusivity took nothing away from the laity's participation in the sacramental reality of the Church.

With the above theological exposition of Innocent's understanding of the sacramental nature of preaching, we are in a position to better understand some of his more famous concrete actions with regards to preaching and heresy. For example, in Innocent's well-known letter to the bishop of Metz of July 1199, Cum ex injuncto, nearly all the points considered above appear. (94) The letter was a response to a report that Innocent received from the bishop stating that groups of the laity in his diocese had translated the Scriptures into the vernacular and were meeting privately to dispute and to preach to each other, as well as mocking their simple priest and despising those who did not subscribe to their practices. Innocent responded with concern. God had sent his apostles into the world to preach the gospel in commanding them, "that which I tell you in the dark, speak in the light: and that which you hear in the ear, preach upon the housetops." (95) Preaching was therefore to be carried out in imitation of Christ, who spoke "openly to the world" in the synagogues and Temple, (96) not in private as the heretics did, but in the church as was the Catholic custom. Furthermore, the Lord commanded, "Give not that which is holy to dogs; neither cast ye your pearls before swine." (97) The dogs and swine, Innocent explained, were those who did not venerate the words of the gospel and the ecclesiastical sacramenta as Catholics but as heretics. Because knowledge of the mystery of the kingdom of God was given only to the apostles, while to the rest in parables, (98) the secret sacramenta of the faith were not to be offered to all but only to those who were able to understand them. "For the profundity of Divine Scripture is such that not only the simple and the illiterate, but also the prudent and learned are not able to investigate the understanding of them." (99) And so clearly the "simple and untaught" should not "presume to concern themselves with the sublimity of Sacred Scriptures, or to preach them to others." (100) Rather, as there were many members to a body, so there were many orders in the Church, each with their proper functions and offices. Therefore, one should not usurp the office of preaching because "How do they preach, unless first they be sent." (101) Innocent concluded by pointing out that knowledge and wisdom were necessary to a priest, but nevertheless even the ignorant deserve respect because of their office. The bishop, though, should investigate the condition of the priest and correct or remove him if necessary.

While this letter has often been used to support the claim that Innocent condemned vernacular Scripture itself, (102) it is apparent that Innocent's concern was neither the group's reading of Scripture, nor their meeting in secret, nor even their mutual exhortation, but rather the combination of reading Scripture, disputing it, and preaching, precisely the three steps in the process of formal, sacred preaching as understood by theologians such as Peter the Chanter and Innocent himself. What is more, this preaching was being performed in a private gathering, a sort of mock liturgy. Innocent clearly associated the usurping of this preaching office with the repudiation of the sacraments, and reaffirmed the apostolic claim to visible control of all such sacramenta. As we have seen, to Innocent this type of sacred preaching, which was perfectly expressed in the proclamation of the gospel in the Mass, was a part of the sacramental reality of the Church. To usurp the office was to challenge the incarnational premise of the Church as Christ's body and bride, and of the bishops as the apostles' successors and in this way to be a heretic. (103) It was for this reason that the prohibition of preaching without being sent, excerpted from Ad abolendam, was appropriately placed in Canon 3 of Lateran IV, the canon against heretics. (104) Preaching without being sent was not simply a breach of obedience; it was heretical.

In Innocent's treatment of the Catholic Poor the same principal can be seen. In the profession of faith made by Durand of Huesca and his associates the focus was on the truth of the Incarnation and the efficacy of the sacraments. It was within this context that they affirmed their belief in the necessity and value of preaching, that the preaching office was only to be exercised under the authority of the prelates or the pope, and that they ought to preach to the heretics. (105) But this preaching imperative was open to them precisely because the greater part of the Catholic Poor were clerics; even so, it was to be exercised with great caution by the more learned of the group and "with the license and due veneration of the prelates." (106) And their preaching was in no way to detract from the group's hearing of the Divine Offices and sacerdotal preaching, nor their participation at Mass. It was precisely their apparent failure to preach to the heretics without disturbing the sacramental system that compelled Innocent to write to Durand again, warning him that these actions brought suspicion of heresy. (107)

Innocent's treatment of the Catholic Poor reveals an important distinction within the concept of preaching between "sacred," sacramental preaching and what can be termed "missionary" preaching. In the perfect ecclesial microcosm of the Mass, where the word was the Word, preaching had the clear role of making the words of Christ present in the Church, as his body and divinity were present, strengthening its members in the faith. All present at the Mass, each fulfilling their proper function, made up the body of Christ. But where did this leave those not present--those outside the Church? There was a clear apostolic mandate to invite all to the Wedding Banquet, (108) but preaching to those outside the Church--either those in mortal sin, heretics, or infidels--preaching on the steps of the Church, was not the same as proclaiming the gospel from the ambo--it lacked the sacramental dimension. It was "missionary." What is apparent in Innocent's letters concerning the Catholic Poor was that such preaching had to be handled delicately, that the sacramental economy, including sacred preaching, was not to be disturbed, and that while with supervision it might be acceptable for groups that would normally be considered outside the clerical hierarchy to preach to heretics or to exhort moral conversion, the preaching of prelates to their flocks was inviolable.

Because of the clerical status of many of the Catholic Poor, the distinction between "sacred" preaching and what might be called "missionary" preaching was blurred. With the Humiliati, however, it was much clearer. Innocent gave a propositum to those of the Third Order or Tertiaries, who must be considered laymen, which allowed them to assemble on Sundays with permission of the diocesan bishop to hear one of their own, "strong in word and deed" preach the word of God, "leading them to good habits and pious works, but saying nothing concerning the articles of faith or the sacraments of the Church." (109) Here the conversion sought was not the conversion of manifest heretics, as was the case with the Catholic Poor, but the moral conversion of the orthodox believer. This type of preaching was "missionary" in character--as long as the word of God in the articles of faith and the sacraments remained undisturbed, Innocent accepted as licet the Humiliati's moral exhortations. (110)

This distinction gains clarity when considered within the context of Innocent's overall reform program. Innocent viewed all of the Christian cosmos--Scripture, history, and Christ himself--as wrapped up in a single incarnational and sacramental mystery. In the Mass the different dimensions of the mystery were in perfect harmony: the Word through sacred preaching, example through the liturgical action, and Christ through the Eucharist. Such harmony was the proper order of the cosmos itself. Properly, all reality would be one act of liturgy. Innocent's reform program, therefore, can be profitably understood as the attempt to extend the perfection of the liturgy into the world at large. For example, Innocent's systemization of canon law procedures and his extension of real jurisdictional powers were motivated to produce the same type of harmony oi action between the orders of the Church that the rubrics provided in the Mass, which tightly controlled and coordinated the actions oi the various participants, merging the different orders into a single body. This connection can be seen in his frequent use of canon law in his exegesis of the liturgical prayers and actions. The extension of the liturgy meant the extension of the Church's orientation toward the Eucharist and an increase in the laity's reception of it; this required moral conversion, confession, and penance--all of which figured prominently in Innocent's actions and writings and in the canons of Lateran IV. There was a place in this process of reform toward the liturgy for the somewhat irregular preaching and moral exhortation of groups such as the Catholic Poor and the Humiliati, who preached from the steps of the Church; likewise for manifestly orthodox and clerical, yet itinerant, and so unusual, preachers such as Fulk of Neuilly and St. Dominic, who preached on the frontlines of reform. (111) But these cases were not the norm; they were the exception, which is evident in the care that Innocent took in his treatment of them, and while they may have been strictly consistent with the canons of Lateran IV, they should not be read into the canons. In fact later in the thirteenth century it was precisely Lateran IV's reasoning surrounding legitimate preaching that formed the legal foundations for the arguments of the opponents of the Mendicant orders--through which the Mendicants were associated directly with heretics such as the Waldensians. (112) In the ideal all preaching would be regular, "sacred" preaching because in the ideal all the world would be before the altar, receiving Christ in his totality--in Word and Body in his "doing and teaching"; "missionary" preaching was possible because of the imperfection of the world, because the world was not yet one act of liturgy.

Indeed, preaching as it appears throughout Innocent's thought and in the canons of Lateran IV lacks the revolutionary or romantic elements which have led so many historians to focus on the "heretical" groups and the burgeoning Mendicant orders. Instead, the preacher of the Fourth Lateran Council was to be a priest educated in Sacred Scripture and theology at the cathedral school. (113) He held a parish or had some other flock under his jurisdiction, (114) lived from their tithes, (115) and was normally under the commission of a diocesan bishop. (116) Having been instructed in the divine services and the sacraments, he was to guide the souls under him. (117) He heard his flock's confessions, brought them the Eucharist, (118) and lived a life of moral rectitude, neither drinking, gambling, nor fornicating. (119) The preacher of Lateran IV followed Christ's example of "doing and teaching." His task was to build up the apostolic Church by fulfilling the apostolic mission of word, example, and sacrifice, to emulate the Incarnate Son, and in this way fulfilled Innocent III's vision of reform by extending the perfection of the Mass to the borders of his own small portion of the universal Church.


(1.) John C. Moore, Pope Innocent III (1160/61-1216): To Root Up and to Plant (Leiden: Brill, 2003), 228-53; Antonio Garcia y Garcia, Historia del Concilio Lateranense de 1215 (Salamanca: Ediciones La Tierra Hoy, 2005); Raymonde Foreville, Latran I, II, III, et Latran IV, 1123, 1139, 1179 et 1215. Histoire des conciles oecumeniques, 6 (Paris: Orante, 1965, reprinted 2007); Christopher R. Cheney, Pope Innocent III and England, [Papste und Papsttum, 9] (Stuttgart, Germany: Hiersemann, 1976).

(2.) Norman Tanner, "Pastoral Care: The Fourth Lateran Council of 1215," A History of Pastoral Care, ed. G. R. Evans (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 1999), 112-13; Brenda Bolton, "A Show with a Meaning: Innocent III's Approach to the Fourth Lateran Council, 1215," Innocent III: Studies on Papal Authority and Pastoral Care, [Variorum Collected Studies Series] (Aldershot, UK: Variorum, 1995), XI, 57-58.

(3.) While the Third Lateran Council of 1179 had emphasized the care of souls, the matter of preaching itself was not discussed directly in the canons. Its importance was made obvious, however, by the Council's treatment of the Waldensians who were forbidden to preach without permission. Anonymous of Laon, Chronicon universale, ed. G. Waitz, Monumenta Germaniae historica, Scriptores, [MGH SS], vols. 1-32 (Hanover, 1826-1934), 26 (1882): 449; Walter Map, De nugis curialium. Courtiers' Trifles, ed. and trans. M. R. James, revised by C. N. L. Brooke and R. A. B. Mynors (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983), 124-27.

(4.) Patrologia cursus completus, ed. Jacques-Paul Migne, Series Latina, i. Series, vols. 1-79, 2. Series, vols. 80-217, Index, 1-4 (Paris, 1841-64)--hereafter cited as PL--201:1297-1300; Constitutiones Concilii quarti Lateranensis una cum Commentariis glossatorum, ed. Antonius Garcia y Garcia (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1981), c. 3, 49-51.

(5.) Constitutiones, ed. Garcia y Garcia, c. 10, 58.

(6.) Ibid., c. 62, 101-3.

(7.) Ibid., c. 10, 58-59.

(8.) Helene Tillmann, Pope Innocent III, trans. Walter Sax (New York: Elsevier Science & Technology Books, 1980), 189-216; Michele Maccarrone, "'Cura animarum' e 'parochialis sacerdos' nelle costituzioni del IV concilio lateranense (1215). Applicazioni in Italia nel sec. XIII" in Pievi e parrocchie in Italia nel basso medioevo (sec. XIII-XV) (Rome: Herder editrice elibreria, 1984), 1:81-95; Joseph Goering, William de Montibus (c. 1140-1213): The Schools and the Literature of Pastoral Care (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1992), 58-103; Andrea Winkler, "Old Stories and New Theology" in Innocenzo III: Urbs et Orbis, Atti del Congresso Internazionale, Roma, 9-15 settembre 1198, ed. A. Sommerlechner, Nuovi Studi Storici, 55, 2 vols. (Rome: Societa romana di storia patria, 2003), 1:471.

(9.) PL 216:823, "ad exstirpanda vitia et plantandas virtutes, corrigendos excessus, et reformandos mores, eliminandas haereses, et roborandam fidem, sopiendas discordias, et stabiliendam pacem, comprimendas oppressiones, et libertatem fovendam, inducendos principes et populos Christianos ad succursum et subsidium terrae sanctae tam a clericis quam a laicis impendendum." See: Alberto Melloni, "Vineam Domini--10 April 1213: New Efforts and Traditional Topoi--Summoning Lateran IV" in John C. Moore, ed., Pope Innocent III and His World (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1999), 63-71; Leonard E. Boyle, OP, "Innocent IIIs View of Himself as Pope" in Innocenzo III: Urbs et Orbis, 1:5-17.

(10.) See: Yves M.-J. Congar OP, "Ecce constitui te super gentes et regna (Jer 1.10)" in Theologie in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Johann Auer and Hermann Volk, ed., (Munchen: K. Zink, 1957), 671-96.

(11.) "Desiderio desideravi hoc pascha manducare vobiscum, antequam patiar," Innocent III, Sermo in concilio generali lateranensi habitus, PL 217:673-80, at col. 673; Pope Innocent III, Between God and Man: Six Sermons on the Priestly Office, trans. Corinne J. Vause and Frank C. Gardiner (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2004) 55-63.

(12.) Sermo in concilio generali lateranensi habitus, PL 217:674-75.

(13.) Ibid., PL 2i7:675;Vause, Between God and Man, 56-57.

(14.) "De transitu aeternali," Sermo in concilio generali lateranensi habitus, PL 217:678.

(15.) "Est praeterea manducatio eucharistiae, et manducatio gloriae. De illa dicitur: Qui manducai me, vita vivet propter me (Jn 6:58): de ista legitur: Beatus qui manducabit panem in regno Dei (Lk 14:15)." PL 217:680.

(16.) See: Henri De Lubac, SJ, Medieval Exegesis, vol. 1, The Four Senses of Scripture, trans. Mark Sebanc (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1998), 103; Generally, on Innocent's theology, see Wilhelm Imkamp, Das Kirchenbild Innocenz' III. 1198-1216 (Stuttgart, Germany: A. Hiersemann, 1983).

(17.) Christoph T Maier, "Mass, the Eucharist and the Cross: Innocent III and the Relocation of the Crusade" in Moore, Pope Innocent III and His World, 351-60.

(18.) De Lubac, Medieval Exegesis, 103.

(19.) Sermo in concilio generali lateranensi habitus, PL 217:676-77.

(20.) Ibid., PL 217:676-78.

(21.) "T est ultima littera Hebraici alphabeti, exprimens formam crucis, qualis erat antequam Domino crucifixo Pilatus titulum superponeret: quam et sanguis agni positus super utrumque postem, et in superliminaribus domorum mirifice designabat." Sermo in concilio generali lateranensi habitus, PL 217:677.

(22.) "Et forte divina factum est providentia, licet humana non sit industria procuratum, ut ab ea littera T canon inciperet, quae sui forma signum crucis ostendit et exprimit in figura. T namque mysterium crucis insinuat, dicente Domino per prophetam: Signa Thau in frontibus virorum dolentium et gementium (Ez 9)." De Sacro Altaris Mysterio, PL 217:840-41.

(23.) See: Revelation 15, 19:1-10, 21.

(24.) See: Revelation 14:6.

(25.) Canon 1 of the Council, the most extensive creed since the Council of Chalcedon, begins by affirming the Trinitarian reality of God, then asserts the historical reality and eternal efficacy of the Incarnation, and finally states: "Una vero est fidelium universalis ecclesia, extra quam nullus omnino salvatur, in qua idem ipse sacerdos et sacrificium Iesus Christus, cuius corpus et sanguis in sacramento altaris sub speciebus panis et vini veraciter continentur, transsubstantiatis pane in corpus et vino in sanguinem potestate divina, ut ad perficiendum mysterium unitatis accipiamus ipsi de suo, quod accepit ipse de nostro." Constitutiones, ed. Garcia y Garcia, c. 1, 41-3, trans. in Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils (Nicea I-Lateran V), ed. Norman P. Tanner, SJ, 2 vols. (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 1990), 1:230. "There is indeed one universal church of all the faithful outside of which nobody at all is saved, in which Jesus Christ is both priest and sacrifice. His body and blood are truly contained in the sacrament of the altar under the forms of bread and wine, the bread and wine having been changed in substance, by God's power, into his body and blood, so that in order to achieve this mystery of unity we receive from God what he received from us."

(26.) For Innocent's general understanding of the meaning and significance of the Mass, see: De Sacro Altaris Mysterio, PL 217:763-914, especially the Prologue, 773-74, and Caput XLIV, 884-86.

(27.) Innocent III, De Quadripartita Specie Nuptiarum, PL 217:932; Innocent understood four senses of "marriage": the literal or carnal marriage, the allegorical or sacramental, the moral or the union of the just with God, and the anagogical or the Incarnation. All four came together in the Mass. See: Richard Kay, "Innocent III as Canonist and Theologian: The Case of Spiritual Matrimony" in Moore, Pope Innocent III and His World, 35-50.

(28.) Anko Ypenga, "Innocent III's De Missarum Mysteriis Reconsidered: A Case Study on the Allegorical Interpretation of Liturgy" in Innocenzo III: Urbs et Orbis, 1:327-28, 337.

(29.) Christoph Egger, "A Theologian at Work: Some Remarks on Methods and Sources in Innocent III's Writings" in Moore, Pope Innocent III and His World, 25-33.

(30.) De Sacro Altaris Mysterio, PL 217:826.

(31.) Ibid., PL 217:779-80.

(32.) Acts 1: 1.

(33.) "Quae duo debent in sacerdote conjungi, ne sine illis ingrediens sanctuarium, moriatur. Coepit enim Jesus facere et docere (Acts 1:1), sacerdotibus relinquens exemplum, ut sequantur vestigia ejus, qui peccatum non fecit, ut sit honestas in conversatione: Nec inventus est dolus in ore ejus (1 Pt 2:21-22), ut sit veritas in praedicatione." De Sacro Altaris Mysterio, PL 217:784; See also: Guillaume Durand, Rationale divinorum officiorum, ed. A. Davril and T. M. Thibodeau, Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio medievalis, 140 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1995), 1:3.19.10.

(34.) See, for example: De Sacro Altaris Mysterio, PL 217:803: "Tunc ergo liber aperitur, cum episcopus pervenit ad altare. Quoniam ubi Christus primitivam apostolorum congregavit Ecclesiam, docens et praedicans, Scripturae mysteria revelavit: Vobis, inquit, datum est nosse mysterium regni Dei, caeteris autem in parabolis (Lk 8). Unde post resurrectionem aperuit illis sensum ut intelligerent Scripturas (Lk 24). Rectius ergo facit episcopus, cum ipsemet aperit librum evangelii, quamvis et per ministros suos Christus patefecerit mysteria Scripturarum. Quod episcopus codicem evangelii osculatur, insinuat quod Christus pacem in Evangelio praedicavit. Pacem meam, inquit, do vobis, pacem relinquo vobis, non quomodo mundus dat, ego do vobis (Jn 14)."

(35.) Innocent III, Sermo in consecratione pontficis maximi, PL 217:660: "Prius teneor dare cibum exempli, deinde cibum verbi, ut digne dem cibum sacramenti. Quia 'coepit Jesus facere et docere,' nobis relinquens exemplum, ut sequamur vestigia cius 'qui peccatum non fecit, nec inventus est dolus in ore ejus' (1 Pt 2:21-22)."; See also: Sermo IV in consecratione pontficis, PL 217:666.

(36.) De Sacro Altaris Mysterio, PL 217:803.

(37.) This identification persists throughout the treatise, see for example: De Sacro Altaris Mysterio, PL 217: 821.

(38.) De Sacro Altaris Mysterio, PL 217:826.

(39.) De Lubac, Medieval Exegesis, 67, 72-73.

(40.) For a discussion of this see: John W Baldwin, Masters, Princes, and Merchants: The Social Views of Peter the Chanter &His Circle, 2 vols. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970); Giles Constable, "Renewal and Reform in Religious Life: Concepts and Realities" in Robert L. Benson and Giles Constable with Carol D. Lanham, ed. Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982), 37-67; M.-D. Chenu, OP, "Monks, Canons, and Laymen in Search of the Apostolic Life" in Jerome Taylor and Lester K. Little, ed., Nature, Man, and Society in the Twelfth Century: Essays on New Theological Perspectives in the Latin West (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), 202-38.

(41.) For the connection between the lectio divina of the monks and the lectio of the masters, see: Beryl Smalley, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Blackwell, i952), i96.

(42.) See: M.-D. Chenu, OP, "The Evangelical Awakening" in Taylor and Little, Nature, Man, and Society, esp. 246-56; Jean Leclercq, OSB, The Love of Learning and the Desire for God: A Study of Monastic Culture, trans. Catharine Misrahi (New York: Fordham University Press, 1982), esp. 71-88.

(43.) "In tribus autem consistit exercitium sacrae Scripture: in lectione, disputatione, predicatione." Petri Cantoris Parisiensis, Verbum Adbreviatum, ed. Monique Moutry, Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Mediaevalis, 146 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004) I-I, 9; Baldwin, Masters, Princes, and Merchants, 12.

(44.) Smalley, Study of the Bible, 209.

(45.) Baldwin, Masters, Princes, and Merchants, 110; Alan of Lille argued that preaching was the final step in a man's pursuit of perfection. The Art of Preaching, trans. Gillian R. Evans (Kalamazoo: Cistercian Publications, 1981), 15.

(46.) Innocent III, Sermo dominica quarta in quadragesima, PL 217:391.

(47.) "Insulsus est cibus doctrinae, qui non fuerit sapientiae sale conditus, illius utique sapientiae, de qua dicit Apostolus: Christus est Dei virtus et Dei sapientia (i Cori: 24). Unde non bene sapit ulla doctrina, quae Christum non resonat, qui est animae sapor et sauvitas et dulcedo." Sermo IV in consecratione pontficis, PL 217:667.

(48.) "quoniam Christus per Evangelium praedicatores mittit in occidentem letteram: 'Spiritus est qui vivificat, caro non prodest quidquam (Jn 6:63).'" Sermo IV in consecratione pontficis, PL 217:667.

(49.) Sermo in concilio generali lateranensi habitus, PL 217:677; This understanding would be developed further in the thirteenth century, especially by the Dominicans. See Humbert of Romans, "Treatise on the Formation of Preachers" in Early Dominicans: Selected Writings, ed. Simon Tugwell, OP (Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press, 1982), 204: "There are plenty of people to teach other arts, and they are easy to get hold of; but there is only one who can teach this art [preaching], and there are few who have access to him: and that is the Holy Spirit. That is why the Lord did not want those pre-eminent preachers to start preaching until the Holy Spirit had come to teach them everything. After he had come and entered into them, then they began to speak 'as the Holy Spirit gave it to them to speak' (Acts 2:4)."

(50.) "secundum historiam, et secundum allegoriam; secundum anagogen, et secundum tropologiam: per auctoritates et rationes; persimilitudines, et exempla." Innocent III, Sermo in solemnitate D. Apostolorum Petri et Pauli (second of the name), PL 217:558.

(51.) "instruit fidem, erigit spem, et roborat charitatem ... via vitae, scala salutis, et janua paradisi." Innocent III, Prologus, PL 217:312.

(52.) "Caveamus igitur nos praecipue ignorantiam, quibus datum est ex officio nosse mysteria regni Dei, caeteris autem in parabolis." Sermo in concilio generali lateranensi habitus, PL 217:681.

(53.) See, for example: Prologus, PL 217:310; Sermo IV in consecratione pontficis, PL 217 : 666.

(54.) For example: Prologus, PL 217:310; Innocent III, Sermo in solemnitate D. Apostolorum Petri et Pauli (second of the name), PL 217:555-58.

(55.) Third Lateran Council, Canon 18, Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, ed. Norman P. Tanner, SJ (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 1990), 1:220.

(56.) "Sane metropolitana ecclesia theologum nihilominus habeat, qui sacerdotes et alios in sacra pagina doceat et in his praesertim informet, quae ad curam animarum spectare noscuntur." Constitutiones, ed. Garcia y Garcia, c. 11,59-60.

(57.) "Praedicator itaque debet habere aurum, argentum et balsamum, videlicet sapientiam, et eloquentiam, et honestatem, ut quod dicat intelligat, et quod dixerit et intellixerit, agat." Prologus, PL 217:311; Between God and Man, trans. Vause and Gardiner, 5n26.

(58.) Prologus, PL 217:311.

(59.) "Ille igitur habet atramentarium scriptoris, qui per donum scientiae sibi a Spiritu sancto datum desideria carnis cohibet et restringit, ut in vita non discrepet a doctrina, ne sibi ipsi dicatur: 'Medice, cura te ipsum' (Lk 4:23)," Sermo in concilio generali lateranensi habitus, PL 217:676-77.

(60.) De Sacro Altaris Mysterio, PL 217:822. For a rich theological exploration of the connection between doing and preaching from Innocents milieu, see: Petri Cantoris Parisiensis, Verbum Adbreviatum, 34-40.

(61.) Innocent III, Sermon for the Resurrection of the Lord, in: John C. Moore, "The Sermons of Pope Innocent III," Romische Historische Mitteilungen 36 (1994): 141.

(62.) "Hinc etiam mala provenerunt in populo Christiano. Perit fides, religio deformatur, libertas confunditur, justitia conculcatur, haeretici pullulant, insolescunt schismatici, perfidi saeviunt, praevalent Agareni." Sermo in concilio generali lateranensi habitus, PL 217:678.

(63.) Sermo I in consecratione pontficis, PL 217:650-51.

(64.) "Nam omnis in populo corruptela principaliter procedit a clero: quia 'si sacerdos, qui est unctus, peccaverit, facit delinquere populum (Lev 4:3):' quippe dum laici vident turpiter et enormiter excedentes, et ipsi eorum exemplo ad iniquitatem et scelera prolabuntur." Sermo in concilio generali lateranensi habitus, PL 217:677-78; Some historians have seen only this practical aspect to Innocent's concern with a moral clergy with regards to teaching and preaching. See: Joseph Canning, "The Pope as Teacher and Judge: How Innocent III Saw Himself as the Teacher Who Coerced," Innocenzo III: Urbs et Orbis, 1:74-80.

(65.) See, for example: Sermo in consecratione pontficis maximi, PL 217:660.

(66.) "Et ita duo, scilicet Ecclesia et Christus, sunt in carne una, id est in una carnis natura. Quia: Verbum caro factum est, et habitavit in nobis." De Quadripartita Specie Nuptiarum, PL 217:931-32.

(67.) Ibid., PL 217:928-30.

(68.) Ibid., PL 217:954.

(69.) Ibid., PL 217:947.

(70.) De Sacro Altaris Mysterio, PL 217:884.

(71.) "Cum enim Christus secundum naturam Divinam tribus modis in rebus existat: in omnibus per essentiam: in solis justis per gratiam: in homine assumpto per unionem; voluit idem ipse secundum naturam humanam tribus modis in rebus existere: localiter in Coelo: personaliter in Verbo: sacramentaliter in Altari. Sicut enim secundum Divinitatem totus essentialiter est in omnibus rebus, ita secundem humanitatem totus Sacramentaliter est in pluribus locis." De Quadripartita Specie Nuptiarum, PL 217:947; De Sacro Altaris Mysterio, PL 217:884.

(72.) De Sacro Altaris Mysterio, PL 217:830.

(73.) Sermo VII in concilio generali lateranensi habitus, PL 217:685.

(74.) Sermo IV in consecratione pontficis, PL 217:669; Sermo I in consecratione pontficis, PL 2i7:649-50.

(75.) "Si caput fuerit infirmum, totum corpus languidum erit; nam 'omne caput languidum et omne cor moerens: a planta pedis usque ad verticem non est in eo sanitas' (Isa. 1:5-6)." Sermo I in consecratione pontficis, PL 217:650.

(76.) "Nihil est quod ecclesiae Dei magis officiat, quam quod indigni assumantur praelati ad regimen animarum." Constitutiones, ed. Garcia y Garcia, c. 26, 71.

(77.) Ibid., c. 10, 58-59.

(78.) Ibid., c. 1, 3, 42-43, 47-51.

(79.) Romans 10:15.

(80.) De Sacro Altaris Mysterio, PL 217:821-22.

(81.) Ad abolendam, PL 201:1297-1300.

(82.) For example, the glossa ordinaria reads: "Ecce apparet quod et ad gentes missi sunt praedicatores." PL 114:505.

(83.) Peter Lombard, In epistolam ad Romanos, PL 191: 1477.

(84.) "non praedicabunt, nisi mittantur. Non sunt veri Apostoli, nisis missi ... qui illuminant mundum." Biblia Sacra cum glossa ordinaria (Venice, 1601), 6:137-38.

(85.) "Et quoniam nonnulli, sub specie pietatis virtutum eius, iuxta quod ait Apostolus, denegantes, auctoritatem sibi vendicant praedicandi: quum idem Apostolus dicat: 'quomodo praedicabunt, nisi mittantur?' omnes, qui vel prohibiti, vel non missi, praeter auctoritatem, ab apostolica sede vel ab episcopo loci susceptam, publice vel privatim praedicare praesumpserint, et universos, qui de sacramento corporis et sanguinis Domini nostri Iesu Christi, vel de baptismate, seu de peccatorum confessione, matrimonio vel reliquis ecclesiasticis sacramentis aliter sentire aut docere non metuunt, quam sacrosanta Romana ecclesia praedicat et observat, et generaliter, quoscumque eadem Romana ecclesia vel singuli episcopi per dioceses suas cum consilio clericorum, vel clerici ipsi sede vacante cum consilio, si oportuerit, vicinorum episcoporum haereticos iudicaverint, pari vinculo perpetui anathematis innodamus." Ad abolendam, PL 210:1297.

(86.) De Sacro Altaris Mysterio, PL 217:823.

(87.) See: Tillmann, Pope Innocent III, 200.

(88.) Constitutiones, ed. Garcia y Garcia, c. 32, 75-77.

(89.) See: Moore, "Sermons," 104.

(90.) Sermon for the Resurrection of the Lord, in: Moore, "Sermons," 138-42.

(91.) Constitutiones, ed. Garcia y Garcia, c. 10, 58-59.

(92.) De Quadripartita Specie Nuptiarum, PL 217:948; De Sacro Altaris Mysterio, PL 217:774.

(93.) See: Andre Vauchez, "Innocent III, Sicard de Cremone et la canonisation de Saint Homebon ([dagger] 1197)" in Innocenzo III: Urbs et Orbis, 1:443-44.

(94.) Cum ex injuncto, Die Register Innocenz' III. 2: Pontfikatsjahr, 1199/1200, ed. O. Hageneder, W Maleczek and A. A. Strnad (Rome-Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences Press, 1979), 271-76, 432-34; PL 214:695.

(95.) Matthew 10:27.

(96.) John 28:20.

(97.) Matthew 7:6.

(98.) Luke 8:10.

(99.) "Tanta est enim divinae Scripturae profunditas, ut non solum simplices et illitterati, sed etiam prudentes et docti non plene sufficient ad ipsius intelligentiam indagandam." Cum ex injuncto, PL 214:696.

(100.) "Unde recte fuit olim in lege divina statutum ut bestia, quae montem tetigerit, lapidetur; ne videlicet simplex aliquis et indoctus praesumat ad sublimitatem Scripturae sacrae pertingere, vel eam aliis praedicare." Cum ex injuncto, PL 214:696.

(101.) Romans 10:15.

(102.) For an explanation of this claim and its refutation, Leonard E. Boyle, "Innocent III and Vernacular Versions of Scripture" in The Bible in the Medieval World: Essays in Memory of Beryl Smalley, ed. Katherine Walsh and Diana Wood, Studies in Church History, Subsidia 4 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1985), 97-107.

(103.) Pointing to the fundamental nature of such preaching in Innocent's ecclesiology, in his treatise on marriage he had likewise cited Matthew 10:27 ("that which I tell you in the dark, speak in the light"), this time in defense of his assertion that the "sacramental marriage" between Christ and the Church--the Church's very essence--"was not to be secret, but manifest to all": "Sacramentale conjugium noluit esse clandestinum, sed omnibus manifestum. Nam 'In sole posuit tabernaculum suum; et ipse tanquam sponsus procedens de thalamo suo. In sole, (Ps 19:6)' id est manifesto; juxta quod alibi dicitur: 'Non venit lucerna, ut ponatur sub modio, sed super candelabrum. (Mk 4:21)' 'Notum' enim 'fecit Dominus salutare suum; in conspectu gentium revelavit justitiam suam.(Ps 98:2)' Propterea dicebat Apostolis: 'Quae dico vobis in tenebris, dicite in lumine; et quae in aure auditis, praedicate super tecta. Euntes in mundum universum praedicate Evangelium omni creaturae. ... Illi autem profecti praedicaverunt ubique, Domino cooperante, et sermonem confirmante, sequentibus signis. (Matt. 10:27).'" De Quadripartita Specie Nuptiarum, PL 217:943.

(104.) Constitutiones, ed. Garcia y Garcia, c. 3, 50.

(105.) "Praedicationem necessariam valde et laudabilem esse credimus; tamen ex auctoritate vel licentia summi pontificis vel praelatorum permissione illam credimus exercendam. In omnibus vero locis ubi manifesti haeretici manent, et Deum et fidem sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae abdicant et blasphemant, credimus quod disputando et exhortando modis omnibus secundum Deum debeamus illos confundere et eis verbo Dominico, veluti Christi et Ecclesiae adversariis, fronte usque ad mortem libera contraire." Innocent III, letter of December 18, 1208 to the Archbishop of Tarragona, Die Register Innocenz' III. 11, Pontfikatsjahr 1208/1209, ed. O. Hageneder and A. Sommerlechner with C. Egger, R. Murauer, and R. Selinger (Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences Press, 2010), 311-16, no. 191 (196), at 314; PL 215:1511.

(106.) "Cum autem ex magna parte clerici simus et pene omnes litterati, lectioni, exhortationi, doctrinae et disputationi contra omnes errorum sectas decrevimus desudare. Disputationes tamen a doctioribus fratribus in fide catholica comprobatis et instructis in lege Domini dispensentur, ut adversarii catholicae et apostolicae fidei confundantur. Per honestiores autem et instructiores in lege Domini et in sanctorum Patrum sententiis verbum Domini censuimus proponendum in schola nostra fratribus et amicis, cum praelatorum vero licentia et veneratione debita, per idoneos et instructos in sacra pagina fratres, qui potentes sint in sana doctrina arguere gentem errantem et ad fidem modis omnibus trahere et in gremio sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae revocare." Die Register Innocenz' III. 11, Pontfikatsjahr 1208/1209, at 315; PL 215:1513.

(107.) PL 216: 75-77.

(108.) De Quadripartita Specie Nuptiarum, PL 217:947.

(109.) The propositum is quoted in Latin and English in: John M. Trout, "Preaching by the Laity in the Twelfth Century," Studies in Medieval Culture IV (1973): 106-07.

(110.) See: Frances Andrews, The Early Humiliati (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 27, 105.

(111.) Andrew W. Jones, "Fulk of Neuilly, Innocent III, and the Preaching of the Fourth Crusade," Comitatus 41 (2010): 119-48.

(112.) For example, William of Saint-Amour in his 1256 treatise against the Mendicants: "Pseudo autem Praedicatores sunt omnes, qui praedicant non missi, quantumcumque literati et sancti sint, etia si facerent signa, vel miracula. Rom. 10, Quomodo praedicabunt, nisi mittantur? Glossa, Non sunt veri Apostoli, nisi missi; nulla enim signa virtutem eis testimonim perhibent. Et sicut dicit Cyprianus distinct. 50 can. si quis praeposperae, MANDANT Martyres aliqua fieri; sed si in lege Domini scripta non sunt quae mandant, ante est ut sciamus eos a Deo impetrasse quod postulant. Missi autem non sunt, nisi qui ab Ecclesia recte eliguntur; sicut nec a Deo vocantur, nisi qui recte eliguntur. Hebr. 5 Nec quisquam assumit sibi honorem, nisi qui vocatur a Deo tan?uam Aaron. Glossa, A Deo vocatur qui recte eligitur. Ab Ecclesia vero recte eliguntur Episcopi, qui Apostolis successerunt; et Parochiales Presbyteri, qui Discipulis 72, successerunt, et eorum loca tenent. dist. 21 can In Novo Testamento. Unde Luc. 10 in principio dicit Glossa, sicut in 12 Apostolisforma est Episcoporum, sic in 72 Discipulisforma est Presbyterorum; Nec plures sunt in Ecclesia gradus ad regendam Ecclesiam constituti." Tractatus brevis de periculis novissimorum temporum ex scripturis sumptus, in: William of Saint-Amour, Opera omnia, (Constance, 1632), 24.

(113.) Constitutiones, ed. Garcia y Garcia, c. 11,59.

(114.) Ibid., c. 10, 58-9.

(115.) Ibid., c. 29, 32, 56, 73-77, 75-77, 97.

(116.) Ibid., c. 3, 10, 47-51, 58.

(117.) Ibid., c. 27, 72-73. L. E. Boyle, "The Fourth Lateran Council and Manuals of Popular Theology," The Popular Literature of Medieval England, ed. T. J. Hefferman (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1985), 30-43.

(118.) Constitutiones, ed. Garcia y Garcia, c. 21, 67-68.

(119.) Ibid., c. 14-16, 62-65.
COPYRIGHT 2015 Catholic Studies at the University of St. Thomas
No portion of this article can be reproduced without the express written permission from the copyright holder.
Copyright 2015 Gale, Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.

Article Details
Printer friendly Cite/link Email Feedback
Author:Jones, Andrew W.
Publication:Logos: A Journal of Catholic Thought and Culture
Article Type:Essay
Geographic Code:4EUIT
Date:Mar 22, 2015
Previous Article:Deep realism: a discussion of Christian literary realism with an analysis of passages from Michael O'Brien's Children of the Last Days novel series.
Next Article:Simone Weil on music: listening with tears of prayerful silence.

Terms of use | Privacy policy | Copyright © 2020 Farlex, Inc. | Feedback | For webmasters