Printer Friendly

The power and spectacle of rivers in the Mosella of Ausonius and in Garcilaso de la Vega's Eclogues.

The Mosella, by the late Roman poet Ausonius, has received significant attention in recent years (1). Scholars have shown most interest in Ausonius' poetic depiction of the Moselle river and its surrounding landscape, especially the way in which the depiction is used to praise the region. However, few attempts have been made to trace the influence of the Mosella in later writers, with the exception of certain poems by Venantius Fortunatus, and assorted poems in early modern England (2), even though the connection between rivers and poetic praise of a surrounding region remained strong in the Renaissance (3). One writer who exhibited this connection in his poetry perhaps, as I shall suggest, under the influence of the Mosella--is the Castilian poet Garcilaso de la Vega (1499?-1536) in this three pastoral eclogues (4). Commentators have long pointed out the importance of rivers, and of water generally, in Garcilaso's eclogues. Garcilaso depicts several rivers, most importantly the Tormes in the second Eclogue, as well as the Tagus in the first and especially the third. The rivers in Garcilaso have several functions: reflective surface, transmitter of poetry, central feature of the locus amoenus, symbol of Alba de Tormes (in the case of the Tormes) and Toledo (the Tagus) (5). I shall be comparing the poetic theme of the river as both object of praise and means to praise a surrounding region in both Ausonius and Garcilaso (6). But I shall also suggest that the relationship between Ausonius and Garcilaso may be one of direct influence by demonstrating that Garcilaso would have had access to the poem not only in Naples, but in Toledo and perhaps elsewhere as well, as part of Charles V's court, through a connection that has not been pointed out hitherto.

The Mosella, a poem of almost 500 hexameter lines, describes the river Moselle, which begins in what is today France and then flows through Trier before joining the Rhine. The river was important to Ausonius for several reasons. One is because it flowed through Trier, which was the site of the court of the Western Roman emperor Valentinian I (7). Another was its location in an area in which Valentinian was desperately trying to protect the empire against barbarian incursions. The Mosella begins with Ausonius in the first person narrating a trip he took from Bingen to Neumagen, northeast of Trier. There he sees the river and the poem temporarily loses its first person narration in favor of a description of the river and its features: its slowly moving water, its transparency, the ways in which it is navigated. Then Ausonius embarks on a catalogue of fish that are found in the river, before returning to a description of the river itself and the humans who frequent it: vine dressers, fishermen, and young boatmen. He then describes the structures on either side of the river, especially the luxurious villas, before moving on to list the tributaries of the river. Finally, he describes how the Moselle flows into the Rhine, and here the work touches on issues of politics as Ausonius mentions a recent victory over the Alamanni, the barbarian tribe most responsible for threatening the Roman frontier along the Rhine. Ausonius ends the Mosella promising that his poem will increase the fame of the river while he simultaneously remembers his own native river, the Garonne, which flows through his hometown of Bordeaux. In terms of literary models, the most important source for the Moselle is Vergil--not only the Aeneid but also the Georgies and its praise of the Italian landscape (8).

Garcilaso de la Vega also gives important place to rivers in his three eclogues, especially in the second and third. In the second, the river is the Tormes, associated with the politically important Alba family because it flows through Alba de Tormes. In the third it is the Tagus, which flows past Garcilaso's native Toledo. While Garcilaso imitated many Latin authors, with Ovid and Vergil at the top of the list (9), to my knowledge, no one has suggested an influence of Ausonius' Mosella on Garcilaso, with a partial exception that I will discuss shortly. My argument will be that the influence of the Mosella can better explain certain features of the river as depicted in Garcilaso's eclogues, such as the theme of human activity around the river; and the river and the surrounding region as an object of praise.

In beginning to examine the parallels between the Mosella and Garcilaso's eclogues, one must say that they share an overwhelmingly pastoral atmosphere (10). Though the Mosella features no singing shepherds, the poem is filled with the topoi of the traditional pastoral locus amoenus: the pleasant landscape, for example, and the echo created by the inhabitants. (11) Ausonius' poetic voice also evokes pastoral deities, including nymphs who submerge themselves in the river (12), as well as the image of the Muses weaving and its association with poetry (13). There is also the water used as a mirror, a frequent pastoral topos (14). The river itself in the Mosella also has pastoral overtones. This usage conforms to the tradition of the pastoral locus amoenus, which features rivers as well as springs as the body of water around which the pastoral action takes place (15).

In Garcilaso's eclogues, meanwhile, rivers are depicted in all three poems. And although the three eclogues were not composed chronologically, there is a kind of progression in terms of the representation of the river in all three (16). In the first Eclogue a spring is the center of the locus amoenus in which the shepherds Salicio and Nemoroso lament their lost loves, and the Tagus river is mentioned relatively briefly (17). In the second Eclogue, however, there is a mix of both spring and river. The spring in the locus amoenus provides the center of the drama featuring Albanio, driven mad by unrequited love. But together with the spring is the river Tormes, described by the shepherd Nemoroso, who comes to try to cure Albanio of his lovesickness. The depiction of the river Tormes is the beginning of a long panegyric of the House of Alba, and in this panegyric other rivers are mentioned--the Danube and the Rhine--that were the scenes of military campaigns by Emperor Charles V (18). When we reach the third Eclogue, the river--in this case, the Tagus, as it flows past Toledo--has become the center of the pastoral locus, and no springs are mentioned. The Tagus in this eclogue is the abode of four nymphs who emerge from the river and begin weaving tapestries depicting mythological scenes.

Thus it is the second and third eclogues of Garcilaso which offer the most parallels, thematically and linguistically, with the Mosella. The closest parallels come with the references to human constructions on the banks of the river, which become objects of praise. Turning first to the Mosella, Ausonius begins his description of the river by alluding to the buildings on its banks:

... culmina villarum pendentibus edita saxis et virides Baccho colles et amoena fluenta subter labentis tacito rumore Mosellae.

Mos. 20-2219 20 (21)

As is typical of the entire poem, language and allusion--mostly to Vergil--combine to evoke several themes at once: the pastoral character of the description is created by the green hills surrounding the river but also by the allusion to the Eclogues (20); but there is also the allusion to epic in the description of the river as amoena, and a reference to the rumore of the river's current, thus evoking the Tiber of the Aeneid (21); yet another model for the passage is the Georgies, in which Vergil promises to sing of Italian cities, and the rivers that flow past them (22).

The most forceful theme presented by this network of allusions is the river and the structures next to it. As for the river itself, these lines contain the first of many references to the Moselle and its easy current, several involving, as here, a form of the verb labor (23). And the mention of the villas begins a program of describing structures on the banks of the Moselle. In contrast to his model in the Georgies, in which the cities and rivers remain undefined, to be described and praised at some later date, Ausonius, as we shall see, describes the structures in detail, and furthermore uses the description to allude to imperial power, as is made clear in the very next lines as the poet mentions Trier, site of the court of Valentinian I (Mos. 23-24) (24). The depictions have a clear encomiastic intent, in which both the river and the features on its banks are praised (25).

This praise of buildings on the banks of a river is also found in Garcilaso's second Eclogue. In this eclogue, the shepherd Nemoroso tries to console a love-sick fellow shepherd named Albanio by relating the exploits of the House of Alba and of its head, Fernando de Toledo, Duke of Alba. Nemoroso begins the narration by describing the Duke's ancestral home of Alba de Tormes:

En la ribera verde y deleitosa del sacro Tormes, dulce y claro rio, hay una vega grande y espaciosa, verde en el medio del invierno frio, en el otono verde y primavera, verde en la fuerza del ardiente estio.

Levantase al fin della una ladera, con proporcion graciosa en el altura, que sojuzga la vega y la ribera; alli esta sobrepuesta la espesura de las hermosas torres, levantadas al cielo con estrana hermosura, no tanto por la fabrica estimadas aunque 'strana labor alli se vea, cuanto por sus senores ensalzadas.

Eclogue 2.1041-55 (26)

As in the Mosella, the intention of this passage is obviously to praise the structures on the bank of a river--in this case, those of Alba de Tormes--through the use of poetic description. In searching for sources of this passage, commentators have missed the mark. Most follow Fernando de Herrera, the poet and early commentator on Garcilaso, who relates it to Vergil's Aeneid and to a passage from Petrarch's Rime (27). Both comparisons seem inapt, at least from the standpoint of the ideological charge of the passages in question: the text by Petrarch is a sonnet attacking the Papal court at Avignon, and prophesying that its buildings will be smashed to the ground (28). The passage from Vergil also has negative associations: the image is of the construction cranes in Dido's Carthage standing idle as the queen and Aeneas, in love, neglect their duties (29). Though Dido is a point of identification for Garcilaso's lyric persona in other works (namely in Sonnet 33, "A Boscan desde la Goleta") (30) it seems unlikely to carry a positive charge here, since the passage introduces Severo, the magus who promises to cure Albanio's lovesickness by depicting the heroic exploits of the House of Alba and of Charles V in ways that draw on the career of Vergil's Aeneas after abandoning Dido.

Ausonius, for his part, returns to the image of the structures on the banks of the Moselle, this time comparing them to the work of famous architects:

hos [i.e., the architects] ergo aut horum similes est credere dignum Belgarum in terris scaenas posuisse domorum, molitos celsas, fluvii decoramina, villas. haec est natura sublimis in aggere saxi, haec procurrentis fundata crepidine ripae, haec refugit captumque sinu sibi vindicat amnem. Illa tenens collem, qui plurimus imminet amni, usurpat faciles per culta, per aspera visus, utque suis fruitur dives speculatio terris.

vv. 318-26

What is interesting here is the placement of the structures on rocks overhanging the river (Mos. 284, 321, 324), an image Ausonius employed in the first description of the Moselle, discussed above (31). In the last passage cited, the topography of the river becomes even more detailed, with one villa surrounded by the river, which it "captures" (captam), creating a small artificial bay (32). While Vergil in the Georgies had also featured a river going past structures on a rock (33), Ausonius forged the image into an encomium for a specific region.

In Garcilaso the closest parallel to the Mosella is the third Eclogue, his last poetic composition. For here the Tagus river is unmistakably the center of the pastoral locus amoenus. And it is described, like the Moselle, as flowing with an easy current (con... mansedumbre):

Con tanta mansedumbre el cristalino Tajo en aquella parte caminaba, que pudieran los ojos el camino determinar apenas que llevaba.

vv. 65-68

And as in the Mosella, the river is an occasion to praise the human structures on its banks. This Garcilaso does with the famous fourth tapestry, woven by the nymph Nise, which depicts Toledo and the Tagus running past it:

Estaba puesta en la sublime cumbre del monte, y desd'alli por el sembrada, aquella ilustre y clara pesadumbre d'antiguos edificios adornada.

D'alli con agradable mansedumbre el Tajo va siguiendo su jornada y regando los campus y arboledas con artificio de las altas ruedas.

vv. 209-216

This passage elicited little discussion from the early commentators on Garcilaso, the exception being the Toledan native Tomas Tamayo de Vargas, who praises the representation in general terms (34). It is certainly an instance of the laus patriae urbis, as later commentators have noted (35). But in the tradition of the Mosella, it is a very specific one, with pastoral overtones and the specific combination of the river and city (36). Indeed the connection to the Mosella seems to provide the closest parallel to the passage. We can note how in Garcilaso Toledo is placed on the sublime cumbre / del monte, and then encircled by the Tagus river, both here and in the preceding octave (37), as are the villas in relation to the Moselle river in Ausonius. Both poems contrast impressive human structures with the natural phenomenon of water running below and around them as if to frame them for the viewer. As in the Mosella, Garcilaso depicts the river and its imposing structures as existing within a pastoral landscape, demonstrated by the conjunction of mansedumbre (used in the initial description of the Tagus, as we saw above)--and pesadumbre in this passage, the same juxtaposition found in the Mosella.

The parallels between the Mosella and these passages of Garcilaso's third Eclogue will become clearer if we see them in light of Elias Rivers' study, "The Pastoral Paradox of Natural Art". The central paradox to which the title of the study refers is that between a natural landscape and the depiction of it by the poet using highly complex artistic techniques--the relationship, in sum, between "art and nature". But in discussing this paradox Rivers also touches on a related one, that between nature and human activity depicted within the poem itself. In this connection Rivers mentions the passage cited above and the depiction of the artificio de las altas ruedas (38). These are the water wheels designed to distribute water from the Tagus to the fields surrounding Toledo (39). So, as Rivers notes, not even the landscape depicted is natural, and in fact it is improved and indeed ennobled by human designs such as the water wheels and also the buildings of Toledo itself.

This paradox is also central to the Mosella. Early in the poem, Ausonius declares in first person that he will marvel not at artificial things such as opulent villas constructed by Phrygian stone, but rather by the natural marvels of the river and its banks (Mos. 48-54) (40). But as several studies of the Mosella have noted, the poem itself celebrates not only nature but also the human constructions on the riverbanks: the villas, as we have seen, as well as a bath complex. In an interesting parallel to the water wheels of Toledo in Garcilaso's third Eclogue, Ausonius even mentions a sawmill, used for cutting stone, which is powered by the water of one of the Moselle's tributaries (Mos. 361-364). So while structures along rivers had appeared before Ausonius--in Vergil and in Statius' Silvae, another source for the Mosella (41)--Ausonius invests the image with pastoral and national feeling and, furthermore, he uses it to investigate the relationship between art and nature, as Garcilaso would do later.

The parallels with the Mosella show how Garcilaso in his eclogues deviates from the tradition of river poetry he inherited. Petrarch's treatment of rivers, for example, used the image of the river for amorous themes; hence the importance for him of the Sorgue, the river that runs through Vaucluse and is therefore identified with his beloved, Laura. This is the case of his sonnet "Non Tesin, Po, Varo, Arno, Adige et Tebro" which declares the insufficiency of the famous rivers of the world to satisfy his pain; only the Sorgue will do, since it is where the poet weeps over Laura (42). Jacopo Sannazaro, author of neo-Latin works as well as the LArcadia which so influenced Garcilaso, comes closer to patriotic praise of the river in his treatment of the Sebeto, the river associated with Naples. But here the praise lacks the grandeur achieved by Garcilaso and Ausonius when they associate the Tagus or the Moselle to the buildings on its banks. Indeed, since the Sebeto itself was a small river, Sannazaro's praise of the Neapolitan region does not make a connection between the river and the region's impressive structures (43). Garcilaso is closer to Ausonius in his depiction of a river with pastoral features as a central element of praise.

Ausonius' affection for the Moselle region and his intent to praise it are unmistakable, even if the extent to which the poem is designed to praise Valentinian I's activities is a subject of debate (44). It must be remembered, however, that the Moselle was not Ausonius' hometown river. Ausonius' hometown river was the Garonne, which flows through Bordeaux. And as much as he praises the Moselle valley, Ausonius never loses sight of Bordeaux; indeed, he evokes his hometown as soon as he sees the Moselle (Mos. 18-19), and then he returns to the comparison between the Moselle and the Garonne later (Mos. 160). At the end of the poem Ausonius in first person states that the Moselle deserves to be known in foreign lands, and he promises that he will praise it to other rivers, including the Garonne. Thus, interestingly, it is the Garonne that ends the Moselle--it is the poem's last word (45).

In Garcilaso it is the Tagus which is his hometown river (46), and in the third Eclogue the praise of the Tagus and its surroundings is in fact praise of the patria chica of Toledo (47). Garcilaso was campaigning with Charles V while writing the third Eclogue, and he laments in the dedication of the poem (to a woman named Maria) that his fortune has taken him away from his patria but, in spite of this, he will present her with a poem del campo y soledad que amaste (Eclogue 3.19, 34). So as in Ausonius, the voyage away from one's homeland recalls an image of the hometown river and serves as an incitement to poetic praise.

Garcilaso's third Eclogue also promises that the praise of Toledo will be carried beyond its geographical bounds. In this case, it is not praise of the river so much as the history of the nymph Elisa, the shepherdess whose death was lamented by Nemoroso of the first Eclogue. But the river here is the agent of that transmission. As the inscription in Nise's tapestry says:

Elisa soy, en cuyo nombre suena y se lamenta el monte cavernoso, testigo del dolor y grave pena en que por mi se aflige Nemoroso y llama: 'Elisa', 'Elisa'; a boca llena responde el Tajo, y lleva presuroso al mar de Lusitania el nombre mio donde sera escuchado, yo lo fio.

Eclogue 3.241-248

So the river will take Elisa's name, and by extension, Garcilaso's poetry, along the Tagus through Portugal out to the sea (48). But this of course also includes the representation of Toledo and its river, preserved in poetry, just like the Moselle and its environs in Ausonius' Mosella. And indeed, contemporaries of both poets saw the literary theme of the river in this way: in Ausonius' case, his friend Symmachus said that the Mosella had made the river even more famous than the Tiber; while the Portuguese poet Francisco Sa de Miranda, in a poem commemorating Garcilaso's death, made reference to the praise of the Tagus and Toledo in the third Eclogue (49).

As mentioned earlier, Garcilaso could have had access to the Mosella either through printed editions or through the court of Charles V. The possibility of printed editions is the most easily dealt with, as there were five Italian editions between 1499 and 1517, including ones by the Aldine press in Venice, and the Giunti press in Florence. These editions were capped by a textual commentary on the text by Mariangelo Accursio, published in Rome in 1524. To this one can add editions printed outside of Italy to which Garcilaso would have been less likely to have access, but which nevertheless should be taken into account for what they show about the popularity of Ausonius in this period: the three editions printed between 1511 and 1517 in Paris and prepared by Jerome Aleander (Girolamo Aleandro), a humanist who also prepared an edition of Erasmus' Adagia. And finally editions of Ausonius were printed in Leipzig (1515) and Basel (1523) (50).

It is unclear to me whether these works circulated in Naples while Garcilaso resided there, beginning in 1532, or whether Ausonius was discussed in the Accademia Pontaniana, the circle of writers and humanists to which Garcilaso belonged. But it seems probable, not only because of the number of printed editions, but also from the fact that Ausonius' work was known directly by Jacopo Sannazaro, the former patron of the Accademia in addition to author of L'Arcadia. Around 1502 Sannazaro found a manuscript of Ausonius on the Ile de Barbe, an island in the Saone near Lyon, while he was in exile in France with Federigo of Naples. The manuscript was one of those that did not contain the Mosella (51), but Sannazaro's find most likely spread at least the name of Ausonius in Neapolitan humanist circles. For example, Pietro Summonte, the Neapolitan humanist who published the first authorized edition of L'Arcadia, announced Sannazaro's discovery of the Ausonius manuscript in the preface to a 1507 edition of Giovanni Pontano's dialogues (52).

But a potentially stronger connection to Garcilaso--stronger because it may have been personal--is provided by Mariangelo Accursio, the author of the commentary on Ausonius' works published in Rome in 1524. Accursio's work, called the Diatribae, was a textual commentary on Ausonius as well as two other authors: Ovid; and Solinus, author of the Collectanea rerum memorabilium (53). Accursio, whose name is sometimes Latinized to Mariangelus Accursius, was born in L' Aquila, in the kingdom of Naples, and moved to Rome, where he became tutor to Johann Albrecht and Gumbrecht von Hohenzollern, Marquises of Brandenburg and relatives of one of the electors of the Holy Roman Empire (The Diatribae was dedicated to them). A brother of Johann Albrecht and Gumbrecht, Johann, had been given in marriage by Charles V to Germana de Foix, widow of Fernando el Catolico, in 151954. This gave Accursio a connection to the court of Charles V, and thus he accompanied Johann Albrecht to Spain in 1525 to be at Charles V's court, and he remained in Spain until 1529, following Charles V's court and making occasional excursions to collect Latin inscriptions. It is precisely Accursio's record of his hunt for inscriptions, contained in manuscripts currently in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana in Milan, which has allowed scholars to track his movements (55): thus he arrived at Toledo at some point in early 1526, during the time in which the court, including Garcilaso, was gathered there. According to Sylvie Deswarte-Rosa, Accursio and Johann Albrecht probably arrived in Toledo with Germana de Foix, who was now a widow (Johann Albrecht's brother Johann having died the previous year). At any rate, Germana, at least, was likely received by Garcilaso himself and stayed in his house (56). Garcilaso and Accursio coincided at later times as both followed the emperor's court: in Seville in March of 1526, where Carlos V was married; and in Valladolid at some point after February of 1527 when the cortes began and Garcilaso arrived (57). Occasions for a meeting between Garcilaso and Accursio do not end there: both were in Barcelona in 1529 and left with Charles V to go to Bologna for his coronation as Emperor (58). And Accursio was also in Ratisbon in 1532 when Garcilaso arrived with Fernando de Toledo on his way to the imperial court from Spain (59).

As far as what is known of Accursio's activities in Spain in addition to collecting inscriptions, in 1526, while in Granada, he met the poet and humanist Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, and discussed inscriptions; he may have also met the Portuguese poet Francisco Sa de Miranda (60). He also gave away copies of his Diatribae while he was in the peninsula: he gave one copy to the Portuguese humanist Andre de Resende (61); and at least one other copy ended up in Castile, eventually making its way into Philip II's library (62). As Deswarte-Rosa says about Accursio's commentary on Ausonius, "Le livre des Diatribae (Rome, 1524) dut servir a Accursio en quelque sorte de carte de visite et de sesame au cours de son existence gyrovague et de ses periples europeens, notamment dans la peninsule iberique" (63).

With Accursio's presence at Charles V's court during large stretches in Spain, then in Bologna and Germany, and considering his effort to seek out poets and other humanists, it is hard to believe that he and Garcilaso did not meet at some point. And if they met, they most likely discussed Accursio's recent work on Ausonius as well as Ovid, giving Garcilaso an excellent introduction to the work of the former poet. Maria del Carmen Vaquero Serrano has written of the possible literary exchange in Toledo where the court first gathered in 1525--a gathering that included the papal nuncio Baldassare Castiglione (author of II cortegiano), and the Venetian ambassador Andrea Navagero. Vaquero Serrano's words about the possibilities created by this gathering could apply equally well to the next year, when Accursio joined the court in Toledo: "Indudablemente la reunion en la Ciudad Imperial a lo largo de 1525 de personajes tanto espanoles como extranjeros de extensa cultura hubo de repercutir en el ambiente literario de la urbe ... Y la pregunta surge inevitablemente: ?no hablaran nunca de cuestiones literarias Navagero, Castiglione, Garcilaso y otros muchos en aquella temporada de mas de ocho meses?" (64). Accursio was quite possibly among the "otros muchos" who participated in these discussions, making it likely that Garcilaso was exposed to Ausonius' work even before settling in Naples.

In Accursio's work there is also the concern generally about rivers. In the Diatribae, for example, he has several comments on the Mosella involving the depiction of the river, including Ausonius' technique in praising it (65). He also has comments on rivers in the notebooks he kept from his trip through Spain and Portugal. These include descriptions of the Minho river in Portugal and its fish (66); of the village of Tomar and its edifices on the banks of the Nabao river (67); of Girona and its two rivers, the Ter and the Onyar (68); and of Madrid's Manzanares river and its weak flow (69). Accursio also comments extensively in the Diatribae on the artistic properties of water as depicted in the Mosella, especially its power to reflect the images of those looking into it. In an interesting parallel, Garcilaso brings out this property of water not in rivers but in springs in the first and second eclogues (70).

On the one hand, the concern with rivers and their description is shared by other humanists at the time, even those very close to Garcilaso and his circle. Eugenia Fosalba has pointed to the letter that Andrea Navagero wrote from Toledo describing the city and the Tagus river in ways that offer suggestive parallels to the final tapestry in Garcilaso's third Eclogue (71). So it would be too much to insist on a direct link between Accursio's interest in rivers and Garcilaso, but not too much, I think, to place Accursio among the humanists such as Castiglione and Navagero who had an influence on Garcilaso and other Spanish writers and thinkers connected to Charles V. This is especially the case if we consider Accursio's interest in Ausonius and the Mosella, a work so close to some of the themes and imagery of Garcilaso's pastoral eclogues. Both Ausonius and Garcilaso sang of a river and its connection to an empire, but each one also personalized the depiction, and made sure that his poetry would make the river known beyond its banks.


Dartmouth College

* Recebido em 20-08-2014; aceite para publicacao em 08-04-2015.

(1) I would like to thank Prof. Marc Mayer i Olive of the Universitat de Barcelona for his suggestions in preparing this essay, and for his help with reading the MSS of Mariangelo Accursio, which I cite below.

The most recent commentaries on the Moselle are by P. DRAGER, Mosella; Bissula; Briefwechsel mit Paulinus Nolanus, Dusseldorf, Artemis & Winkler, 2002; A. Cavarzere, Amsterdam, Adolf M. Hakkert, 2003; and the latest by J. GRUBER, D. Magnus Ausonius, Mosella: Kritische Ausgabe, Ubersetzung, Kommentar, Berlin, De Gruyter, 2013.

(2) For the Mosella's influence on Venantius Fortunatus, see M. Roberts, "The Description of Landscape in the Poetry of Venantius Fortunatus: The Moselle Poems", Traditio, 49, 1994, 1-22.; for England, see R. A. AUBIN, Topographical Poetry in XVIII-Century England, New York, Modern Language Association of America, 1936, pp. 5-7, 34-35; and W H. MOORE, "Sources of Drayton's Conception of Poly-Olbion", SPh, 65, 1968, 783-803.

(3) See, for example, W. H. HERENDEEN, From Landscape to Literature: The River and the Myth of Geography, Pittsburgh, Pa., Duquesne UP, 1986. pp. 102 ff.

(4) Garcilaso's date of birth is the one proposed by M. DEL C. VAQUERO SERRANO, Garcilaso, principe de poetas: una biografia, Madrid, Centro de Estudios Europa Hispanica and Marcial Pons Historia, 2013, pp. 100-103.

(5) For interpretations of water imagery in Garcilaso's eclogues, see G. Araya, "La fuente y los rios en Garcilaso", in De Garcilaso a Garcia Lorca: ocho estudios sobre letras espanolas, Amsterdam, Rodopi, 1983, pp. 137-158; M. R. Lojo DE BEUTER, "La funcion de las aguas en las eglogas de Garcilaso de la Vega", Letras, 13, 1985, 11-32; and A. MAZZEI, "El agua en la poesia de Boscan y Garcilaso", Boletin de la Academia Argentina de Letras, 10, 1942, 497-505.

(6) R. CESERANI, "Fiume/fiumi", Italica, 82, 2005, 631-632 (reprinted in R. Ceserani, M. Domenichelli, and P. Fasano, Dizionario dei temi letterari, 3 vols, Turin, UTET, 2007) discusses the symbolism of the river in literature in general terms and mentions Garcilaso and his description of the Tagus as belonging to the same tradition as Ausonius' Mosella.

(7) Ausonius became part of the Valentinian I's circle when he became tutor to Gratian, the emperor's son. Ausonius eventually become consul in 379. For the life of Ausonius, see A. Alvar Ezquerra, "Introduccion general", vol. 1, pp. 11-194, in his translation of Ausonius' works (Obras, 2 vols., Madrid, Gredos, 1990). On Trier under Valentinian, see H. Sivan, Ausonius of Bordeaux: Genesis of a Gallic Aristocracy, London, Routledge, 1993, pp. 97-118.

(8) On Vergilian elements in the poem, see the discussion by G. O'DALY, "Sunt etiam Musis sua ludicra: Vergil in Ausonius", in R. Rees (ed.), Romane Memento: Vergil in the Fourth Century, London, Duckworth, 2004, pp. 146-152, and the commentary by GRUBER.

(9) The best way to get a sense of Garcilaso's allusions to classical authors is to read the early commentators on his work--Francisco Sanchez de las Brozas "El Brocense", Fernando de Herrera, Tomas Tamayo de Vargas, and Nicolas Azara--which are collected in A. GALLEGO MORELL (ed.), Garcilaso de la Vega y sus comentaristas, 2"d ed., Madrid, Gredos, 1972. Herrera's commentary has since been published separately, and I cite it below.

(10) On the pastoral elements in the Mosella see GRUBER, op. cit., pp. 31-34, and A. CAVARZERE, "La Mosella in Arcadia", in P. Gatti, L. de Finis (eds.), Dalla tarda latinita agli albori dellumanesimo: alla radice della storia europea, Trento, U degli Studi di Trento, Dipartimento di scienze filologiche e storiche, 1998, pp. 168-170.

(11) Vine-dressers in this case, not shepherds (Mos. 165f.).

(12) Mos. 173, 183-184.

(13) Mos. 396-398.

(14) A feature that will be discussed below.

(15) See the discussion by E. R. Curtius, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, trans. Willard R. Trask, Princeton, Princeton UP, 1953, pp. 195-200.

(16) Modern commentators on Garcilaso agree that the second eclogue was the first to be composed (between 1533 and 1534). The first eclogue was composed about a year later, while the third was the last composed, and has the most precise date: 1536 (see the commentary in the edition of Garcilaso's works by B. MORROS, (ed.) Obra poetica y textos en prosa, Barcelona, Critica, 1995, pp. 456, 469, 512).

(17) Eclogue 1.116-125.

(18) The Tagus river is also mentioned (Eclogue 2.528-532).

(19) Quotations from the Mosella are from Gruber's edition, op. cit. Gruber uses the reading saxis in v. 20, while Green and other editors (R. P. H. GREEN, The Works of Ausonius, Oxford, Clarendon P, 1991; Alvar Ezquerra, op cit.; A. Pastorino, Ausonio: Opere, Torino, UTET, 1971) have ripis.

(20) GRUBER ad. 20; O'DALY, op. cit., p. 147 (also for n. 21 below).

(21) GRUBER ad. 21f., 22 points to Aen. 7.30 and 8.31, where the Tiber is called amoeno, and to Aen. 8.90 for the rumor.

(22) adde tot egregias urbes operumque laborem, tot congesta manu praeruptis oppida saxis fluminaque antiquos subter labentia muros.

Georg. 2: 155-157

Ausonius comes even closer to his imitation of these lines later, when he promises another poem on the Moselle (Mos. 454-455).

(23) Mos. 33-34, 245, 333. The river's flow is called segnius in Mos. 44, and leni in Mos. 61.

(24) The theme of the river and its relation to Trier is also mentioned in Ausonius' catalogue of cities, the Ordo urbium nobilium, in which the Moselle is depicted gliding past the walls of the city:

lata per extentum procurrunt moenia collem: largus tranquillo praelabitur amne Mosella ....

(vv. 32-33)

The text of Ausonius' works outside the Mosella are from the edition of Green.

(25) See A. La PENNA, "Il lusus poetico nella tarda antichita: il caso di Ausonio," in A. Momigliano (ed.), Storia di Roma, vol. 3, L'eta tardoantica, pt. 2, I luoghi e le culture, Turin, Einaudi, 1993, pp. 735-736. See also, with a different emphasis, S. SCHRODER, "Das Lob des Flusses als strukturierendes Moment im Moselgedicht des Ausonius", RhM, n.f., 141, 1998, 45-91.

(26) All quotations from Garcilaso are from the edition of B. MORROS, op. cit.

(27) F. DE HERRERA, Anotaciones a la poesia de Garcilaso, ed. Inoria Pepe and Jose Maria Reyes, Madrid, Catedra, 2001, pp. 864-865. Herrera later cites a saying to explain the torres levantadas of v. 1051: "Alva de Tormes, segun el refran, es baxa de muros i alta de torres" (op. cit., p. 918).

(28) Rime 137.10.

(29) Aen. 88-89.

(30) See J. M. RODRIGUEZ GARCIA, "Epos delendum est: The Subject of Carthage in Garcilaso's A Boscan desde 'La Goleta", Hispanic Review, 66, 1998, 151-170.

(31) Especially if the reading saxis in v. 20 is maintained.

(32) Other references to buildings on the banks: Mos. 283-286 (where the river flows between them); Mos. 367-370 (of a tributary of the Moselle); and Mos. 480-481 (more generally, the Rhone flowing through Arles).

(33) See n. 22. See O'DALY, loc. cit., pp. 147-150, on how this and other passages in the Mosella are an attempt to connect the Moselle valley to Vergil's Italy as depicted in the Georgics.

(34) In GALLEGO MORELL, op. cit., pp. 654-655 (Tamayo de Vargas' commentary was originally published in 1622).

(35) See A. RAMAJO CANO, "Notas sobre el topico de laudes (alabanzas de lugares): algunas manifestaciones en la poesia aurea espanola", Bulletin Hispanique, 105, 2003, 108-109.

(36) GREEN, "Man and Nature", pp. 303-304, notes that Menander Rhetor counsels that rivers should be mentioned in the praise of cities, without advocating that they be the object of praise.


Pintado el caudaloso rio se via, que, en aspera estrecheza reducido, un monte casi alrededor cenia, con impetu corriendo y con ruido; querer cercarlo todo parecia ...

(vv. 201-05)

Garcilaso also depicted the Tagus encircling Toledo in the Latin Ode to Telesio: "iam amatis moenibus inclitae / non urbis, amnis quam Tagus aureo / nodare nexu gesti ... " (17-19). Note the moenia, used to refer to cities passed by the river several times in the Mosella (see GRUBER ad. 24).

(38) E. L. RIVERS, "The Pastoral Paradox of Natural Art", MLN, 77, 1962, 140; see also A. Egido, "El tejido del texto en la Egloga III de Garcilaso", in J. M. Diez Borque, L. Ribot Garcia (eds.) Garcilaso y su epoca: del amor y la guerra, Madrid: Sociedad Estatal de Conmemoraciones Culturales, 2003, p. 196.

(39) Garcilaso also mentioned the device in his Latin Ode to Telesio: "... fluentem divitiis Tagum, / num prata gyris uvida roscidis...." (vv. 69-70).

(40) C. NEWLANDS, "Naturae Mirabor Opus: Ausonius' Challenge to Statius in the Mosella", TAPA, 118, 1988, 403-419, has the best discussion of this passage, though in her view Ausonius comes down in favor of nature as against human attempts to better the landscape. For other approaches to this dichotomy in the Mosella, see R. P. H. Green, "Man and Nature in Ausonius' Moselle", ICS, 14, 1989, 303-315; R. TAYLOR, "Death, the Maiden, and the Mirror: Ausonius's Water World", Arethusa, 42, 2009, 181-205.; O. FUOCO, "Tra rivelazione e illusione: la natura nella Mosella di Ausonio", BStudLat, 23, 1993, 329-358.; R. MANDILE, Tra mirabilia e miracoli: paesaggio e natura nella poesia latina tardoantica, Milan, LED, 2011, pp. 37-38; and the influential study by C. M. TERNES, "Paysage reel et coulisse idyllique dans la Mosella d'Ausone", in Etudes ausoniennes. III. Etudes Luxembourgeoises d'Histoire & de Litterature Romaines, 4, Luxembourg, Centre Alexandre-Wiltheim, 2002, pp. 31-50.

(41) The most complete discussion of these parallels is in NEWLANDS, loc. cit.

(42) Rime 148. See also Rime 208, addressed to the Rhone, in which the river has the power to reach Laura while the poet does not. See G. GUNTERT, "Petrarca: intorno ai sonetti dei fiumi" in V. Caratozzolo and G. Guntert (eds.), Petrarca e i suoi lettori, Ravenna: Longo, 2000, pp. 79-89. For these themes in the Spanish context, see E. Amann, "Poems that Flow: The River Motif in the Spanish Petrarchan Tradition," Neophilologus, 98, 2014, 241-257.

(43) "Che gia mentre quelli versi durarono, mi parea fermamente essere nel bello e lieto piano che colui dicea, e vedere il placidissimo Sebeto, anzi il mio napolitano Tevere, in diversi canali discorrere per la erbosa compagna, e poi tutto inseme raccolto passare soavemente sotto le volte d'un picciolo ponticello, e senza strepito alcuno congiungersi col mare. Ne mi fu picciola cagion di focosi sospiri lo intender nominare Baie e Vesuvio, ricordandome de' diletti presi in cotali luoghi. Coi quali ancora mi tornaro a la memoria i soavissimi bagni, i maravigliosi e grandi edifici, i piacevoli laghi, le dilettose e belle isolette, i sulfurei monti, e con la cavata grotta la felice costiera di Pausilipo, abitata di ville amenissime e soavemente percossa de la salate onde" (Arcadia, Prosa 11, in Jacopo Sannazaro, Arcadia, Francesco Erspamer (ed.), Milan, Mursia, 1990. p. 193). This is similar to the depiction of the Sebeto in Garcilaso's Latin Ode to Telesio, where the only building mentioned is the tomb of Vergil (15-17), in contrast to Toledo and its moenia encircled by the Tagus (see above, n. 37). Sannazaro himself later points to the modest flow of the Sebeto when he refers to its "picciole onde" and calls it the "amato fiumicello" (Arcadia, Prosa 12, p. 219).

(44) See the review of the debate in SIVAN, op, cit., pp. 107-108.

(45) See the comments of M. ROBERTS, "The Mosella of Ausonius: An Interpretation", TAPA, 114, 1984, 353. Ausonius later praised Bordeaux and its rivers in the Ordo urbium nobilium (128-69). As commentators note, it is the longest entry in the Ordo, reflecting Ausonius' affection for his native city.

(46) As he calls it in another composition, it is the "el patrio, celebrado y rico Tajo" (Sonnet 24.12). As VAQUERO SERRANO notes (op. cit., p. 99), at this time the adjective patrio referred to the town or region, not the country, of one's birth.

(47) For Garcilaso and the patria chica, see J. A. MARAVALL, "Garcilaso: entre la sociedad caballeresca y la utopia renacentista", in V. Garcia de la Concha (ed.), Garcilaso: Actas de la IV Academia Literaria Renacentista, Salamanca, U. de Salamanca, 1986, p. 15.

(48) For this idea, see A. K. G. PATERSON, "Ecphrasis in Garcilaso's Egloga Tercera", Modern Language Review, 72, 1977, 88, and Lojo de Beuter, loc. cit., 24-26.

(49) The letter by Symmachus is 1.14 (reproduced in Gruber's commentary, p. 280). The text by Sa de Miranda is the eclogue Nemoroso, vv. 505-07: "Alzaste el tu Toledo; / Correr mas claro hiziste / El grande Tajo al mar Oceano" (text in C. MICHAELIS DE VASCONCELLOS [ed.], Poesias de Francisco de Sa de Miranda, Halle, Max Niemeyer, 1885, p. 377; discussion in A. Roig, "L'eglogue 'Nemoroso' de Sa de Miranda, llanto por la mort de Garcilaso", in Gerard Lavergne, Jean-Louis Brau (eds.), Hommage a Nelly Clemessy, Nice, Publications de la Faculte des Lettres de Nice, 1993, vol. 2, p. 543.

(50) For a catalogue of the editions of Ausonius, see L. Desgraves, "Repertoire des editions imprimees des oeuvres d'Ausone (1472-1785)", in Ausone, humaniste aquitain, Bordeaux, Societe des bibliophiles de Guyenne, 1986, pp. 162, 164-165, 172, and 178. See also R. J. SCHOECK, "On the Editing of Classical Texts before Vinet: Early Printed Editions of Ausonius before 1580", in Stella P. Revard, Fidel Radle, Mario A. Di Cesare (eds.), Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Guelpherbytani, Binghamton, N.Y., Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies, 1988, pp. 137-139. For the influence of Ausonius in the Renaissance in general, see R. P. H. GREEN, "Ausonius in the Renaissance", in I. D. McFarlane (ed.), Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Sanctandreani, Binghamton, N.Y., Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies, 1986, pp. 579-585.

(51) Before the printed editions appeared, the textual history of Ausonius' oeuvre was a tangled one: his work was transmitted in three families of manuscripts, and the Mosella was contained in only one of these. For an overview, see H. L. FELBER, S. PRETE, "Decimus Magnus Ausonius", in F. E. Cranz, P.O. Kristeller (eds.), Catalogus Translationum et Commentariorum: Mediaeval and Renaissance Latin Translations and Commentaries; Annotated Lists and Guides, Vol. 4, Washington, D.C., Catholic U. of America P, 1980, pp. 196-198.

(52) An account of Sannazaro's discovery of the Ausonius manuscript is in C. VECCE, Iacopo Sannazaro in Francia: scoperte di codici all'inizio del XVI secolo, Padua, Antenore, 1988, pp. 56ff. (on Summonte's preface, pp. 57-58). I am omitting discussion of the elegy on the carpe diem theme variously known as "Ver erat" or "De rosis nascentibus" or "Collige, virgo, rosas"--long recognized as a source for Garcilaso's sonnet 23, "En tanto que de rosa y d'acuzena,"--since there have been doubts, in Garcilaso's time as well as the present, that the work is in fact by Ausonius.

(53) Mariangeli Accvrsii Diatribae [in Ausonium Ouidium Solinum], Romae, in aedibus Marcelli. Argentei, 1524. The text has been digitized by the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek and Google Books. I have consulted these editions as well as the copy held by Harvard University's Houghton Library.

(54) Charles V then made Germana viceroy of Valencia, and Johann its captain general. On Johann, see J. F. PARDO MOLERO, "Juan de Brandeburgo", in Diccionario biografico espanol, Madrid, Real Academia de la Historia, 2009, vol. 9, pp. 373-374.

(55) The manuscripts are MS O 125 Sup. and MS O 148 Sup. I was given access to copies of the former manuscript by Prof. Mayer i Olive. Among scholars who have used the MSS to reconstruct Accursio's movements, the first to be mentioned must be E. HUBNER, "Praefatio", to the Inscriptiones Hispaniae latinae, Berlin, G. Reimerum, 1869 (Vol. 2 of Corpus inscriptionum latinarum) pp. VII-VIN. See now also S. DESWARTE-ROSA, "Le voyage epigraphique de Mariangelo Accursio au Portugal, printemps 1527", in M. L. Berbara, K. A. E. Enenkel (eds.), Portuguese Humanism and the Republic of Letters, Leiden, Brill, 2012, pp. 19-111. For Accursio's activity in Catalunya, see X. DUPRE I RAVENTOS, "Mariangelo Accursio: un humanista italia a la Catalunya de principis del segle XVI", in Miscel-lania arqueologica a Josep M. Recasens, Tarragona, El Medol, 1992, pp. 45-56. For general information on Accursio, see A. CAMPANA, "Accursio (Accorso), Mariangelo", in Dizionario biografico degli italiani, Rome, Istituto della Enciclopedia italiana, vol. 1, 1960, pp. 126-132; M. Ma MORALEJO ORTEGA, "Mariangelo Accursio", in Diccionario biografico espanol, Madrid, Real Academia de la Historia, 2009, vol. 1, pp. 310-311; and FELBER, PRETE, op. cit., pp. 201-202 (with some information on the Diatribae).

(56) On Germanas arrival and accomodations, see VAQUERO SERRANO, op. cit., 256, and H. KENISTON, Garcilaso de la Vega: A Critical Study of His Life and Works, New York: Hispanic Society of America, 1922, p. 70.

(57) On Accursio in Valladolid: DESWARTE-ROSA, loc. cit., 64-67; Salvatore Massonio, writing in 1594, reports having seen a privilege granted by Charles V to Accursio from Valladolid on 15 March 1527 (S. Massonio, Dialogo dellorigine della citta dell'Aquila, Nell'Aquila, Appresso Isidoro, & Lepido Facij Fratelli, 1594 [reprint Bologna, A. Forni, 1980], 154). On Garcilaso in Valladolid: VAQUERO SERRANO, op. cit., 293.

(58) MS O 125 Sup. 218r; see HUBNER, op. cit., p. VIII.

(59) KENISTON, op. cit., p. 111 says that Garcilaso probably arrived in Ratisbona in "late March". Accursio had left Bologna for Germany with Carlos V: "Ex Bononia in Germaniam in comitatu Caesaris" (MS O 125 Sup. 35r). S. MASSONIO, op. cit., 153-154, in reporting another privilege granted by Charles V to Accursio, locates Accursio in Ratisbona during that time and also provides details of the relationship between the ruler and the humanist: "Fu Mariangelo tanto grato a Carlo Quinto, che quel Magnanimo Imperatore trattava con lui con ogni domestichezza, nella Corte del quale continouo la servitu sua trentatre anni, & hebbe dal detto Imperatore privilegio di familiarita insieme con Girolamo Accursio suo fratello, si come io ho veduto in un privilegio spedito in Ratisbona sotto il di 2. di Aprile 1532".

(60) On the meeting with Hurtado de Mendoza, see DESWARTE-ROSA, loc. cit., 59-60; on the possible meeting with Sa de Miranda, see S. DESWARTE-ROSA, "Le Rameau d'Or et de Science. F Ollandivs Apolini dicavit", Pegasus, 7, 2005, 44, n. 35.

(61) DESWARTE-ROSA, "Voyage", p. 49, though the location of the transfer cannot be determined.

(62) DESWARTE-ROSA, "Voyage", p. 100, who cites J. L. GONZALO SANCHEZ-MOLERO, La "Libreria rica" de Felipe II: estudio historico y catalogacion, San Lorenzo del Escorial, R.C.U. "Escorial-Ma. Cristina", 1998, p. 167. The copy of the Diatribae was bought for Phillip II in Medina del Campo in 1545 (P. FERRER, "Libranzas relativas al pago de los libros que Cristobal Calvete de Estrella, maestro de los pages del principe d. Felipe, compro en Salamanca y Medina del Campo, incluyendose el importe de su encuadernacion", Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos, 5, 1875, 268).

(63) DESWARTE-ROSA, "Voyage", p. 48.

(64) VAQUERO SERRANO, op. cit., p. 251.

(65) The commentary on the Mosella is at Diatribae H2v-I1v. The commentary on the praise of the Moselle (ad. Mos. 245) is on H4r.

(66) MS O 125 Sup. 202r; see DESWARTE-ROSA, "Voyage", p. 70.

(67) MS O 125 Sup. 207v-208r; see DESWARTE-ROSA, "Voyage", p. 91.

(68) MS O 125 Sup. 161r; see DUPRE I RAVENTOS, loc. cit., 48.

(69) MS O 125 Sup. 265r-265v; see H. GIMENO PASCUAL, "Mariangelo Accursio," Corpus inscriptionum latinarum II, Centro CIL II, Universidad de Alcala, Textos/Accursio.htm.

(70) The river as mirror is in an extensive simile in Mos. 222-239; Accursio comments on the passage in Diatribae H3v-H4r. The spring as mirror in Garcilaso is in Eclogue 1.175-78, and 240; and Eclogue 2.470-472. It is in this connection--the water as mirror--that I have found the only attempt to relate Garcilaso's eclogues to the Mosella: Francisco Cascales' Cartas filologicas, published in 1634 (ed. J. GARCIA SORIANO, Madrid, Espasa-Calpe, 1961, vol. 2, p. 27). I am currently developing this relationship between the artistic properties of the springs in Garcilaso and the water of Ausonius' Mosella in a separate essay.

(71) E. FOSALBA, "Implicaciones teoricas del alegorismo autobiografico en la egloga III de Garcilaso. Estancia en Napoles", Studia Aurea, 3, 2009, 57-59,; see also MAZZEI, loc. cit., 497-499.
COPYRIGHT 2015 Universidade de Lisboa. Centro de Estudos Classicos da Faculdade de Letras
No portion of this article can be reproduced without the express written permission from the copyright holder.
Copyright 2015 Gale, Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.

Article Details
Printer friendly Cite/link Email Feedback
Title Annotation:texto en ingles
Author:Carranza, Paul
Publication:Euphrosyne. Revista de Filologia Classica
Article Type:Ensayo
Date:Jan 1, 2015
Previous Article:Toponimia Hispano-Latina medieval (cronicas y documentos).
Next Article:Desengano y denuncia en los comentarios a los XXXI primeros salmos de Benito Arias Montano.

Terms of use | Privacy policy | Copyright © 2018 Farlex, Inc. | Feedback | For webmasters