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The marginalization of Maori women.

Colonialism

New Zealand was annexed at a period when ideologies of the 'superiority' of particular races over others were very influential. In particular, notions of the development and evolution of races provided major theoretical foundations from which Maori were viewed. Two clear philosophies existed in relation to the evolutionary process. The first was the ideas advocated by the Church and the notion of 'divine' order. Writings from the bible were used to justify in more than one country the belief that the 'black man' was placed on this earth to serve the 'white man', and that it was the prerogative of the 'white man' to rule. Growing out of these beliefs were a number of systemic philosophies which enforced the taken-for-granted positionings of whites over 'inferior' blacks. These beliefs further maintained the conceptions of the second philosophy of the evolutionary process, Charles Darwin's 'Natural Selection' process, in which his "studies of the natural world were used to support the development of the notion that natural selection provided an explanation for the social order of human beings."(1) In time, humans were categorised according to their levels of development that were presumed to be indicative of the evolutionary process and civilisation. In these belief systems, Maori were located within the lower ranks of the hierarchies.

Iris Marion Young has stated(2) that difference not only conceives of social groups as mutually exclusive, categorically opposed, and in terms of Other, but also in terms of one occupying a superior position.

The meaning of difference submits to the logic of identity. One group occupies the position of norm, against which all others are measured. The attempt to reduce all persons to the unity of common measure constructs as deviant those whose attributes differ from the group-specific attributes implicitly presumed in the norm. The drive to unify the particularity and multiplicity of practices, cultural symbols, and ways of relating in clear and distinct categories turns difference into exclusion.(3)

Differences for Maori, therefore, were not only in terms of colour and 'civility', but were also applied to support the positions of Maori into localities of inferiority. Beliefs about racial differences became influential in maintaining the superior/inferior relationship. By virtue of biological transmission, each group was designated as having distinctive attributes and dominant groups as sharing no attributes with those defined as Other.(4) This is a particularly problematic idea in that worthwhile and "valued" characteristics are attributed solely to those of the dominant group.

In New Zealand, the ways in which 'difference' and 'race' have been defined has significantly contributed to how Maori are perceived, the ways in which Maori knowledge, language and culture have been constructed, and the ways in which Maori have been treated - according to their 'differences', differences which are negative and which have their roots in colonial rule and racial discourses.

The Notion of Race

'Race' is defined differently within differing contexts resulting in its definition being contested and challenged. The use of the term is highly problematic. David Pearson points out that the meaning of race has changed considerably over time; from being a term used to classify plants, animals and persons of common lineage,(5) race was then constructed to include ideas that described the biological transmission of 'physical/psychological and cultural characteristics'.(6) This latter construction has also contributed to and supports racial hierarchies that endorse the supremacy of particular 'races' over Other 'races'. Furthermore, the difference between 'races' is seen as an unchangeable position. In fact, Wetherell and Potter argue, such differences are social constructions:

Ideology works in the main by confusing the social with the natural, mistaking surface appearances, skin colour and other physical characteristics, the phenomenal forms of social relations, for the essential underlying causes. Thus . . . New Zealand's intergroup problems [are seen as] natural racial differences, whereas Miles would argue that the real causes of current conflicts lie in the economic and political organisation of New Zealand society.(7)

Misconceptions about race, about the physical differences and the psychological and cultural characteristics which presumably affect the performance of particular groups, are still widely based in New Zealand. Maori are constructed in opposition to Pakeha, a constructed duality which predominantly locates Maori in deviant and inferior locations. That the construction of dualities is very much a part of a relationship associated with dominance and subordination, what Martin Marger refers to as "power-conflicts."(8) Power-conflicts are about the unequal "power" associated with the position of subordinate groups. In this relationship, subordinate groups pursue their interests from a position of "power deficiency"; therefore, their interests and aspirations are generally ignored or reinterpreted according to the beliefs of the dominant group. The differences between Maori and Pakeha have been exacerbated by the fact that Pakeha have control over the context in which changes can take place for Maori. Difference is defined for Maori, not in terms of unequal power-relations, or unequal social, economic and political positions, but in terms for Maori which emphasise only language and culture.

What has come to 'count' as 'difference' are those differences which distinguished Maori from Pakeha; that is, physical characteristics, the language and the culture. Although the struggle for Maori in terms of their differences has often been defined beth historically and contemporarily in terms of perceived racial characteristics, these beliefs have played a major part in how Maori are viewed today.

Difference and Gender

Young's analysis from gender is particularly useful for highlighting the position of 'otherness' and difference.(9) She contends that the classifications between men and women are based on the superior/inferior hierarchy emphasising the mind-body dichotomy in which women are positioned as the Other group. Josette Feral takes this position one step further and suggests that women do not merely become the Other, but become his Other, and end up getting caught in the endless and enduring circle of his representation.(10) The point that both Young and Feral are making is that women are not only portrayed in opposing positions to men, but also in positions where men are not. "Men are rational, women emotional, men are rule-bound contractors, women are caretakers, men are right-brainers, women are left-brainers,"(11) and so on and so on. These dichotomies have traditionally helped to legitimise the exclusion of women from privileged male places.

Throughout New Zealand's history, women were treated differently from men because the colonists brought with them specific ideas about the roles and positions that women should occupy. These roles were predominantly linked to Victorian ideas about possession. For Maori women and girls, the disestablishment of their own power-bases both historically and contemporarily, can be directly linked back to colonial rule. Pakeha men dealt with Maori men. The roles proffered for Maori women were mainly those of servitude, as either maidservants for Pakeha households or "good wives and mothers" for Maori men.

What has been shown so far is that the position of difference for Maori is one that is identified and controlled by Pakeha. The saying that we as Maori women are more disadvantaged because of compounded oppression associated with being woman and being Maori, is true - this is our reality. Maori girls and women have been made invisible through being written out of historical accounts. Colonisation has had, and continues to have a major impact on the ways in which Maori women's realities are constructed. For Maori women there have evolved colonial discourses based within ideological constructions of race and gender which serve to define Maori women in line with particular roles, expectations and practices based in ideologies of both racial and sexual inferiority. The colonial discourses that espoused hierarchical social ordering in terms of race and sex impacted more than twofold on the position of Maori women, and in particular on the ways in which Maori women were perceived by early colonial settlers and the colonial administration.

A range of colonial mechanisms operated to marginalise Maori women on the basis of their race and gender. Maori women were viewed as 'savages' and 'sexual objects', in situations that were often misinterpreted by Pakeha people. An example cited by Anne Salmond in Two Worlds outlines the eurocentric perceptions placed on events and actions involving Maori women:

The red ochre and oil which generally was fresh and wet upon their cheeks and foreheads [was] easily transferable to the noses of any one who should attempt to kiss them; not that they seemed to have any objection to such familiarities as the noses of several of our people evidently shewed, but they were as great coquettes as any European could be and the young ones as skittish as unbroke fillies.(12)

According to Salmond, Banks "greatly enjoyed his love affairs in Tahiti" and so may have assumed that sex would be available in Aotearoa. Such an assumption could be read into the reference of Maori women as flirtatious (coquettes, skittish and akin to 'unbroke fillies'), all of which hold strong sexual reference. Furthermore, Banks defines the actions of Maori women in line with his own cultural assumptions, and his own sexual fascinations, and therefore fails to take into account cultural intricacies of greeting processes, in particular the Hongi. A second example highlighted by Anne Salmond refers to an encounter between Maori women and Surville's French crew:

The women now approached the sailors 'making all the gestures that are not made especially not in public, going as far as drawing aside the bird skin that covers their nakedness and showing everything they have.' This behaviour was interpreted by the French as 'lasciviousness', but under the circumstances of extreme hostility it was more likely to have been the whakapohane, an expression of intense derision and contempt.(13)

What was seen by Surville and his crew was interpreted solely in terms of their own sexual codes and therefore the perceptions of Maori women presented by these men were constructed within their cultural expectations, through their definitions. What was, for the Maori women, a ritual encounter and a cultural expression of contempt, was written into 'western' history as an event which highlighted the 'native women' as lustful and sexually available.

The intersection of race and gender has for Maori women culminated in dominant oppressive ideologies providing complex assertions of inferiority. What is different is abnormal, inferior, subordinate to what is the norm. These assertions are further complicated by assimilatory agendas that espoused a sense of sameness but which, in practice, meant difference. Assimilation through the denial of Te Reo Maori and Tikanga was crucial in order for the colonial force to fully realise its agenda of social control, in turn, critical for the successful alienation of Maori land. Pakeha schooling was to play a key role in the assimilation process, and incorporated an 'attack' on Maori people that sought to deny Te Reo me nga Tikanga Maori, and replace them with particular types of Pakeha knowledge and practice. Validating the thrust of assimilation and social control was the assertion of the social ordering of races, which was expressed in statements such as the following made by early medical observer Arthur Thompson:

It was ascertained by weighing the quantity of millet seeds the skull contained and by measurements with tapes and compasses that New Zealanders [Maori] heads are smaller than the heads of Englishmen, consequently the New Zealander [Maori] are inferior in mental capacity. This comparative smallness of the brain is produced by neglecting to exercise the higher faculties of the mind, for as muscles shrink from want of use it is only natural that generations of mental indolence should lessen the size of the brains.(14)

The colonial discourse in relation to race was clearly one which located Maori people in an inferior position; hence, early settlers maintained a belief in their racial superiority that was to permeate all aspects of New Zealand society as the colonisers increased their dominance within the country. Discourses pertaining to race were the dominant ideological expressions of the time, however there also existed the less explicit gender assumptions. As the majority of the early visitors to Aotearoa were European men, they carded with them ideological beliefs pertaining to the roles and expectations of women; these beliefs, however, were based fundamentally in terms of their relationship to European women and in the colonial context extended to the incorporation of race ideologies with regard to Maori women. Colonial ideologies pertaining to women located them as chattels, as the property of men, and therefore of lesser status. Furthermore, Fry highlights the debate surrounding what was considered different levels of intelligence of women and men; this debate centred upon an attempt to construct ways of validating colonial ideologies of women's inferiority:

For many years, there had been fascination with theories concerning the different mental capacities of men and women. The 'cranium theory' which had set out to prove that women's brains were smaller, lighter and less convoluted than men's were now [1880s] out of date. More fashionable were the gynaecological theories which dwelt on the dangers of upsetting bodily functions in adolescence.(15)

There existed then two different rationales for the use and legitimation of cranium measuring techniques. One espoused the inferiority of Maori people, on the basis of race and racial characteristics, and this then served as justification for acts of cultural genocide and land confiscation. The second espoused the inferiority of women, on the basis of sex, this serving as justification for the denial of access to a range of spheres. Hence, for Maori women, the overall impact was a denial of crucial cultural aspects and a redefinition of their roles within Maori society.

Clearly the historical construction of what counts as difference has served, in terms of both race and gender ideologies, to place Maori women on the margins. The representations of Maori girls and women within these ideologies incorporated both gender and racial assumptions as framed within dominant belief systems, and provided the basis for the subjugation of Maori women. Hence the marginalised position of Maori women may be directly linked to the construction and maintenance of those discourses which locate Maori women as 'Other'. Glynnis Paraha has explored ideological themes which endorse European/Pakeha definitions of Maori women,(16) such as those of early European writers like J.L. Nicholas.

Though the savage does possess all the passions of nature, pure and unadulterated and though he may in many instances feel stronger and more acutely than the man of civilised habits still is he inferior to him in every other respect: the former is a slave to the impulse of his will, the latter has learned to restrain his desires; the former stands enveloped in the dark clouds of ignorance, the latter goes forth in the bright sunshine of knowledge; the former views the works of his creator through the medium of a blind superstition, the latter through the light of reason; the one beholds nature and is bewildered, the other clearly looks through nature up to nature's gods.(17)

Nicholas locates the 'savage' in binary opposition to those characteristics deemed necessary to the "man of civilised habits." Maori have been constructed within dominant discourses as being outside of, and other to the norm. Normality has been defined as synonymous with the dominant group.

Our differences as defined within dominant ideologies play a key factor in the ways in which we were, and are seen in Pakeha society. Discourses related to difference as a negative construct are not fixed, but rather shift in their articulation in order to continue to meet the needs of those who control their construction. That is, in order to serve the interests of those who define and control power within this country and internationally.

For Maori women seeking to engage with dominant ideologies, part of the problem is the continually shifting ground and the multiple representations of ideologies. Various institutions serve both to define and legitimate dominant discourses within Aotearoa, and Maori women struggle inside and outside organisations that are active in legitimating our oppression. Examination of some of the key historical events in the establishment of Pakeha schooling systems within Aotearoa provide a range of examples of the ways in which ideologies of race and gender intersect and how that intersection culminated in the marginalisation of Maori women and the denial of access to critical decision making processes.

Colonial discourses related to Maori girls and women have, on the whole, been constructed by Pakeha anthropologists, whose interpretations have been framed within both androcentric and eurocentric paradigms, as Linda Tuhiwai Smith notes:

Fundamental to Maori women's struggle to analyse the present has been the need to reconstruct the past conditions of Maori women. Those who first wrote about Maori society at the time of early contact between Maori and European were not Maori, neither were they female. Consequently, Maori women were either ignored or portrayed as wanton, amoral and undisciplined creatures. Maori society was portrayed as a hierarchy based on gender, and by being left out of the accounts, Maori women were portrayed as being excluded from participation and determining tribal policy.(18)

These frameworks then portrayed Maori women through a colonial gaze which was entrenched in a European patriarchal belief system and, therefore, the presentation of Maori women was located firmly within racist and sexist ideologies. According to Smith, Maori women belong to the group of women in the world who have been historically constructed as 'Other'. As women we have been defined in terms of our differences to men, as Maori we have been defined in regard to our differences to the coloniser. As Maori women we have been defined in terms of our differences to Maori men, Pakeha men and Pakeha women.(19)

Such a statement clearly articulates the complex relationships within which Maori women operate in the world and through which Maori women have been historically defined and constructed through colonial dualisms. As previously noted, these placed great emphasis on the constructed dualisms of 'savage' and 'civilised', 'heathen' and 'christian', 'immoral' and 'moral', and have served ultimately to validate the position of the dominant group.

The first schools established by the missionaries focused upon two key agendas, civilising and christianising Maori people. For Maori girls an integral part of those agendas was to ensure the internalisation of gender expectations.(20) Through the 1847 Education Ordinance, the Crown provided its support to the existing missionary schools by creating a national system of Native schools, whilst at the same time legitimating the structures and curriculum under missionary control. Governor George Grey viewed it as expedient to retain the existing system rather than establishing a totally new one.

As the first piece of legislation related directly to the development of a State system of schooling, the Education Ordinance may also be viewed as the first legislative expression of Pakeha male control of the system. Management of each school was placed in the hands of the bishops, superintendents, and heads of the various churches, positions which could only be held by Pakeha men.

Legislation and policy moves contributed significantly to the marginalisation of Maori women. The 1867 Native Schools Act explicitly alienated Maori women from key decision making processes within their communities. Sections five and six stated that in order for a Native School to be established within a Maori community there was required a "memorial of any considerable number of the male adult native inhabitants of any locality or district." If the request was deemed valid the Colonial Secretary would then call a meeting - of the male adult native inhabitants, who would determine whether a school would be established, and would elect a District School Committee. Clearly, Maori women were denied access to the decision making involved and the ongoing development of schooling within their areas.

The selection of knowledge and development of curriculum areas contributed significantly to the assimilation agenda, in particular the intention to 'domesticate' Maori girls. Schooling became a site through which the colonisers could reproduce selected knowledge forms that validated reality as constructed by them.(21) Instrumental in this process was the writing and construction of history as observed by the coloniser. This has meant that the history of Aotearoa has been written through the eyes of the dominant group, involving a process of selective amnesia and based upon dominant group assertions of difference. An outcome of this has been that Maori women have been made invisible. Linda Tuhiwai Smith writes:

Maori women in particular have been written out of historical discourses not just in the years after colonisation but also from the centuries prior to Pakeha settlement. Schooling has served to legitimate selected historical discourses through its curriculum, pedagogy, assessment and organisation. This process has turned Maori history into mythology and Maori women within those histories into distant and passive old crones whose presence in the 'story' was to add interest to an otherwise male adventure. Women who were explorers, poets, chiefs and warriors, heads of families; founding tipuna or ancestors of various hapu and iwi have frequently been made invisible through processes of colonisation, such as education.(22)

Clearly those aspects of Maori women's realities that the coloniser sought to reject were those which were viewed as incompatible with the gender roles and expectations that were desired. The ways in which gender inequalities were accentuated differed for Pakeha women and Maori women. For Pakeha women, a strong emphasis on their role in ensuring the survival and purity of the race developed. For Maori women the focus was on assimilation, of using Maori women as a vehicle for the transmission of what was considered appropriate knowledge and appropriate ways of living. Young Maori women were expected to learn the 'appropriate' values and skills of 'civilised young ladies' and this task was linked explicably to the expectation that they would then pass on such knowledge to those in their iwi and in the future to their children.

Selected from a range of Inspectors' reports and letters the following statements outline the marginalisation of Maori girls and women occurring systematically through the imposition of 'domestification' and assimilation agendas in Pakeha schooling. The curriculum was the key process through which these were imposed.

Hon. Sir. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 21st May, which arrived during my absence from Wellington, or I should sooner have complied with your request concerning the return of St. Josephs Providence.

The sanitary state of the Pupils is quite satisfactory. They are taught English, Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, Needlework, &c. As the principal object of this establishment is to form good Houseservants, the eldest girls are employed in cooking, cleaning, washing, ironing, &c., &c.

J. Viard Catholic Bishop, July 1857.

They [the Maori girls] make up their own clothes, and are taught to wash and iron, and to make bread and confectionery, to cook, milk &c. They have also learnt a variety of useful accomplishments, such as worsted embroidery and crochet work, admirable specimens of which were exhibited.

St. Anne's School, Freemans Bay.(23)

Unite education with industrial training; prepare the boy or girl for the position you expect them to fill in life, and under such management there is reason to believe that our exertions will not be thrown away; the schools will become centres for the promotion of Christianity and civilisation amongst the surrounding tribes. Otawhao School.(24)

Miss Taylor superintends the washing, cooking, cleaning of the rooms &c., assisted, so far as this is possible, by the girls . . . The girls' clothes are made by the girls themselves, and are cut out in the establishment; their cost is consequently only that of the material; whereas in the ease of the boys, the clothes must be purchased ready made, and thus the cost is proportionately larger. Letter from Mr Tancred to J.C. Richmond 1867.(25)

The Native Schools Code (1880) retained the assertion of colonial ideologies in terms of assimilation and social control agendas, and with regard to the industrial curriculum and make-up of committees. The code removed explicit requirements that a school be requested by the "native male adults," but it continued the more insidious ideological assumptions that those on school committees would be men and that those appointed to take charge of the schools would be "a married couple, the husband to act as master of the school and the wife as sewing mistress." A memorandum attached to the Native Schools Code upon its distribution included the following:

Besides giving due attention to the school instruction of the children, teachers will be expected to exercise a beneficial influence on the Natives, old and young; to show by their own conduct that it is possible to live a useful and blameless life, and in smaller matters, by their dress, in their houses, and by their manners and habits at home and abroad, to set the Maoris an example that they may advantageously imitate.

John Hislop, Secretary, Education Dept, Wellington, June 4, 1880.(26)

The placing of schools within Maori communities is compared by Linda Tuhiwai Smith to the story of the Trojan Horse.(27) The intention, as outlined clearly by Hislop's memorandum, was to contribute to the assimilation of Maori people through a process of Pakeha people modelling what was defined as appropriate behaviour. Smith notes that, like the Trojan Horse, Native Schools were taken into the community to provide a vehicle through which to infiltrate Maori society; it was crucial, to successfully attain social control, that Maori people "came to believe in a new natural order of things based on their participation in their own cultural oppression."(28) Furthermore, the 'Trojan Horse' strategy became an essential process through which to construct common-sense beliefs through which to provide justification for the cultural and gendered oppression of Maori women.

When Native Schools were established they represented a highly visible way that Pakehatanga seemed to be. The "master and his wife" then provided models of what was considered appropriate roles for men and women, roles which modelled men in leadership positions and women in the supportive, domestic role. These constructions of what was deemed appropriate behaviour, were then further reinforced through the curriculum. Examples of the 'domestification' agenda for Maori girls and women are evident throughout official documentation. The following statements provide examples of the intent, post-1880:

Hukarere and Mangakahia perhaps stand first amongst schools for excellence in needlework. I think that in future all girls that are not fully up to the very moderate standard requirements in this subject should be sent back, no matter how well their own other work may have been done.

James H. Pope.(29)

Attention is given more especially, however, to the industrial and domestic branches of education, the aim being to equip the Maori children for the work in life for which they are best suited. . . . Senior free places for girls take the form of nursing-scholarships.

Extract from the fortieth annual report of the Minister of Education.(30)

In the girls' boarding schools prominence is given to practical and useful training, and thus in addition to the ordinary school subjects, instruction is given to the following subjects: Needlework and dressmaking; cookery and domestic duties; first-aid and nursing, hygiene, care and rearing of infants; preparation of food for infants and for the sick. In the general work of the institutions the girls take a prominent part.

John Porteous, Senior Inspector.(31)

The definition, within dominant discourses, of gender roles as related to Maori people, was part and parcel of a process of redefinition of roles within Maori society that was intended to ensure that the 'progress' of Maori people was conducive to the expectations of the coloniser. Senior Inspector, John Porteous cited the placing of schools in Maori communities as instrumental in the "civilisation and general uplift of the Maori race" and the Pakeha teachers "served as exemplars of European family life."(32)

Historical documentation highlights the multiple ways in which the intersection of ideologies of race and gender has impacted on Maori women, in particular the locating of Maori women within limited definitions based upon colonial belief systems. Dominant discourses promoted forms of gender roles and expectations for Maori women which were based upon prevailing colonial beliefs related to both race and gender, as the colonial intentions for Maori women clearly differed to those articulated for Pakeha women. The difference was one of inferiority, Maori women were deemed inferior not only to Pakeha men and Maori men, but also to Pakeha women. Maori women were not solely to be 'home-makers' or 'house wives'; rather, the intent for Maori women was their involvement in service to Pakeha people, as domestic servants.

The imposition of colonial ideologies has had a major effect on the position of Maori women today. Maori girls and women continue to experience the brunt of dominant discourses of 'difference'. In order to analyse the present position of Maori women, it is therefore crucial to provide a critical analysis of the ways in which colonisation operated to construct Maori women in subordinate roles, subordinate to Pakeha men, subordinate to Pakeha women, subordinate to Maori men.

For Maori gifts the implications of our historical experiences are such that we have been denied access to Te Reo Maori me nga Tikanga, our language and culture. We have been denied access to the credentials and qualifications that would provide Maori women with options other than those of domestic and service workers. We have been denied access to full participation and input into the wider society. We have been denied access to full participation in policy formation and key decision making for our own people. Colonial discourses have operated on the whole effectively to lock Maori women out of crucial positions - positions which impact on our day to day lives and the lives of our people.

Recently Maori women lodged a claim with the Waitangi Tribunal in relation to the marginalisation of Maori women and in particular the denial of input into decision making or participation in key structures and committees. The fact that Maori women have had to take such a claim is an indictment on the ways in which Maori women's voices have been made invisible.

From Maori women, who have experienced the brunt of colonial oppression, there are growing oppositional discourses which seek to shift the analysis from one of 'Other' to that which positions Maori women at the centre. These are not new, but are grounded fundamentally in a resistance movement which has struggled for recognition of our rights as Maori women, as Tangata Whenua. For some time Maori women have struggled to gain a voice within this society and have on the whole been made invisible, silenced, marginalised. For Maori women in a colonial setting (we avoid using the term post-colonial since we believe that this country remains very much colonial), much of our 'selves' has been denied, and hence, for many Maori women there is an ongoing struggle to centre ourselves, to deconstruct colonial representations and to reconstruct and reclaim knowledge about ourselves. Maori women have been struggling with such a process from the margins, and many have said that in order fully to realise such a process we must locate ourselves in the centre. This includes an inverting of dominant discourses that define Maori women as 'Other'. In seeking to make ourselves visible and to create space for Maori women's stories, opinions, and voices to be heard, we must provide forms of analysis that ensure that issues of race and gender are incorporated and their intersection engaged with.

This paper has sought to engage in such an analysis. There is much other work that needs to be undertaken, not least the reviving of Maori women's stories which highlight constructions of Maori women as defined by ourselves and located within our cultural paradigms. There is a vast number of Maori women's stories and analyses which must be brought into this Te Ao Marama, the world of light. Stories of culture, stories of our history, stories of who we are and where we come from, stories of Maori women in all aspects of Maori society. It is these stores that provide the basis for the reconstruction of our present position, and which will challenge and contest dominant Pakeha definitions and discourses related to Maori women. And it is Maori women who will ultimately ensure this, as it is we who have the most to gain; we gain knowledge about ourselves.

Patricia Johnston and Leonie Pihama

This was originally presented as a paper at the Confronting Racism Conference, Sydney University of Technology, December 1993.

ENDNOTES:

1. L. Pihama, "Tungi te Ururua, Kia Tupu Whakaritorito te tupu o te Harakeke," MA Thesis, Auckland University, 1993: 20.

2. I.M. Young, "Together in Difference: Transforming the Logic of Group Political Conflict," Political Theory Newsletter 4 (1992): 11-26.

3. I.M. Young, Justice and the Politics of Difference (Princeton: Princeton UP, 1990).

4. Young (1992), 14.

5. D. Pearson, A Dream Deferred: The Origins of Ethnic Conflict in New Zealand (Wellington: Allen and Unwin/Port Nicholson P, 1990): 7.

6. M. Wetherell and J. Potter, Mapping the Language of Racism: Discourse and the Legitimation of Exploitation (Great Britain: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1992): 17.

7. ibid, 17.

8. M. Marger, Race and Ethnic Relations: American Global Perspectives (USA: Wadsworth, 1985).

9. Young (1992).

10. J. Feral, "The Powers of Difference", in H. Eisenstein and A. Jardine (eds), The Future of Difference (USA: Barnard College Women's Centre, 1980) 88-94.

11. Young (1992), 13.

12. Banks qtd A. Salmond, Two Worlds: First Meetings Between Maori and Europeans 1642-1772 (Auckland: Penguin, 1992): 166.

13. Qtd. Salmond, 330.

14. A. Thompson, The Story of New Zealand: Past and Present - Savage and Civilised (1859) (Christchurch: Capper Press, 1974) 81.

15. R. Fry, "The Curriculum and Girls Secondary Schooling 1880-1925," in S. Middleton (ed), Women and Education in Aotearoa (Wellington: Allen and Unwin, 1988): 33.

16. G. Paraha, "He Pounamu Kakano Rua: The Construction of Maori Women: A Visual Discourse," MA Thesis, Auckland University, 1992.

17. J.L. Nicholas, Narrative of a Voyage to New Zealand, (London: James Black, 1817); qtd in Paraha (1992).

18. L.T. Smith, "Discourses, Projects and Mana Wahine" in S. Middleton and A. Jones (eds), Women and Education in Aotearoa 2 (Wellington: Bridget Williams Books, 1992).

19. Smith (1992).

20. Smith (1992); R. Fry, It's Different for Daughters: A History of the Curriculum for Girls in New Zealand Schools, 1990-1975, (Wellington, NZCER, 1985).

21. L.T. Smith, "Getting Out From Under: Maori Women, Education and the Struggles for Mana Wahine" in M. Arnot and K. Weiler (eds), Feminism and Social Justice in Education (London: Falmer Press, 1993).

22. Smith (1992), 34.

23. Appendices to the Journals of the House of Representatives (AJHR), 1860 E4.

24. AJHR 1862 E4.

25. AJHR 1867 A3.

26. AJHR 1880 H-1F.

27. L.T. Smith, "Is 'Taha Maori' in Schools the Answer to Maori School Failure," in G. Smith (ed), Nga Kete Wananga: Maori Perspectives of Taha Maori (Auckland: Auckland College of Education, 1986).

28. Smith (1986), ibid.

29. AJHR 1882 E2.

30. AJHR 1917 E3.

31. AJHR 1927 E3.

32. AJHR 1927 E3.
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Title Annotation:Special Aotearoa/New Zealand Issue
Author:Johnston, Patricia; Pihama, Leonie
Publication:Hecate
Date:Oct 1, 1994
Words:5837
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