The legacy of Rudolf Christian Friedrich Lechler.
Residence in a different culture was a learning experience for many missionaries, one that frequently opened up a gap between the home board, which was primarily interested in conversion statistics, and field missionaries, who were seeking to make Christianity relevant to the needs and interests of the populace. As Lechler acquired greater appreciation for China's cultural heritage and a deeper understanding of the difficulties faced by Chinese converts in China's non-Christian society, he became a voice for moderation. Often he urged tolerance on the part of the Basel Mission Board, as well as by newly arrived missionaries ignorant of Chinese social mores. When Basel forbade child betrothal by Christians, Lechler explained that impoverished Hakka parents could not afford the bride price and dowry expected if they waited until the marriage partners came of age. Placing a girl as a little daughter-in-law in the home of her future husband was an economic necessity designed to assure both sets of parents of a mate for their child at minimum expense. When an ardent new missionary insisted that Christians abstain from every aspect of village and lineage ceremonies deemed superstitious, Lechler wrote that he saw no harm in Christians eating the meat distributed after the festivities so long as they took no part in the rituals. Meat was a luxury to be relished only on special occasions. (1) He protested Basel's attempt to substitute transliterated Chinese for Chinese characters in Basel middle schools. A Chinese evangelist, he explained, would not be accorded respect if he were not literate in Chinese characters and lacked acquaintance with the classics. Despite the heathen connotations of the Confucian classics, they were essential knowledge for an educated man in China.
Lechler initially was overshadowed by his Basel colleague Theodor Hamberg, who studied with him at the Basel Mission School and traveled with him to China in 1846-47. Hamberg was five years older, came from a cultured and sophisticated background, and was considered more gifted intellectually than Lechler. But Hamberg lived only seven years in China, and much of that time was devoted to language study; he died in 1854 just as he acquired real facility in the Hakka dialect. Many of the other German missionaries to China also had brief careers. It was Lechler, therefore, who provided continuity to the Basel Mission during the second half of the nineteenth century and who gained status in the eyes of the home board so that it respected his recommendations on mission policy. Aiding him, especially in contacts with women and children, was his second wife, Marie. She worked with him as evangelist and educator for thirty-nine years, and her assistance in the conversion and education of Christian wives and mothers contributed greatly to the establishment of Christian families, the backbone of stable Christian congregations.
Rudolf Lechler was born in 1824, the third son of Gottlob Lechler, a pastor in the small town of Hundersingen in the Danube valley of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen. Rudolf was reared in a deeply pious and conservative family. Their Christianity was evangelical and pietistic, and missionaries frequently visited the home. When Rudolf was ten years old, his mother died, leaving eight children; two years later his father married Elisabeth Bauman, also a devout, evangelical Christian. Educated at home by his father, Rudolf studied Latin, Greek, French, and above all the Bible and church history. Rudolf was said, however, to be no great student, a source of frequent conflict with his father. Shortly after confirmation, Rudolf was apprenticed to Ludwig Schmidgal, a merchant in Breilstein.
In November 1842, as Rudolf was completing his four-year apprenticeship as a merchant, he became gravely ill and went through a conversion experience. He determined to become a missionary and on January 1, 1844, entered the Basel Mission School, joining Hamberg there. (2) By this time Karl Gutzlaff, the first German Protestant missionary to China, had publicized the China cause in Europe, England, and America and was calling for Western recruits to supervise and instruct his Chinese evangelists of the Chinese Union. Basel heeded this call, selecting Rudolf Lechler and Theodor Hamberg as its first missionaries to China. At Lechler's ordination service, Gottlob Lechler spoke of his joy over Rudolf's decision to become a missionary. As a minister, he said, he had contributed to missions for over twenty-five years; as a father, he was now offering his own flesh and blood. Rudolf Lechler and Theodor Hamberg sailed for China in November 1846. Simultaneously, the Rhenish Mission Society, in Barmen, answered Gutzlaff's call and commissioned Ferdinand Genar and Heinrich Koster to assist Gutzlaff and the Chinese Union. The four arrived in Hong Kong on March 19, 1847.
Introduction to China
Gutzlaff was overjoyed that his pleas for China missionaries from Europe had finally been answered; he looked forward to great things. The day after the missionaries' arrival, Gutzlaff escorted them to their rented rooms in the China quarter, had them don Chinese clothes, and instructed them to adopt Chinese cuisine and lifestyle. Each was given a Chinese name, and each was assigned a language tutor and assistant, Hamberg studying the Hakka dialect, and Lechler studying Hoklo. In the belief that a Westerner learned spoken Chinese best by interacting with the populace, Gutzlaff informed them that they were to accompany their Chinese assistants on a preaching tour the following Sunday, and they were to take up residence in the Chinese interior as soon as possible. Their letters to Basel could not hide their culture shock though they were still buoyed by the dream that the Gospel of salvation would soon be carried to every Chinese province. (3)
By the autumn of 1847 both Hamberg and Lechler had become much less sanguine about prospects for evangelizing all of China via the Chinese Union. Their attempts to reside at Tanshui, north of Kowloon, had stirred up strenuous local opposition, and during one boat trip they had been attacked by robbers, who stripped them of their clothing and valuables. Clearly, China was not open, as Gutzlaff had so often pronounced. Residence outside the treaty ports by foreigners aroused such antagonism as to be hazardous. Chinese who rented or sold property to Westerners were attacked or even imprisoned. Both Basel missionaries, furthermore, had become convinced that many of the Chinese Union evangelists were not believing Christians, indeed, that they had professed Christianity only in order to secure employment and travel money for alleged itinerations into the interior. Attempts to inform Gutzlaff of the true character of the Chinese Union workers were rebuffed, and relations between Gutzlaff and the Basel missionaries became decidedly cool. (4) Though both Hamberg and Lechler continued to employ Chinese Union members, they insisted on further instruction of their assistants, and they attempted to supervise them closely. Those who faltered were quickly dismissed. Unlike Gutzlaff, they permitted only ordained ministers, not Chinese assistants, to baptize converts. They nevertheless continued to operate on the premise that Chinese evangelists would make most of the initial contacts and that the rural interior was the most promising milieu for evangelism. They thus built on and also modified Gutzlaff's mission methodology.
The Shantou Experience
In accord with Gutzlaff's original assignment, Lechler left Hong Kong on May 17, 1848, to establish a mission among the Hoklo in the Shantou region. Three Chinese Union assistants and a servant accompanied him. Since marauding pirates made travel on a Chinese junk highly risky, Lechler took passage on the only Western vessel available, an opium smuggler, and he landed six days later at Nanao, a major opium depot. He was repeatedly rebuffed in attempts to rent a residence and had to take refuge with the captain of the opium ship. (5) His Chinese assistants advised returning to Hong Kong. Luckily, Lechler met a former Chinese Union member identified only as Old Kong or Khong-lan. Kong had originally been baptized by Gutzlaff and sent to northern Guangdong to proselytize, but Kong, Lechler wrote, was not truly converted and was now engaged in the opium trade. Kong nevertheless offered to guide Lechler, in Chinese disguise, on a risky, fourteen-hour journey to his home village near Chaozhou. Here Kong provided Lechler with meals and housing. Lechler's assistants, who had feared to venture into the interior, eventually joined him. Contacting previous acquaintances, the assistants and Kong gathered eleven people from neighboring villages for Lechler to instruct. Asked why he housed a foreigner despite the dangers, Kong replied, "He is my brother, a godly ambassador who does only good." (6) Lechler returned to Hong Kong for consultation with colleagues in September. Though Lechler made three subsequent trips to the Chaozhou area between 1848 and 1852 and established a small Christian community, official pressure compelled him to leave each time. (7)
In 1852 Lechler abandoned the Hoklo mission in Shantou as a failure and joined Hamberg in work among the Hakka. As an ethnic minority not fully incorporated into Confucian society, the Hakka had a reputation for being more receptive to heterodox teachings than other Han Chinese. During his years in the Shantou region, Lechler had worked on a Hoklo dictionary, which was later used by missionaries evangelizing among the Hoklo and was revised and published by the English Presbyterians. He had also published a collection of Western hymns translated into Chinese by missionaries, Yang xin shenshe (Western hymnal), for use in worship services. He had made a number of converts, but since he was unconvinced that they had experienced a true renewal, he had baptized only thirteen males and no women. Contemplating the request of a certain Toa for baptism, Lechler wrote in his diary:
What I have missed in him for some time is also something I have missed in my assistants, namely evidence of an inner life. His knowledge was very considerable. He acknowledged himself as a sinner tainted by hereditary sin and real sin, which would bring him to eternal damnation. And he believed the words that only the blood of Jesus Christ could cleanse him.... But can one understand all this without living of it and in it? If a man were to live in the experience of these truths, there must take place, according to my views, a powerful manifestation of a comparable spiritual life. Dr. Gutzlaff has expressed the opinion that my expectations are too high, that I am imposing a standard on heathen Christians that is more suitable to believers from Christendom. I myself have had heavy internal battles over this matter, and I have begged the Lord to give me enlightenment that it may lead me down the right path. Finally, it seemed to me that I could no longer resist the pleas of these people and should, in God's name, carry them over through Holy Baptism to the Trinitarian God, a God that is also their God, their Creator, and their Savior. (8)
Christianity for Lechler still meant Western European Christianity, but he was beginning to appreciate the need for adjusting one's sights to the Chinese milieu.
Despite Lechler's sense that he had labored in vain among the Hoklo, his evangelism helped prepare the ground for the establishment of an English Presbyterian mission in Chaozhou during the late 1850s. One of Lechler's most promising converts was Lin Qi (Lim A-Kee). Lin, however, was the only Christian convert in his family, and he ultimately succumbed to constant pressure from his family. When his wife died and his family demanded a traditional funeral, he agreed and returned his Bible, catechism, and hymnal to Lechler. (9) Lin admitted to Lechler that he had done wrong, but he expressed the hope that God would forgive him as God had forgiven others. Lechler concluded that Lin was not a true "born again Christian." Yet, when the English Presbyterians entered the region some years later, Lin and Old Kong requested that a missionary be sent to their villages to instruct them. Lin eventually became a church elder, and his son became a pastor. One wishes for Kong and Lin's definition of Christianity. Had they considered themselves Christians throughout the interval of isolation from Westerners?
Work with the Hakka and Taiping Christians
In 1853 Lechler's sister came out to marry Genahr, and in 1854, through the mediation of Hamberg, Lechler also acquired a wife, Auguste Nordstadt, from Sweden. (10) Unhappily, she died of dysentery on April 17, 1854, only forty days after their wedding. Lechler suffered a further blow with the death of Hamberg the next month. Sustaining Lechler was an unquestioning faith in the truth of Christianity as he understood it, the elemental evangelical Christianity of nineteenth-century German pietists. Despite adversity and his own bouts of illness, he remained convinced of the higher wisdom of God. He lamented the paucity of his converts and the frequency of their apostasy and moral lapses, but he never seems to have doubted the universal, unique truth of Protestant Christianity or the sanctity of the mission enterprise. He was, furthermore, interested in Chinese society and culture. Sprinkled through his correspondence are comments on Chinese beliefs regarding creation, a description of a dragon boat festival, a discussion of the practice of selling civil service titles, and so forth. His remarks are critical, but not harsh and censorious. For him, China had become home.
During the 1850s the Taiping movement (1850-64) became an important concern of Christian missionaries. Was it the prelude to the Christianization of all China? Or was it simply a Christian heresy? Was it primarily a political rebellion against the Manchu dynasty? At first, many missionaries were optimistic, ready to embrace the Taipings as Christians who would complete the task that they themselves had begun. When it became known, however, that Hong Xiuquan believed that his revelation superseded that of the New Testament, many Westerners turned against the Taiping Christians. Since the Basel Mission concentrated on the Hakka community in its work and since most of the early leaders of the Taiping rebellion were Hakka, it was natural that Taiping members should seek out Hamberg and Lechler when fleeing to Hong Kong for refuge. Li Zhenggao and Hong Rengan, nephew of Hong Xiuquan, were among these. Hong Xiuquan had converted the two to Taiping Christianity and had baptized them, but they had failed in attempts to unite with the Taiping forces in Guangxi and were being hunted by imperial authorities. They made their way to the Basel Mission in Hong Kong, where Hamberg and Lechler instructed them in Christian doctrines and rebaptized them. (11) Hong Rengan for a time worked with James Legge of the London Missionary Society (LMS), but eventually joined the Taipings at their capital in Nanjing. Li, who had become convinced that Taiping Christianity was a distortion of true Christianity, became Lechler's most trusted and valued Chinese associate. (12)
After the defeat of the Taipings, Li Zhenggao and Lechler itinerated among former Taiping followers in Hong Xiuquan's home region, the Hua and Qingyuan districts of Guangdong. Because Li had many kinfolk there and because of his earlier association with the Taipings, he and Lechler were able to enter homes and villages ordinarily closed to outsiders. Contrary to the impression that Taiping Christianity disappeared without a trace, they found individuals who secretly prayed to God (Shangdi); they and others proved receptive to the Protestant Christianity preached by Li and Lechler. (13)
Home Leave and Marriage to Marie Stotz
When the Anglo-French War with China began in 1856, Lechler and other Basel missionaries retreated from the mainland to Hong Kong. There, Lechler worked with the local Hakka Christian community and assisted Dr. J. H. Hirshberg of LMS in St. Paul's Hospital. The medical knowledge that he gained later assisted him in offsetting antiforeign sentiment and securing an audience on his itinerations. Illness necessitated his return to Germany in 1858 for recuperation.
Missionaries on furlough were expected to visit churches and speak to congregations and mission societies in order to popularize missions and inform potential supporters about their field. Through such contacts and also their reports and correspondence with the home front, China missionaries became the principal conduit for information on China generally among Westerners. Eight of Lechler's lectures were published in 1861 as Acht Vortrage uber China. For Lechler, as for most Protestant missionaries of his era, Western Christendom was the norm against which other cultures were judged. China must accept Western science, technology, and concepts of international relations along with Christianity. The lectures reveal as well Lechler's interest in Chinese culture and his appreciation of China's heritage. While Lechler laments the Chinese oppression of women, he finds their respect for elders and their loyalty to family praiseworthy. A final chapter on Christian missions relates many of his personal experiences as an evangelist, including a repetition of a frequent theme: lack of a sense of sin among Chinese is the major obstacle to Christian evangelism.
While in Germany, Lechler also acquired a new wife, Marie Stotz, from the Neckar region near Wurttemberg. She shared in his mission work until they retired from China in 1899. Often she accompanied him and his Chinese assistants on itinerations in the interior, thereby making access to women and children more possible. While the men preached in public, she joined the women and children in the inner quarters. Not having children of her own, she devoted herself especially to the girls' school she founded in Hong Kong. Acting as a go-between for her graduates, she arranged marriages with Chinese evangelists and other Christian converts, thereby helping establish the Christian families so important to the durability of Christian communities. Education was a means of social mobility for the orphans, beggars, and unwanted daughters Marie was able to enroll. Having acquired literacy and acquaintance with Western culture, they married up, in some cases to overseas Chinese businessmen. Other graduates went on to secondary schools to prepare to become teachers, or "Bible women." (14)
Lechler as Administrator
Upon Lechler's return to China in 1861, he became increasingly involved in administrative responsibilities. The Basel Mission was expanding as Chinese evangelists carried the Christian message to the interior, and it became possible for Westerners to reside in the countryside. A major Christian center with about two hundred converts had been established in Meizhou, the Hakka heartland in northeast Guangdong. Another major center was located in the Xinan region east of the Pearl River, where primary schools for boys and girls, a boys' middle school, and a seminary for training evangelists had been established. Though Westerners were posted at the central stations, Chinese were generally in charge of congregations at the outer stations, and they carried the Christian message to the countryside. Once a cluster of congregations had grown up, it became possible to establish a central station with schools for boys and girls and with a Westerner or occasionally an ordained Chinese in residence. Lechler was in charge of staffing and overseeing these Christian communities and their leaders. By 1876 Basel had four central stations, sixteen outer stations, eleven schools, and 953 communicants. Fourteen years later, in 1890, the numbers had more than doubled: thirteen central stations, thirty-eight outer stations, fifty-six schools, and 2,029 communicants. (15)
During the early 1860s a major conflict between Hakka and bendi (local Cantonese residents) in the Foshan district of Guangdong had led to the expulsion of thousands of Hakka. Hundreds fled to Hong Kong, where the Basel Mission provided temporary food and shelter. With the assistance of the mission, some, including a number who had converted to Christianity, emigrated overseas; furthermore, Hakka congregations in Meizhou, Xinan, and elsewhere were continually depleted by the departure of their members seeking better economic opportunities overseas. (16) They established Christian communities in Australia, Sabah (North Borneo), Hawaii, Indonesia, San Francisco, South America, and elsewhere. Retaining ties with the homeland, they remitted funds for the establishment of schools and for the support of orphanages and Chinese pastors. When Marie and Rudolf Lechler returned to Germany on furlough in 1886, Christians in Hawaii invited the Lechlers to visit them and even provided funds for a stopover. A joyous reunion with former members of the Basel community awaited the couple in Hawaii and again in San Francisco. (17)
Returning to China in 1888, Lechler dropped his administrative duties and served once again as a field missionary. Marie and Rudolf settled at the newly established station of Pingtang, near Xingning in northern Guangdong. In cooperation with evangelist Chen Minxiu, an ordained minister educated at Basel, they established numerous outer stations, sometimes journeying for months at a time to little clusters of Christians. By 1897 the Xingning district, with almost a thousand Christians, had become one of the largest Basel stations. In 1899 after a fifty-two-year career as a China missionary, Rudolf Lechler and his wife retired to Germany, where he died in 1908.
Rudolf Lechler's legacy was the Hakka Christian church. As a German, he was something of an outsider to the Anglo-American community of missionaries in Hong Kong and could not be considered one of the leaders in the counsels of the China missionaries. Although not a prolific writer, Lechler did contribute articles to the Chinese Recorder and the Evangelisches Missions-Magazin on the Basel Mission and the history of the Hakka peoples, and his lectures during his first two furloughs were published. In 1903, on the one hundredth anniversary of Karl Gutzlaff's birth, he contributed a memorial essay to the Allgemeine Missions Zeitschrift in which he credited Gutzlaff with the decision of Basel, Barmen, and Berlin to enter the China field. But Hudson Taylor, he thought, came closest to fulfilling Gutzlaff's dream by establishing posts in all the provinces of China. (18) Lechler translated the Gospels of Matthew and Luke into Hakka, and he completed a phonetic Hakka dictionary begun by Hamberg.
Distinguishing Basel's mission work were its heavy reliance on Chinese assistants and its concentration on rural interior villages rather than on the treaty ports and major urban centers. Also, emphasis on primary and secondary education for both girls and boys contributed to the establishment of upwardly mobile Christian families, thereby strengthening both the church and the Hakka community. By nurturing Chinese evangelists and guiding recently arrived German missionaries, Lechler helped to build a stable Hakka church that for some is closely identified with their sense of Hakka ethnicity. While most mission societies expanded to other provinces, Basel continued to work primarily in Guangdong. By 1922 its communicants in Guangdong Province were second in number only to the American Presbyterians. (19)
Today the Hakka church is thriving, especially in Meizhou, where youth are less subject to the lure of consumerism and materialism than in the Pearl Delta region. Ties between mainland and overseas Hakka have been renewed, and assistance from overseas Chinese has attained proportions reminiscent of earlier remittances by Chinese emigres. In recent decades the Basel society has formed partnerships with independent Hakka churches in the People's Republic as well as in overseas communities.
Works by Rudolf Lechler
Lechler's correspondence, reports, and essays are located in the Archives of Basler Missionsgesellschaft, Basel, Switzerland, under China: Berichte und Korrespond enz, 1847-1899, Lechler Fascicle, Schachtel / Box A-10.1. Selections from Lechler's diaries and reports were regularly published in the Evangelisches Missions-Magazin (Basel), 1847-72.
1851 Yang xin shenshe (Hymnal). Hong Kong.
1860 Das Evangelium des Matthaeus im Volksdialekte der Hakka-Chinesen (The Gospel of Matthew in Hakka). Berlin.
1861 Acht Vortrage uber China (Eight lectures on China). Basel: Verlag des Missionshauses.
1865 Luka, tso uk, yim su, Hakka, syuk wai (The Gospel of Luke in Hakka). Hong Kong.
1871 "German Mission in Canton Province." Chinese Recorder 4 (October): 137-38.
1874 Drei Vortrage uber China (Three lectures on China). Basel: Missionsbuchhandlung.
1876 "A Visit to Some of the Basel Mission Stations in Kwangtung Province." Chinese Recorder 7 (July-August): 276-83.
1877 "Historical Sketch of the Basel Mission Station at Lilong." Chinese Recorder 8 (January-February): 46-54.
1878 "The Hakka Chinese." Chinese Recorder 9 (October): 352-59.
1878 "On the Relations of Protestant Missions to Education." In Record of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 10-23, 1877. Shanghai: Presbyterian Mission Press.
1879 "A Sketch of the Work of the Basel Mission." Chinese Recorder 10 (November-December): 145-48.
1887 "Meine Reise von China in die Heimat" (My journey home from China). Evangelisches Missions-Magazin.
1888 "Die Chinesen in ihrem Verhaltnis zur europaischen Kultur" (The relation of the Chinese to European culture). Evangelisches Missions-Magazin, pp. 110-41.
Works About Rudolf Lechler
Eppler, Paul. Geschichte der Basler Mission, 1815-1899. Basel: Missionsverlag, 1900.
Gauld, William. "History of the Swatow Mission." Unfinished M.A. thesis, Council for World Mission, Archives of United Reformed Church (Presbyterian Church of England), Foreign Mission Committee, Overseas Addenda, Box 103A. London.
Hood, George. Mission Accomplished? The English Presbyterian Mission in Lingtung, South China. Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1986.
Lutz, Jessie G., and Rolland Ray Lutz. Hakka Chinese Confront Protestant Christianity, 1850-1900. Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1998.
"Missionar Rudolf Lechler, 1847-1899, in China." Evangelische Heidenbote 5 (1908): 36-38.
Schlatter, Wilhelm. Geschichte der Basler Mission, 1815-1915. Vol. 2, Die Geschichte der Basler Mission in Indien und China. Basel: Missionsverlag, 1916.
--. Rudolf Lechler. Ein Lebensbild aus der Basler Mission in China. Basel: Missionsbuchhandlung, 1911.
(1.) Lechler to Inspector, Hong Kong, December 5, 1863, Archives of Basler Missionsgesellschaft, A-1.5, #10. Unless noted otherwise, subsequent archival references are all to materials in the Basel Mission archives. The transliteration system employed by nineteenth-century German missionaries differs from pinyin; to assist in locating the sources in the Basel archives, I have retained the German transliteration in endnotes.
(2.) W. Schlatter, Rudolf Lechler. Ein Lebensbild aus der Basler Mission in China (Basel: Missionsbuchhandlung, 1911), pp. 1-23.
(3.) Lechler to Inspector, Victoria, March 22, 1847, A-1.1, #4; Hamberg to Inspector, Hong Kong, March 27, 1847, ibid., #6.
(4.) For further detail on the Chinese Union and its demise, see Jessie G. Lutz and R. Ray Lutz, "Karl Gutzlaff's Approach to Indigenization: The Chinese Union," in Christianity in China: From the Eighteenth Century to the Present, ed. Daniel H. Bays (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univ. Press, 1996), pp. 269-91.
(5.) "Mission in China," Evangelisches Missions-Magazin 34, no. 4 (1849): 143-44, quoting from Lechler's diary; William Gauld, "History of the Swatow Mission" (unfinished M.A. thesis, United Reformed Church Archive, Overseas Addenda, Box 103A, London), quoting from Lechler's diary, pp. 6-8; Schlatter, Rudolf Lechler, pp. 48-84.
(6.) "Mission in China," pp. 143-44.
(7.) "The Expulsion of Mr. Lechler from Yamtsau," Chinese and Missionary Gleaner 2, no. 2 (July 1852): 15-16; George Hood, Mission Accomplished? The English Presbyterian Mission in Lingtung, South China (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1986), pp. 28-29; Schlatter, Rudolf Lechler, p. 78.
(8.) Diary for October 5, 1849, quoted in Evangelisches Missions-Magazin 35, no. 2 (1850): 248-49.
(9.) Lechler's diary quoted in Gauld, "History," pp. 11-12.
(10.) In the belief that a wife and family detracted from the dedicated, sacrificial life expected of a missionary, the Basel Society required a missionary to work in the field for five years before marrying. This rule was soon abandoned as it became evident that women were needed to contact women and children in Chinese society, where separate social relations for sexes were the norm.
(11.) The contacts between Hamberg and Hong Rengan were the basis for Hamberg's Visions of Hung Siu-Tshuen and the Origin of the Kwang-si Insurrection (Hong Kong: China Mail, 1854), still an important source on the early Taiping movement.
(12.) Lechler, "Lebensgeschichte des Reisepredigers Li Tschin-kau," Hong Kong, April 20, 1868, A-1.6, #9; also Li Chengen, "Das Leben des Seligheimgegangenen Diakon Li Tschin-kau," 1885, A-1.19, #38.
(13.) Li Tschin-kau, "Ubersetzung des Berichts von dem Reiseprediger Tschin Kau vom 8ten bis zum 10ten Monat," trans. Lechler, Hong Kong, February 17, 1869, A-1.6. #3; Li Tschin-kau, "Bericht uber die Arbeit des Reiseprediger Li Tsching-kau, 1870," trans. Lechler, January 1871, A-1.7, #91; Lechler to Inspector, July 16, 1869, A-1.6, #18.
(14.) This was generally true of the graduates of parochial girls' schools. See, for example, the report of the Berlin orphanage in Hong Kong, Findelhaus Bethesda auf Hongkong (Berlin: Selbstverlag des Berliner Frauenmissionsvereins fur China, 1910), pp. 32-37.
(15.) C.J. Voskamp, "The Work of German Missions in China," in China Mission Yearbook, 1914 (Shanghai: Christian Literature Society of China, 1914), pp. 373-76.
(16.) Philipp Winnes to Inspector, Hong Kong, January 14, 1861, A-1.4, #14; Lechler to Committee, January 10, 1862, ibid., #19; Lechler to Inspector, "Erster Quartalbericht," April 1868, A-1.6, #5.
(17.) Schlatter, Rudolf Lechler, pp. 183-87. Accompanying the Lechlers were two girls who had been affianced to Hawaiian Christians.
(18.) "Zur Wurdigung Gutzlaffs, des ersten deutschen Chinesenmissionars," typed MS, Schachtel/box, A-1.10.
(19.) Milton T. Stauffer, ed., The Christian Occupation of China (Shanghai: China Continuation Committee, 1922), pp. 167-74.
Jessie G. Lutz is Professor Emerita of Chinese History, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, New Jersey. Her recent publications include (with R. R. Lutz) Hakka Chinese Confront Protestant Christianity, 1850-1900 (Sharpe, 1998) and Opening China: Karl Gutzlaff and Sino-Western Relations, 1828-1953 (Eerdmans, 2007).
|Printer friendly Cite/link Email Feedback|
|Author:||Lutz, Jessie G.|
|Publication:||International Bulletin of Missionary Research|
|Date:||Jan 1, 2007|
|Previous Article:||Contextualizing universal values: a method for Christian mission.|
|Next Article:||Church of the Province of Uganda (Anglican) archives.|