The mozambiqueanisation of slaves embarking at Mozambiquean ports.
This trade in human merchandise lasted up until the first decade of the twentieth century. It was regarded as "legal" up until about 1854, and "illegal" after that, while a trade in workers known as "contracted freemen" was carried on between 1854 and 1892. (1) However, the distinction in this context between legal, illegal and contracted freeman workers did not exist in the societies that supplied this manpower. There the process of the abduction and export of their members was carried on in the same way. Following the abolition, attitudes in countries importing slaves might have changed slightly but the families of those who had been abducted were unaware of this and were unable to take advantage of it. In effect, this did not mean much to them, nor they did not benefit a great deal from it.
The growing demand for servile labour during the greater part of the eighteenth century and throughout the nineteenth century in what is now Mozambique and the neighbouring territories to the west led to a rise in the "production" of slaves and an increase in the range of types of servitude in local societies. It also led to the emergence of a new pattern of political division and a considerable reorganisation of the ethno-cultural map. All the ethnic groups and tribal units of the time and their respective family groups, above all to the north of the River Zambezi in the modern territory of Mozambique, were involved in the slave trade either as victims or abductors or both, as was generally the case. (2)
Edward Alpers, Jose Capela, and other historians have produced many studies of the slave trade which involved the embarkation in present-day Mozambique. These slave ports and other, illegal, points of embarkation have been identified. Lists have been drawn up of the ships involved in the trade, and figures have been compiled, statistical analyses carried out, and discussions conducted on the slave-based economy. Alpers, above all, is responsible for research on the African Diaspora in the Indian Ocean islands, which, in one way or another, enables one to gain an understanding of the African cultural legacy in the Creolisation of these islands' cultures. There also exists a small
number of studies dealing with the presence of Mozambiqueans in Brazil and other parts of the Americas where African slaves were taken.
There is, therefore, a wealth of information available on practices of slave acquisition on the Mozambiquean coast, as well as a vast body of information dealing with the horrific process by which slaves were transported by sea to distant lands. However, only recently, with the development of research on local history and anthropology in Mozambique, have we begun to acquire a more precise knowledge of the "organised" and "non-organised" ways in which people were captured for export as slaves. This process always involved violence being inflicted on local social groups.
The aims of this paper, based on the documents serving as source material for historians and on this researcher's own findings, are as follows:
1. To discuss designations of the origin of slaves embarking at ports in what is now Mozambique: designations that the caravan and entrepot slave traders attributed to them and which alluded to recurring place-names of the era, for example: Maravia, Sena, Sofala, Mocuba, Niassa (Nyassa), etc.; ethnonynmous designations used at the time by people other than the slaves, such as macua, ajaua, sena, maconde, etc.; and designations attributed at places of destination which related to the names of ports of embarkation, like: Inhambane, Mozambique (Island), Angoche, Sofala, Ibo, etc., and some of the above-mentioned ethnonyms.
2. To demonstrate that the slave trade carried on by the Portuguese, the Brazilians, and members of other nationalities at Mozambiquean ports had the effect of "Mozambiqueanising" the slaves, whatever their geographical or ethno-cultural origins might have been, including those who came from territories that lie beyond the present borders of Mozambique.
3. To show that, with the exception of geographical references, ethnonyms did not at the time have the same semantic meanings as those given to them today, and in the Diaspora terms such as "Masombiky" "Macoa" and "Yemvane" were essentially terms of African cultural appropriation in a Creole world, and not ethnic references.
To regard ethno-cultural spaces as long-term historical fixtures is to ignore the fact that ethnic groups grow, develop and die, and that those of present-day Mozambique (now in the process of nation-building) were the relatively recent creation of missionaries and administrators, anthropologists and historians, and more lately of those who seek access to power through ethnicity. Thus, it becomes possible to begin to solve the puzzle of political spaces in Mozambiquean territory over the long period during which the slave trade was carried on, but it is much more difficult to define the limits of ethno-cultural spaces.
Let us review some of the "ethnic" and geographical designations found by historians in documents dating from the time of the Portuguese, French, English and, less frequently, Dutch and German involvement. (3) Related to the current ethnonym, Macua, (4) one of the oldest words in Portuguese sources concerning Mozambique, we have: Makous, Macoa, Macoua, Maquoir, Macquois, Makua, etc. Likewise, related to the ethnonym, Ayao, (5) or in its traditional Portuguese version, Ajaua, we have: Monjavois, Monjavu, Moudjiavoua, Moudjavois, Moujoua, Machingas, Wayao, Achingoli, Amachinga, Wamwela, Amalemba or Wamlemba, Wamkula and Wanjese. Related to Senas, (6) we have: Micene, Missana, Mousena and Mnsena. Related to Maconde, we have: Andonde, Makonde, Matamwe, Mawia, Mwera, Mdonde and Vandonde; Related to Angoni, (7) we have: Maviti, Mafite, Mafita, Mapsita, Maxitu, Mangoni, Mankoni, Mandeleule, Magwangwara, Macuanguara, Mazitu, Mashitu and Majita. Finally, related to Lomues, we have: Boror, (8) etc. The list is huge.
Who used these names to designate the ethnic group and ethnicity of slaves? Was it slaves themselves on arrival at ports of embarkation? Or slaves themselves in captivity? Or caravan slave trade chiefs? Or local African elites and coastal slave traders? Or coastal slave traders and the international slave traders? Or finally, was it the masters of slaves in captivity? Coastal slave merchants, slave shippers and slave traders in countries of destination drew up lists classifying their human merchandise according to sex, age group, physical condition, geographical origin, and less frequently according to ethno-linguistic features.
When the last two factors are taken into consideration, they simply obey mercantile classificatory logic: such labels were used by coastal slave traders who, in turn, borrowed them from slave caravans or related such terms to them. This was because it was easier to designate a slave by the name of the continental slave caravan which had brought him or her to the coast than to draw up an ethno-linguistic inventory of captives. And even when there is documentary evidence pointing to the fact that slave traders captured people in their native lands, the normal violent desocialising practice was followed and captives were always treated as aliens, and were designated as such. What ethnic groups did slave traders belong to, and what groups were enslaved? Never, for example, did the Islamised coastal slave traders, Cotis (Akoti), Muanis (Wamwani), and Maharras (Anahara), use these names to designate local captives, but they were always known as "others", or "aliens", or a generic term, "macuas": that is, "savages" or "barbarians". Consequently, a slave could never claim to belong to a slave trader's "family", although the trader might be his or her uterine uncle, as sometimes was the case.
Let us examine some other examples: When the ethnonym Maconde appears in documents dating from the age of slavery, who exactly does it refer to? This term was used only by those who it is used to designate in Mozambique well into the twentieth century. After all, was the establishment of an ethno-cultural space on the plateaus of northeast Mozambique and south Tanzania not the outcome of people resisting and seeking refuge from the slave trade?
According to documentary evidence, Marave and/or Nyassa slaves were driven by slave traders to the Indian Ocean coast. We now know that these people came from a wide range of cultural backgrounds and ethnic groups but little is known about these groups. To conclude that they were Cheuas, Nianjas, and Nsengas, or came from other ethnic groups recognised today displays a lack of understanding of the historical process involved in the emergence of these groups.
The Chicundas (Atxikunda), the captive warriors of the Zambezi Valley, were, in the service of the lords of prazos, expert slave capturers. Their extremely heterogeneous origin meant that a range of ethnic groups developed from the Chicundas: the Asena in Sena, the Nyungues in Tete, the Chuwabos in Quelimane, the Podzo in the Lower Zambezi, and the Chicundas themselves in the Upper Zambezi: these are all ethnic groups which emerged as a result of the slave trade and the local use of the Chicundas by modern colonial capitalism.
In addition to their former and current socio-ethnological meaning, these and other eponyms refer both to ethnic groups and areas found in Mozambique today and the above-mentioned geographical names. All slaves who, whether on embarking at Mozambiquean ports or on disembarking at their destinations were labelled as coming from these ports, became "Mozambiqueans", even if they had come from territories which today lie outside the present borders of that country. (9)
The term "Diaspora" is normally applied to these people who were taken abroad as human merchandise, and to their descendants. This concept is used here extremely hesitantly and is not intended to mean the removal to a distant land, for whatever reason, of a people or a group whose identity was kept intact or who acquired over a period of time a specific identity integrating the memory of their previous identity. As used in this paper, the concept means only the geographical transposition, almost always by violent means, of people who in spite of themselves provided a contribution towards the formation of new identities, thereby losing most of their original sociocultural features. Therefore, in this sense, a Diaspora involving people from present-day Mozambique in the islands of the Indian Ocean cannot be said to have taken place, and much less a Diaspora involving such people in the Americas. What we have are island societies in the Indian Ocean with scant memory of their origins, societies formed from several African cultural sources. These influences were brought there by the thousands of people who would later come to be known as "masombiky" or "makua", among others. According to Edward Alpers, "although the African Diaspora in the Indian Ocean has quite deep roots and is not wholly the result of the slave trade, it was the slave trade and the forced migration during most of the eighteenth century and throughout the nineteenth century that created the African island communities'. (10)
Let us examine some aspects of this memory: The "beach tongues" or Kiswahili of Mozambique had (and still have) features in common with Comorean languages. According to Marie-Francoise Rombi, many of the songs still sung today on the island of Mayotte, in the Seychelles, during the narration of a folk story have the form and literary texture typical of the era when they were taken there by slaves. The Mozambiquean linguist, Jose Mateus Katupa, who worked with Rombi, found that many of these songs were sung in north Mozambiquean languages. (11)
In Madagascar, the hierarchical character of Malagasy society was a politically sensitive matter: slaves' descendants were themselves regarded as slaves. This is a subject only very recently been broached by Malagasy intellectuals. For those of East African origin in Madagascar, who were referred to by the Malagasies as "Mosambika" and "Makoa" their slave status and African origin were closely linked, and the stigma has persisted to the present day. (12) The so-called "Makoa" Mozambiquean communities in Madagascar have preserved their African ancestral habits until very recently, mainly in Ngazidja and Maintirano. (13) Noel Gueunier suggests that "at least some of the 'Makoas' around Maintirano claim to have come to Madagascar in the nineteenth century as merchants and not as slaves". (14) This point would be easier to confirm if clearer evidence of African culture had been recorded, which does not seem to have been the case. Molet found that the ethnological identification of the "makoa" is relatively clear: (15) it refers to Africans who had been transported mostly to Madagascar at the time of the slave trade and who gradually put down roots on that island after the abo lition of slavery on 20 June 1877 and the enforcement of abolition in 1897. The power of the popular conscience maintained in their memory the connection with Africa. (16) Anthropologically speaking, the "Makoa" are Negroes with frizzy or 'pepper-corn' hair who became Malagasy speakers. In the islands of Sainte-Marie and Nosy-Be, Sambirano, and at Cape Saint-Sebastien, a few African words were still used, and many original vestiges of Old Africa were preserved in their music, customs, and material culture, at least up until the 1950s. In spite of a great deal of miscegenation, the fact that these people belong to African stock is visible in the lines of their faces, their stature, their hair, etc., and the oldest among them claimed, in 1950, to be masombiky, that is, they recognised their non-Malagasy originI7 (author's italics).
Edward Alpers (18) also found that the "Makoa" tended to live in villages which were some distance from neighbouring Malagasy villages, even after their emancipation in 1877. This situation led to the emergence of two main areas for the concentration of settlement, around Nosy-Be and around Tambohorano, between the Sakalavas, and in more isolated settlements in Imerina. The fact that the different groups live in different villages seems to have facilitated the preservation of the "Makoa" language, at least up until the 1920s, when many "Makoa" gave up teaching the language to their children as the desire grew to belong to Malagasy society, although this pro cess has not been either easy or complete. Even where the "Makoa" have achieved complete integration, their status as the descendants of slaves has created barriers that have been difficult to overcome. For example, in one community living near the national capital, which provided stonemasons for the construction of palaces in the nineteenth century, the "Makoa" constitute only a quarter of the population and they have been more or less forced to continue to marry endogamously, although one of their members has been chosen a regional elected representative. Such restrictions mean that certain African characteristics are still visible to the naked eye and con stitute an obstacle to total social integration. Besides this, the Malagasy name by which the "Makoa" or "Mosambiky" are known is "Zazamanga" a term that reinforces the separation between the two groups, since "zaza" means child and "manga" means blue: the Malagasy way of designating the African Negro. (19) The most surprising problem is the heavy burden borne by the "Makoa" as they continue to speak both local languages, Malagasy and "Makoa". (20) It is evident from this that the Malagasy society is highly stratified, and the use of "Makoa" operates to the disadvantage of the Africans in Madagascar; even in the Sakalava region the existence of a collection of stories among the "Makoa" and among the neighbouring Malagasy about each of the two groups is evidence of the existence of social distancing. (21) Thus, the degree of preservation of African culture varies, but during the last twenty years researchers have had success in collecting folk stories and words in "Makoa" from the oldest members of the population. (22) Finally, a different type of African awareness exists on the island of Nosy-Be, where the Negro population is poetically known in Kiswahili as "Maganja" a term which probably comes from Lake Nyassa, and probably gave rise, via slaves, to the largest stock of African blood on the island. (23) It is clear that the eponyms "makoa" and "maganja" more properly designate possible African and Mozambiquean origins than specific ethnicities.
In 1835, the number of slaves in the Seychelles was estimated at 6,521, distributed according to their origin as follows: Mozambiques: 3,924; Creoles: 2,231; Malagasies: 282; Indians: 38; Malays: 3; and of unknown origin: 43. The total population of the archipelago at the time was 7,500, which means that the number of non-slaves did not even reach 500. (24) From 1861 to 1870, about 2,500 African freed slaves in other Indian Ocean islands were transported to the Seychelles. Thanks to this additional manpower, the agricultural system in the archipelago was transformed, with the growth of the coconut-tree plantations that became the main source of the islands' prosperity. In 1871, Seychelles was able to request that Mauritius cease to responsible for its administration and assert its demand for independence as well as press at the same time for an increased influx of African freed slaves. (25) The fact that the Seychelles had such a small population from such diverse points of origins meant that the "Mozambiqueans" were unable to maintain their languages and cultures. Even so, in the 1970s there still was talk of ancestors who were macondes, macuas, and maraves. We have seen how these words were understood at the time of the slave trade, and that only thirty or forty years ago they had a different ethnological meaning. (26)
At the time of slavery in the Seychelles, as in the other Indian Ocean islands, slaves would sometimes flee the plantations and their masters' houses and seek freedom in the depth of the forests or in remote places with difficult access. Slaves who achieved freedom in this way, the only possible way, were designated throughout the Indian Ocean islands as marrons, and the phenomenon of escape to freedom in such a way by the term marronage. (27) It was essentially these communities of the kilombo that recreated their African identities.
The situation in the Mascarene Islands (Mauritius and Reunion) was as follows: as slaves disembarked in the Mascarene Islands they were distributed among the various plantation-owners. This prevented them from constituting communities of people with the same origins large enough to keep alive their respective languages and cultures and transmit these to succeeding generations. This is certainly one of the reasons why few cultural vestiges of present-day ethnic Mozambique identity are to be found there. There are trade records which show that, in the particular case of the "Mozambiqueans", most slaves originally came from matrilineal societies in the north of the country. Now, in these societies the principle of unilateral filiation is defined by the female line and the transmission of knowledge from the ancients and the transmission of culture was carried out, as it still is today, by female members of the family. In captivity the probability of a man marrying a woman of the same cultural origin was small, so the constitution of groups organised in accordance with ethnic tradition was practically impossible. Descendants, who were also slaves, were socialised within a local culture which was extremely heterogeneous, although the mother was the basic motor for cultural transmission.
In 1787, the population of Mauritius was estimated at 40,439 inhabitants, of which 33,832 were slaves; by 1827, the total population had risen to 92,997, of which 68,962 were slaves. (28) In the second quarter of the nineteenth century, "Mosambiques" accounted for 40 to 45 percent of "slaves", while Malagasies made up 30 to 35 percent of this figure, and Hindus 10 to 15 percent. In 1834, Mauritius and the Seychelles together had a total population of about 70,000. In 1848, there were 60,000 slaves on the island of Reunion. However, these figures for the number of slaves are merely the tip of the iceberg as regards the number of individuals violently removed from their African societies. According to Filliot, of the 620 "Mozambiqueans" (sic!) who embarked in 1739 for the Mascarenhas, 360 died during the journey; between 1777 and 1808, the death rate was 21 percent of all slaves on board ships. (29) Like Gaetan Benoit, Filliot regards Mauritius as the graveyard for more than a million Africans during the period from when slavery began up until 1869. (30)
In about 1980, Mauritius had a population of about a million, of which more than two hundred thousand could claim to have come from Africa; (31) according to slave traders' inventories, some of the inhabitants were "masombiky" and others Maraves, Senas, Macondes, Makoas, Machonas and Yemvanes. (32)
There is also evidence that Africans and Malagasies in the Mascarene Islands were aware of their roots. In the 1840s, the French ethnographer and traveller, Eugene de Froberville, interviewed more than 300 natives of East Africa, of whom about fifty had recently left their homelands. In search of information about their customs and traditions, Froberville collected sixty masks and figurines. Fifty portraits were drawn of figures exhibiting the characteristic tattoos that these "races" liked to wear on their faces and bodies, and thirty-one words of their language were recorded. Among the people from whom this information was collected, there were Macuas, Niambanas, both from Mozambique, and Ngindos from the southern inland area of present-day Tanzania. (33) In the 1850s, a pioneer British missionary noted that freed slaves maintained superstitions and practiced the peculiar idolatrous rites of their native land, including respect for their ancestors. They used divinatory objects to foresee the future and they generally brought with them talismans known as grisgris. (34)
What has been stated in the latter part of this paper with regard to the concept of Diaspora shows that the search for identity appeals to a memory that goes back beyond the memory of the slave trade experience, and that the construction of identities involved the gradual adoption of the classificatory labels of the slave trade. It is the view of this writer that the participation of "Mosambiky" "Makoa", "Manhambanes" and others in the Diaspora demonstrates the fact that a process of "Mozambiqueanisation" took place, which began on the beaches of the western Indian Ocean between Rovuma and Incomati.
African Studies Unit (MESA), CIDEtiUS, Universidade de Evora
(1) Jose Capela and Eduardo Medeiros, O trafico de escravos para as Ilhas do Indico, 1720-1902 (Maputo: INLD/UEM, 1988).
(2) Eduardo Medeiros, As etapas da escravatura no norte de Mocambique, Col. Estudos, 04 (Maputo: Arquivo Historico de Mocambique, 1988).
(3) I have given full details on these researchers' publications in my papers on the problem of slavery in Mozambique and the Diaspora in the islands of the Indian Ocean (See Notes 1 and 2) but I include here a brief summary: James Duffy, A Question of Slavery, Labour Policies in Portuguese Africa and the British Protest, 1850-1920 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967); Edward A. Alpers, "The French Slave Trade in Eastern Africa, 1721-1810," Cahiers d' Etudes Africaines (Paris) 10 (37) (1970): 80-124; Edward A. Alpers, Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa. Changing Patterns of International Trade to the Late Nineteenth Century (London: Heinemann, 1975); Edward A. Alpers, Forced Migration: The Impact of the Export Slave Trade on African Societies (London: Hutchinson University Library for Africa, 1982); Edward A. Alpers, "Flight to Freedom: Escape from Slavery among Bonded Africans in the Indian Ocean World, c. 1750-1962," Slavery and Abolition, 24 (2) (August 2003): 51-68; Nancy J. Hafkin, Trade, Society and Politics in Northern Mozambique, 1753-1913 (Boston: Boston University School, 1973); R. W. Beachey, The Slave Trade of Eastern Africa (London: Rex Collings, 1976); William G. Clarence-Smith, The Economics of the Indian Ocean Slave Trade in the Nineteenth Century (London: Frank Cass, 1989); Malyn Newitt, A History of Mozambique (London: Hurst & Company, 1995); Allen Isaacman and Barbara Isaacman, Slavery and Beyond: The Making of Men and Chikunda Ethnic Identities in the Unstable World of South-Central Africa, 1750-1920 (Portsmouth: Heinemann, 2004); Edward A. Alpers, Benigna Zimba, and Allen Isaacman, eds., Slave Routes and Oral Tradition in Southeastern Africa (Maputo: Filsom Entertainment, Lda., 2005).
Jose Capela, As burguesias portuguesas e a abolicao do trafico da escravatura, 1810-1842 (Porto: Afrontamento, 1979 and 1992); Jose Capela, "O trafico de escravos nas relacoes Mocambique-Brasil," Historia: Questoes e Debates (Curitiba), 9 (16) (1988): 187-92; Jose Capela , "O problema da escravatura nas colonias portuguesas," in Luis de Albuquerque, ed., Portugal no Mundo, vol. 6 (Lisbon: Publicacoes Alfa, 1989); Jose Capela, As burguesias portuguesas e a abolicao do trafico da escravatura, 1810-1842 (Porto: Edicoes Afrontamento, 1992); O Escravismo colonial em Mocambique, Col. As Armas e os Varoes, 12 (Porto: Edicoes Afrontamento, 1993); Donas, Senhores e Escravos, Col. As Armas e os Varoes, 14 (Porto: Edicoes Afrontamento, 1996); O trafico de escravos nos Portos de Mocambique (1733-1904) (Porto: Edicoes Afrontamento, 2002).
(4) Macua is the singular Portuguese noun (the plural is Macuas); in the standard dialect of these people, Emaakhuwa, the most recent term is Makhuwa (plural: Amakhuwa).
(5) Ayao = Yao (Yao being the singular form); Wayao = we Ayao.
(6) Portuguese terminology: Sena (plural Senas); in accordance with the Shisena language: Asena = the senas.
(7) Ethnonym derived from Mguni (Vanguni), the southern African ethno-linguistic complex.
(8) The term Bororo was at times used to indicate the Lomwe people of the Shire Valley; see G. T. Nurse, "The People of Bororo: The Lexicostatistical Enquiry," in B. Pacha, ed., The Early History of Malawi (London: Longman, 1975), 123-35.
(9) In 1875, an English admiral estimated at 200,000 the number of Mozambiqueans that lived in the highlands of Madagascar (Jose Capela, "Mentalidade escravista em Mocambique, 1837-1900," Cadernos de Historia (Maputo) 2 (1985): 29).
(10) Edward A. Alpers, "Recollecting Africa: Diasporic Memory in the Indian Ocean World," paper presented at the conference 'African Diaspora Studies on the Eve of the 21st Century," Department of African American Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 30 April 30-2 May 1998, 2.
(11) Marie Francoise Rombi, Le shimaore (Ile de Mayotte, Comores). Premiere approche d'um parler de la langue Comorienne, Langues et Cultures Africaines, 3 (Paris: SELAF, 1983).
(12) Alpers, "Recollecting Africa," citing Michel Razafiarivony, "Les zazamanga d'Antanetibe Ambato: De la servitude a la lutte continue pour la reconnaissance reelle," Fanadevozana ou esclavage. Colloque international sur l'esclavage a Madagascar (Antananarivo: Institut de Civilisations, Musee d'Art et Archeologie, 1996), 548-9; Malanjaona Rakotomalala and Celestin Razafimbelo, "Le probleme d'integration sociale chez les Makoa de l'Antsihanaka," Omaly sy Anio 21-22 (1985): 93-113; Lesley A. Sharp, The Possessed and the Dispossessed: Spirits, Identity, and Power in a Madagascar Town (Berkeley: Hardcover, 1993), 59, 68, 77.
(13) Pierre Verin, "Les sequelles de l'esclavage aux Comores et a Madagascar, 150 ans apres la premiere abolition dans l'Ocean Indien," communication at the International Seminar on Slavery in the South-west Indian Ocean, Mahatma Gandhi Institute, Maka-Mauritius, 26 February to 2 March, 1985. See also L. Molet, "Quelques contes Mokoa e Antaimoro," Bulletin de l'Academie Malgaxe 33 (1955): 29-31.
(14) Noel Gueunier, "Documents sur la langue makhuwa a madagascar et aux Comores (fin XIXe-debut XXe siecles)," Fanadevozana ou esclavage, cited by Alpers, "The African Diaspora," 9.
(15) Luc Molet, "Presence d'elements makoa a Sainte-Marie de Madagascar," L'Academie Bulletin Malagasy 53 (30) (1951): 29-31.
(16) Alpers, "The African Diaspora," II.
(17) Alpers, "The African Diaspora," II.
(18) Alpers, "The African Diaspora," 13-4.
(19) Razafiarivony, "Les Zazamanga d'Antanetibe Ambato," 548-59.
(20) Malanjaona Rakatomalala and Celestin Razafimbelo, "Le probleme d'integration sociale chez les Makoa de l'Antsihanaka," Omaly sy Anio 21-22 (1985): 93-113.
(21) Narivelo Rajaonarimanana, "Les parents a plaisanterie des Makoa," Etudes Ocean Indien 8 (1987): 119-23.
(22) Noel Gueunier, Contes de la cote ouest de Madagascar (Antananarivo and Paris: Karthala, 2000); "Histoire du peuple" (les gens qu'on avait vendus comme esclaves), recit enregistre en avril 1977 par M. Schrive a Mandrosomiadana pres de Sajoavato (DiegoSuarez)," personal paper.
(23) Noel Gueunier. "Les poemes de Maulidi Manganja: Poemes swahili recueillis a NosyBe," Bulletin des Etudes africaines de l'Inalco 3 (6) (1983): 7-76.
(24) Jean-Michel Filliot, ed., Histoire des Seychelles (Victoria: Ministere de l'Education et de l'Information, 1982).
(25) Huguette Ly-Tio-Fane Pinco, "Apercu d'une immigration forcee: L'importation d'africains liberes aux Seychelles, 1840-1880," Institut d'Histoire des Pays d'Outre-Mer, Univ. de Provence, Minorites et gens de mer en Ocean Indien, XIX e XX siecles, Etudes et Documents, no. 12 (Semanque: Institut d'Histoire des Pays d'Outre-Mer, Univ. de Provence, 1979), 7384.
(26) See the work of the ethnologist and administrator, Antonio Rita-Ferreira, in the late 1950s and 1960s: Agrupamento e Caracterizacao Etnica dos Indigenas de Mocambique (Lisbon: Junta de Investigacoes do Ultramar, 1958); Bibliografia Etnografica de Mocambique (Lisbon: Junta de Investigacoes do Ultramar, 1962); and Os Cheuas da Macanga (Lourenco Marques: Memorias do Instituto de Investigacao Cientifica de Mocambique, 8 (Serie C), 1966).
(27) According to the French researcher, Jean-Michel Filliot, the word "marron" which in turn comes from the Castillian "cima", meant "wood" and the domestic animals that sought refuge in it (Histoire des Seychelles, 60).
(28) Huguette Lu-Tio-Fane Pinco, "Food Production and the Plantation Economy of Mauritius," paper presented at the "International Seminar on Slavery in the South-West Indian Ocean," Mahatma Gandhi Institute, Maka-Mauritius, 26 February-2 March 1985.
(29) Jean-Michel Filliot, "La traite vers l'lle de France-Les contraintes maritimes," paper presented at the "International Seminar on Slavery in the South-West Indian Ocean," Mahatma Gandhi Institute, Maka-Mauritius, 26 February-2 March 1985.
(30) Caetan Benoit, "The Afro-Mauritius-Ar Essay. Moka, Mauritius, Mahatma Gandhi Institute, 1985-59," paper presented at the "International Seminar on Slavery in the SouthWest Indian Ocean," Mahatma Gandhi Institute, Maka-Mauritius, 26 February-2 March 1985.
(31) Benjamin Moutou, "Tares et sequelles de l'esclavage a l'lle Maurice et a l'ile Rodrigues," paper presented at the "International Seminar on Slavery in the South-West Indian Ocean," Mahatma Gandhi Institute, Maka-Mauritius, 26 February-2 March 1985.
(32) Sadasivam Reddi, "Aspects of the British Administration," paper presented at the "International Seminar on Slavery in the South-West Indian Ocean," Mahatma Gandhi Institute, Maka-Mauritius, 26 February-2 March 1985.
(33) Eugene de Froberville, "Notes sur les moeurs, coutumes et traditions des amakoua, sur le commerce et la traite des esclaves dans l'Afrique orientale," Bulletin de la Societe de Qeographie 3 (8) (1847): 311-29; "Notes sur les Va-Ngindo, et tribus negres begayeurs au nord de la cafrerie," Bulletin de la Societe de Qeographie 4 (3) (1852): 425-43, 517-19.
(34) Patrick Beaton, Creoles and Coolies; or, Five Years in Mauritius, 2nd ed. (Port Washington and London: Kennikat Press, 1971 [Ist ed. 1859]), 78, 79-80, cited in Alpers, "The African Diaspora," 16.
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|Title Annotation:||Research Articles|
|Publication:||Portuguese Studies Review|
|Article Type:||Author abstract|
|Date:||Jan 1, 2009|
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