The intergenerational transfer of ethnic identity in Canada at the turn of the twenty-first century.
The purpose of this analysis is to explore the generational transfer of ethnic identity at the beginning of the twenty-first century in Canada and in eight census metropolitan areas, i.e., Vancouver, Calgary, Edmonton, Regina, Saskatoon, Winnipeg, Toronto, and Montreal using data from the 2001 Census of Canada. Patterns of ethnic-connectedness are addressed using language, marriage type, and responses to the ethnic ancestry question at the time of the 2001 Census. The results suggest the importance of keeping questions dealing with ethnic ancestry, birthplace of parents, and language. This, along with the addition of a question on ethnic identity, would among other things ensure the provision of valid information on Canada's multicultural population through policy recommendations regarding data collection via Canada's national censuses.
Cette etude vise a analyser la continuite transgenerationnelle de l'identite ethnique au debut du XX[I.sup.e] siecle au Canada et dans huit regions metropolitaines de recensement (Vancouver, Calgary, Edmonton, Regina, Saskatoon, Winnipeg, Toronto, et Montreal) au moyen des donnees du recensement de 2001. Les constantes en matiere de liens ethniques sont examinees en fonction des parametres de la langue et du type de mariage ainsi que des reponses fournies a la question sur l'origine ancestrale dans le recensement de 2001. Les resultats suggerent qu'il est important de conserver les questions portant sur l'origine ancestrale, le lieu de naissance des parents et la langue. Ces questions et l'ajout d'une autre portant sur l'identite ethnique garantiraient, entre autres choses, la fourniture de renseignements exacts sur la population multiculturelle du Canada. Il s'agit la de la principale recommandation strategique sur la collecte de donnees au moyen des recensements nationaux qui se degage de l'etude.
The post-war years in Canada have seen the emergence of the ideals of multiculturalism blossom into policies that have had a major effect on the composition of Canada's immigrant stream and this, along with time, has had a major effect on the identity of Canada's immigrants. Changes in the wording of the census ethnic ancestry question since 1971, the legitimization of multiple origin responses, the acceptance of "Canadian" as an answer to the ethnic origin ancestry question, and the addition of the "birthplace of parents" question for the first time since 1971 present an opportunity to look at the intergenerational transfer of ethnic identity in Canada at the time of Canada's 2001 Census.
While Canada's census does not ask an identity question per se, it is still possible to examine the data to achieve some understanding of how Canadians identify themselves in terms of ethnicity. Questions such as those dealing with birthplace of parents, mother tongue, language spoken at home, ethnic ancestry, birthplace, and marriage type can tell us about identity and its changes from one generation to another. Ethnic ancestry and ethnic identity, for example, can be the same or different depending on the individual and his/her migration and generational status, language use, marital type if married, or the marital type of his/her parents or ancestors. Levels of ethnic-connectedness can also be examined with Canadian census data. A case in point is the use of an ethnic language spoken at home or mother tongue. Previous research has shown a decline in the use of ethnic languages from the 1st to the 3rd+ generation (Kalbach and Richard 1991; Pigott 2003).
The purpose of this analysis is to explore the generational transfer of ethnic identity at the beginning of the twenty-first century in Canada and in eight census metropolitan areas, i.e., Vancouver, Calgary, Edmonton, Regina, Saskatoon, Winnipeg, Toronto, and Montreal. In so doing, a brief review of the relevant literature will be presented along with an analysis of the patterns of ethnic-connectedness based on language, marriage type, and responses to the ethnic ancestry question at the time of the 2001 Census. The ultimate goal is to ensure that the census continues to provide valid and solid information on Canada's multicultural population through policy recommendations regarding data collection via Canada's national censuses.
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Ethnic and cultural ancestry or identification in Canada has been addressed by several social scientists: Boyd (1999); Kalbach and Kalbach (2000, 1999, 1995); Kalbach and Richard (1991); and Pendakur and Mata (1998). Boyd (1999), for example, examined ethnic origin shifts in the 1986, 1991, and 1996 Censuses of Canada. She paid particular attention to the increases in the Canadian response to the ethnic ancestry question over time. While her research demonstrated that the temporal increases in the Canadian response had no impact on the reporting of the foreign-born single ancestries, it said nothing about the implications for ethnic identity versus ethnic ancestry per se.
Boyd (1999) argues that the native born were more likely to report Canadian as an ancestry than their foreign-born counterparts. This supports the notion that a change in ethnic ancestry from the first to later generations does occur, and could, in fact, mean a change in identity from the identification with one's ancestors to one with Canada, i.e., Canadian (Kalbach and Kalbach 1999). Moreover, it supports Kalbach and Kalbach's (ibid.) contention that Canadian as a response should be eliminated from the choices on the census question because it tends to reflect identity in the psychological sense rather than a bona fide ethnic or cultural ancestry at this point in Canada's history.
Pendakur and Mata (1998) examined patterns of ethnic identification and the Canadian response using the 1993 National Census Test. They found that the majority of respondents reporting a Canadian ancestry tended to be of British or French ancestry. In addition, they argued that allowing Canadian as a response to the ethnic ancestry question did not have a visible impact on ethnic ancestry reporting by Canada's minority ethnic groups. In terms of policy implications, they argue that despite the problems created by asking only one question on ethnic ancestry and the high Canadian response, the data collected concerning ethnic ancestries in Canada are still valid.
Kalbach and Kalbach (1999) examined the changing ethnic composition of Canadian society during the post-war years for clues as to the origin and correlates of an emerging Canadian ethnic identity. They argue that the census ethnic ancestry question creates confusion as to whether the question asks for ethnic origin "ancestry" responses or the respondent's current "identity" by the inclusion of Canadian among the examples of ethnic origin. They conclude that, in time, Canadian may indeed become a legitimate ethnic ancestry, but for now it should be considered an identity because there may be a difference between how a person feels and how a person identifies him/herself in terms of ethnic or cultural ancestry.
Another body of research examines what the authors have called ethnic-connectedness in an effort to look at ethnic identity as opposed to ethnic ancestry. Kalbach and Kalbach (2000, 1999, 1995) and Kalbach and Richard (1991) argue that ethnic identity is a reflection of the extent of ethnic-connectedness in that individuals who claim an ethnic religion, for example, such as Ukrainian and Ukrainian Catholic or German and German Lutheran, Mennonite or Hutterite, are more ethnically-connected than their counterparts who claim to belong to a non-ethnic specific church such as a Ukrainian who identifies with the Anglican or United Church. Similar findings were true regarding language. Generational differences were also found in terms of the ethnic mother tongue and ethnic language spoken at home. Higher proportions of the foreign born had ethnic mother tongues and spoke their ethnic language at home compared to their native-born counterparts (Kalbach and Richard 1980; Pigott 2003).
Marital type as reflected in ethnically endogamous and exogamous marriages can also be seen as a reflection of the extent of a wife and/or husband's level of ethnic-connectedness (Kalbach 2000, 2002; Richard 1991). It follows then that multiple ethnic ancestry responses may also be indicative of levels of ethnic-connectedness or ethnic identity (Kalbach 1999) as they reflect intermarriage in the respondent's past. Kalbach (2000, 2002) has demonstrated that native-born husbands and wives tend to have higher levels of ethnic intermarriage than their foreign-born counterparts. This suggests that there will be increases in ethnic exogamy across generations in this analysis which in turn may mean an intergenerational transfer of ethnic identity for some of the respondents.
In summary, previous research appears to agree that the issue of ethnic identity in Canada can be studied to some degree using data from Canada's censuses. This involves the utilization of the Canadian responses, language variables, birthplace of parents, birthplace of respondent, and marriage type.
DATA, VARIABLES, AND VARIABLE DEFINITIONS
This analysis utilizes special tabulations from the 2001 Census of Canada provided by Canadian Heritage. The variables and their definitions according to the 2001 Census Dictionary (Statistics Canada 2003) are listed below. The analysis is carried out for the population 15 years of age and older.
Ethnic Origin: This variable refers to the ethnic or cultural group(s) to which the respondent's ancestors belonged. Multiple and single origins are utilized in the analysis. Aboriginal ancestry is defined as above, but is also a special case in that separate questions were asked of them regarding their ancestry and identity. The population reporting an aboriginal identity refers to those persons who reported identifying with at least one aboriginal group.
Place of Birth: refers to specific provinces or territories if born in Canada or to specific countries if born outside of Canada. This variable is dichotomized to reflect foreign-born and native-born respondents, and is used along with birthplace of parents to determine a respondent's generational status.
Place of Birth of Parents: refers to the place of birth of the respondent's father and mother with inside versus outside Canada categories for comparison with categories released for the 1971 Census. Birthplace of parents and place of birth are utilized to derive an individual's generational status. A respondent is 1st generation if he/she is foreign born, 2nd generation if the respondent is native born and both parents are foreign born, 2.5 generation if only one of the respondent's parents is foreign born, and 3rd+ generation if both the respondent and parents are native born.
Mother Tongue: refers to the single and multiple responses of the first language learned at home in childhood and still understood by the individual at the time of the census.
Home Language: refers to the language spoken most often or on a regular basis at home by the individual at the time of the census.
Marriage Type: is a derived variable using the ethnic ancestry of husband and the wife. Specifically it refers to being endogamously or exogamously married with respect to ethnic or cultural origin. Wives who are married to husbands of the same ethnic ancestry are considered to be endogamously married, while wives who are married to husbands of a different ethnic ancestry than themselves are considered to be exogamously married. Conversely, husbands who are married to wives of the same ethnic ancestry are endogamously married, while husbands who are married to wives of a different ethnic ancestry than themselves are exogamously married. Specifically, this analysis uses rates of ethnic intermarriage as defined by the percentage of husbands who married wives of different ethnic origins, or conversely, the percentage of wives who married husbands of different origins.
Census Metropolitan Area (CMA): is the areal unit for this analysis and is defined as one or more adjacent municipalities situated around a large urban area known as the urban core and that numbers at least 100,000. The adjacent municipalities must have a high degree of social and economic integration and be urban. Eight CMAs are utilized in the analysis namely, the five Prairie CMAs (Calgary, Edmonton, Regina, Saskatoon, and Winnipeg) and Canada's three largest CMAs (Toronto, Montreal, and Vancouver). The latter three are also the major immigrant receiving cities in Canada.
The purpose of this analysis is to utilize the data from the 2001 Census of Canada to examine the intergenerational transfer of ethnic identity at the turn of the twenty-first century. The major waves of immigration of Canada's older immigrant populations, such as the Germans, Ukrainians, Dutch, Scandinavian, and Polish, took place in the early decades of the twentieth century. Canada's visible minorities did not come in large numbers until the country's immigration policy became non-discriminatory in the 1960s. The older immigrant groups had large proportions of 3rd+ generations by the turn of the century, while the more recent immigrants, such as the Chinese and South Asians, did not, as can be seen in Table 1. The only exception is the Japanese, who have been in Canada for many years, and the Blacks, to some degree, because "Canadian Blacks," i.e., those who came to Canada from the United States to escape slavery, are included in this group. Low proportions of 3rd+ generations make it more difficult to examine intergenerational transfers of ethnic identity because the numbers are small and therefore less reliable than if the numbers were larger. It can be seen that Regina, Saskatoon, and Winnipeg tend to have the highest proportions of the more Canadianized third-plus generations than any of the other five census metropolitan areas utilized in this analysis, and are consistently above the average for Canada as a whole.
Statistics Canada has always accepted Canadian as an ethnic category (Pendakur and Mata 1998). It has been suggested in an earlier paper that Canadian is not an ethnic ancestry per se, but rather an ethnic identity (Kalbach and Kalbach 1999). Table 2 shows the percent distribution of Canadian responses in the 1991, 1996, and 2001 censuses. Very clearly, the increase in the response rate reveals that greater percentages of individuals perceive themselves as Canadian over time. According to Table 3, at the time of the 2001 Census, the highest proportion of individuals reporting Canadian tend to have native-born parents followed by individuals with at least one native-born parent. The proportion of individuals reporting Canadian is significantly lower if both of their parents are foreign born. Conversely, the percentage of people reporting origins other than Canadian is significantly higher for people with parents who are both foreign born. Thus, the more Canadianized generations are the ones that tend to identify as a Canadian rather than with their ethnic or cultural ancestry group.
Multiple responses are also indicative of the relative importance of an individual's ethnic ancestry in terms of identity. The ethnic-connectedness research argues that higher levels of ethnic-connectedness tend to be associated with single ethnic origin responses. Figure 1 presents the data for multiple origin responses which tend to be associated with lower levels of ethnic-connectedness for Canada and the eight census metropolitan areas. The data show that the most ethnic mixing in Canada at the turn of the century had occurred within the older immigrants groups, i.e., the British, French, German, and Ukrainian followed by the Latin, Central and South Americans, Middle Easterners, Italians, Canadians, and Greeks and Portuguese. The least ethnic mixing is reported for the Chinese and South Asians. This is consistent with recent intermarriage research (Kalbach 2000, 2002). Similar patterns for the eight census metropolitan areas are evident in Table 4. However, the Portuguese and Italians residing in Regina and Saskatoon are exceptions to the overall patterns in that they tend to have relatively high proportions of multiple response rates. The data in Table 4 also reveal that Aboriginals residing in Canada's CMAs have relatively high rates of multiple ethnic origin responses. The lowest response rates for Aboriginals are found in the Prairie CMAs of Regina and Saskatoon.
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
Figures 2 and 3 reveal the percentage of husbands and wives of English, French, Polish, Ukrainian, Greek, Portuguese, East Indian, and Chinese who were married to spouses of different origins at the time of the 2001 Census. The data reveal an increase in the rates of ethnic intermarriage across generations for Ukrainian, East Indian, and Chinese husbands. An increase in ethnic exogamy across generations is also revealed for Ukrainian, Greek, Portuguese, and Chinese wives. The exceptions are husbands and wives who are English, French, and Polish, Greek and Portuguese husbands, and East Indian wives. In general, however, the pattern for these groups reflects a significant increase in ethnic intermarriage from the 1st generation to the 2nd and 2.5 generations.
[FIGURES 2-3 OMITTED]
Table 5 reveals generational patterns of ethnic intermarriage for husbands residing in the census metropolitan areas of Vancouver, Calgary, Winnipeg, and Toronto at the time of the 2001 Census. Similar patterns of ethnic exogamy to those for husbands in Canada as a whole prevail. Rates of ethnic intermarriage are generally significantly higher for 3rd+ generation husbands, but in most cases the rates tend to be slightly lower than the rates for husbands of the 2nd and 2.5 generations. However, it is important to note that the increase in marital assimilation from the 1st generation to the 3rd+ generation is significant.
LANGUAGE: MOTHER TONGUE AND LANGUAGE MOST OFTEN AT HOME
The use of an ethnic language has been shown to decline across generations (Kalbach and Richard 1980). Lower levels of ethnic-connectedness are associated with a decline in the use of the ethnic language (ibid.). Table 6 reveals the percentage distribution of non-official mother tongues by generation or the population fifteen years of age and over for Canada and the census metropolitan areas of Vancouver, Calgary, Edmonton, Regina, Saskatoon, Winnipeg, Toronto, and Montreal at the time of the 2001 Census. The classic pattern of continuous ethnic language loss from the 1st to the 3rd generation is clearly evident for Canada and each of the CMAs. The declines are most precipitous for Toronto, Montreal, and Vancouver.
Table 7 reveals a slightly different pattern for ethnic languages spoken most often in the home. There was a significant decline in the use of ethnic languages spoken most often at home from the 1st generation to the 3rd+ generation at the time of the 2001 Census, but the proportion of the 3rd+ generation using an ethnic language in the home was not always lower than the proportion for the 2nd or 2.5 generation. Again, the most precipitous decline in the loss of the ethnic languages spoken most often at home between 1st and 3rd+ generations were evident for Toronto, Montreal, and Vancouver and least in the Prairie CMAs.
If the data were available to do a similar analysis for specific ethnic groups, the same results regarding a generational decline of ethnic mother tongues and ethnic languages spoken most often at home would be expected. Differences in levels of declines between groups would also be expected, as well as generational differences within the various ethnic or cultural groups.
Many Aboriginals declared multiple origins in the 2001 Census as evidenced in Figure 1 and Table 4. The rate of multiple responses as a percentage of the total responses was 57.9% for Canada and over 50% for every CMA except Regina. The rate of multiple responses was just over 50% for Saskatoon.
Aboriginal ancestry and identity can be examined directly because a question was asked about both in the census. Table 8 provides the number of Aboriginals in Canada and eight census metropolitan areas by ethnic ancestry and identity at the time of the 2001 Census. It is clear that not all of Canada's Aboriginals identify with their aboriginal heritage.
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS
Canada's 2001 Census reveals that there is an intergenerational transfer of ethnic identity across generations for Canada and the census metropolitan areas of Vancouver, Calgary, Edmonton, Regina, Saskatoon, Winnipeg, Toronto, and Montreal. The evidence is found in ethnic language loss across generations, in increases in ethnic exogamy across generations, in relatively high rates of multiple responses, and in the continued increases in the percentage of the population who have responded Canadian in Canada's censuses since 1991. According to previous research, lower levels of ethnic-connectedness are associated with each of these findings, and this in turn suggests that there is a significant level of intergenerational transfer of ethnic identity in Canada, especially from the 1st to the 3rd+ generation. Any aberrations in the data can probably be explained by small numbers in the 2.5 and 3rd+ generations for the most recent immigrant groups such as the Italians, Greeks, Portuguese, East Indians, and Chinese. It is also a fact that some of the older ethnic ancestry groups such as the Poles that have not been refueled by high levels of recent immigration also have small numbers of 1st generation or foreign born. In spite of these facts the analysis reveals an intergenerational transfer in ethnic identity away from an ethnic ancestry to another identity such as Canadian or a combination of ethnic ancestry and Canadian. At any rate the analysis suggest that there are many individuals who think of themselves as Canadian, but who also seem to be aware of their ethnic or cultural ancestry with which they may still identify under some circumstances (Kalbach and Kalbach 1999; Isajiw 1990; Isajiw et. al. 1993).
The 2001 Census of Canada provides a picture of Canada's multicultural population at the turn of the twenty-first century. The ethnic character of Canada's immigration stream has changed from what it was during most of the twentieth century. Canada's immigrants are now mainly non-European in ancestry, and most live in census metropolitan areas. The analyses in this paper suggest that the new immigrant groups will continue to experience an intergenerational transfer of ethnic identity as their 2nd and 3rd+ generations numbers increase.
One of the goals of Canada's censuses is to provide a snapshot of the Canadian population at the same point in time every ten years. This is especially important in a multicultural society such as Canada if policy making is to be adequately informed. Thus, the results of this analysis provide an argument for continuing to ask about ethnic ancestry and argues for additional questions to be retained on a regular basis or added. It would be prudent to remove Canadian as a response to the ethnic ancestry question because it is really an answer to the question of identity. In time it may become a legitimate ethnic ancestry, but as long as Canada is a country of immigration it would appear to be more of a reflection of ethnic identity. The addition of a question on ethnic identity would allow individuals to identify as Canadian if they wished. It would ensure legitimacy and validity to this response category as well as to the ethnic ancestry question. In addition, questions on birthplace and birthplace of parents should be included in all decennial censuses to facilitate the provision of an accurate picture of Canada's immigrants and the extent of their integration into Canadian society over time.
Statistics Canada and Canadian Heritage conducted a post-censal survey regarding ethnic diversity in Canada after the 2001 Census. This should be continued if Canada's policymakers and ethnic groups themselves are to make informed decisions about their welfare.
Table 1 Percentage Distribution of Selected Visible Minorities by 3rd+ Generation, Population 15 Years of Age and Over, Canada and Selected Census Metropolitan Areas, 2001 Ethnic Origin Vancouver Calgary Edmonton Saskatoon Chinese 1.6 1.9 1.9 2.4 South Asian 0.7 0.9 0.5 1.3 Black 13.5 14.1 14.6 17.3 Filipino 0.5 0.8 0.6 - Latin American 0.9 0.2 0.9 1.4 Southeast Asian 0.5 0.7 0.2 - Arab 1.6 0.7 0.5 4.8 West Asian 0.2 - - - Korean 0.6 1.6 l.2 - Japanese 20.9 36.9 37.9 12.5 Ethnic Origin Regina Winnipeg Toronto Montreal Chinese 3.1 2.7 0.5 1.3 South Asian 1.2 1.2 0.3 0.4 Black 17.0 11.4 3.7 4.3 Filipino 1.8 0.4 0.5 0.5 Latin American 3.0 - 0.5 1.0 Southeast Asian - 0.5 0.3 0.6 Arab 4.3 2.0 0.5 0.5 West Asian - - 0.1 0.4 Korean 5.6 3.3 0.4 3.5 Japanese 30.8 42.9 28.9 18.3 Ethnic Origin Canada Chinese 1.6 South Asian 0.5 Black 10.4 Filipino 0.6 Latin American 0.9 Southeast Asian 0.6 Arab 0.8 West Asian 0.2 Korean 1.4 Japanese 28.2 Source: Statistics Canada. 2001 Census of Canada Department of Canadian Heritage Special Tabulations Table 2 Percent Distribution of Canadian Responses, Canada, 1991-2001 Year Percent Percent Total Canadian Canadian Percent Plus Other 1991 3.0 1.0 4.0 1996 19.0 12.0 31.0 2001 23.0 16.0 39.0 Source: Statistics Canada, Censuses of Canada Table 3 Population 15 Years of Age and Over Reporting Canadian or Other Origins by Birthplace of Parents, Canada, 2001 Total Both Parents Native Ethnic Origin Born Total Population 15 Years of Age and Over 100.0 100.0 Percentage of people reporting Canadian 38.0 55.0 People reporting only Canadian 22.0 33.8 People reporting Canadian with other origins 15.9 21.2 Percentage of people reporting other origins 62.0 45.0 People reporting one origin 41.5 23.5 (other than Canadian) People reporting two or more origins 20.6 21.6 (other than Canadian) Both One Parents Parent Foreign Native Ethnic Origin Born Born Total Population 15 Years of Age and Over 100.0 100.0 Percentage of people reporting Canadian 3.7 36.0 People reporting only Canadian 1.4 9.9 People reporting Canadian with other origins 2.2 26.1 Percentage of people reporting other origins 96.3 64.0 People reporting one origin 81.8 29.5 (other than Canadian) People reporting two or more origins 14.5 34.6 (other than Canadian) Source: Statistics Canada. 2001 Census, www.statcan.ca Table 4 Multiple Ethnic Origins as a Percentage of the Total Population 15 Years of Age and Older for Selected Populations, Selected CMAs, 2001 Ethnic Origin Vancouver Calgary Edmonton Regina Aboriginal 73.1 74.3 68.4 49.3 Canadian 62.3 54.3 53.9 54.8 British 74.3 77.6 79.9 83.4 French 87.7 88.4 86.4 89.7 German 76.5 78.4 75.2 72.3 Ukrainian 76.3 76.8 64.5 74.0 Greek 46.7 55.5 57.4 33.2 Italian 57.0 62.0 59.2 64.2 Portuguese 43.4 54.0 37.7 72.6 Chinese 10.4 17.6 16.2 24.2 South Asian 12.8 16.3 14.5 31.3 Latin American 45.1 39.3 39.4 31.4 Central American 47.7 41.8 37.1 50.9 South American 53.1 42.2 43.8 25.0 Middle Eastern 46.3 32.3 27.2 55.1 Total 37.6 47.7 47.2 53.9 Ethnic Origin Saskatoon Winnipeg Toronto Montreal Aboriginal 52.8 63.1 61.1 82.3 Canadian 57.0 56.8 56.1 23.8 British 83.5 79.4 69.7 76.9 French 88.0 83.2 87.7 57.8 German 73.2 71.8 76.9 75.5 Ukrainian 67.3 66.6 61.1 60.0 Greek 26.9 41.4 27.4 20.1 Italian 79.9 55.6 28.0 31.4 Portuguese 55.9 23.4 24.6 23.1 Chinese 20.5 27.2 13.0 17.6 South Asian 19.6 19.1 17.1 15.1 Latin American 47.0 38.7 37.0 28.6 Central American 48.1 34.1 39.2 27.0 South American 50.0 51.4 39.7 34.0 Middle Eastern 40.9 62.5 34.7 26.7 Total 53.8 47.0 29.7 21.2 Source: Statistics Canada, 2001 Census Table 5 Percentage of Husbands of Selected Single Origins with Wives of a Different Ethnic Origin by Generation, Selected Census Metropolitan Areas, Canada, 2001 Generation Ethnic Origin 1st 2nd 2.5 3rd+ Vancouver CMA English 55.7 67.6 66.0 65.2 French 57.4 77.8 89.1 78.2 Polish 22.3 90.3 94.3 90.2 Ukrainian 36.7 75.6 81.8 83.4 Greek 29.5 60.2 71.4 100.0 Portuguese 30.6 80.9 100.0 58.3 East Indian 4.4 18.0 14.3 47.8 Chinese 3.4 28.4 32.1 57.1 Calgary CMA English 58.9 74.9 69.4 66.6 French 59.1 85.7 93.7 81.6 Polish 19.0 89.6 100.0 96.7 Ukrainian 46.9 72.3 79.1 82.0 Greek 26.6 74.1 100.0 100.0 Portuguese 35.9 82.6 - 33.3 East Indian 7.0 38.9 - 40.0 Chinese 5.6 45.3 23.5 61.5 Winnipeg CMA English 56.6 71.4 74.6 70.4 French 73.9 72.7 62.8 72.5 Polish 21.6 76.8 75.0 78.4 Ukrainian 27.2 50.3 59.0 72.9 Greek 31.6 70.6 100.0 - Portuguese 22.2 57.1 100.0 100.0 East Indian 11.2 25.0 - 20.0 Chinese 9.7 58.3 100.0 44.4 Toronto CMA English 53.8 66.9 63.6 59.3 French 63.3 86.7 88.6 79.7 Polish 15.1 74.2 83.7 78.9 Ukrainian 26.4 66.3 75.8 85.4 Greek 14.8 53.9 56.5 56.5 Portuguese 15.9 57.2 54.6 31.6 East Indian 7.2 27.1 50.0 34.7 Chinese 3.4 35.3 23.7 46.9 Source: Statistics Canada. 2001 Census. Department of Canadian Heritage Special Tabulations. Table 6 Percentage Distribution of Non-Official Mother Tongues By Generation, Population 15 Years of Age and Over, Canada and Selected Census Metropolitan Areas, 2001 Generation Geography 1st 2nd 2.5 3rd+ Total Canada 79.5 13.1 1.5 5.9 100.0 Vancouver 88.7 9.6 0.7 0.9 100.0 Calgary 83.8 12.4 1.3 2.5 100.0 Edmonton 74.5 16.4 3.5 5.7 100.0 Saskatoon 44.3 20.4 7.7 27.5 100.0 Regina 54.8 23.9 7.3 14.0 100.0 Winnipeg 66.1 18.5 4.2 11.2 100.0 Toronto 88.3 10.8 0.5 0.4 100.0 Montreal 82.3 15.7 1.2 0.7 100.0 Source: Statistics Canada, 2001 Census. Department of Canadian Heritage Special Tabulations. Table 7 Percentage Distribution of Ethnic Languages Spoken Most Often at Home by Generation, Population 15 Years of Age and Over, Canada and Selected Census Metropolitan Areas, 2001 Generation Geography 1st 2nd 2.5 3rd+ Total Canada 83.3 9.1 1.3 5.6 100.0 Vancouver 90.9 7.7 0.7 0.7 100.0 Calgary 89.2 8.2 0.9 1.7 100.0 Edmonton 83.4 10.8 1.7 4.0 100.0 Saskatoon 61.4 10.7 4.6 23.3 100.0 Regina 75.4 12.2 2.6 9.7 100.0 Winnipeg 78.2 11.4 2.5 8.0 100.0 Toronto 89.8 9.3 0.6 0.4 100.0 Montreal 82.9 13.9 1.6 1.6 100.0 Source: Statistics Canada, 2001 Census. Department of Canadian Heritage Special Tabulations. Table 8 Population by Aboriginal Group and Aboriginal Identity, Canada and Selected Census Metropolitan Areas, 2001 Canada Aboriginal Ancestry Aboriginal Identity Canada 983,090 976,305 Vancouver 37,265 31,140 Calgary 22,110 15,195 Edmonton 41,295 32,825 Saskatoon 20,455 16,600 Regina 15,790 13,605 Winnipeg 55,970 45,750 Toronto 20,595 16,095 Montreal 11,275 9,965 Source: Statistics Canada. 2001 Census of Canada. www.statcan.ca
I would like to extend my appreciation to the Department of Canadian Heritage for making the 2001 Census special tabulations available for this analysis. I would also like to acknowledge the research assistance of Stacia Braam and Brooke Pigott. Their help is greatly appreciated.
Boyd, Monica. 1999. Canadian, eh? Ethnic origin shifts in the Canadian Census. Canadian Ethnic Studies/Etudes ethniques au Canada 31(3): 1-19.
Isajiw, Wsevolod W. 1990. Ethnic-identity retention. In Raymond Breton, Wsevolod W. Isajiw, Warren E. Kalbach and Jeffrey Reitz (eds.) Ethnic Identity and Equality. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, pp. 34-92.
Isajiw, Wsevolod W., Aysan Sev'er and Leo Driedger. 1993. Ethnic identity and social mobility: A test of the "drawback model." Canadian Journal of Sociology 18 (2): 177-196.
Kalbach, Madeline A. 2002. Ethnic intermarriage in Canada. Canadian Ethnic Studies/ Etudes ethniques au Canada 34(2): 25-39.
Kalbach, Madeline A. 2000. Ethnicity and the altar. In M. A. Kalbach and W. E. Kalbach (ed.) Perspectives on Ethnicity in Canada: A Reader. Toronto: Harcourt Brace, pp. 111-120.
Kalbach, Madeline A., Kelly H. Hardwick, Renata D. Vintila and Warren E. Kalbach. 2002. Ethnic-connectedness and economic inequality: A persisting relationship. Canadian Studies in Population 29(2): 245-264.
Kalbach, Madeline A. and Warren E. Kalbach. 1999. Becoming Canadian: Problems of an emerging identity. Canadian Ethnic Studies/Etudes ethniques au Canada 31(2): 1-16.
Kalbach, Madeline A. and Warren E. Kalbach. 1999. Persistence of ethnicity and inequality among Canadian immigrants. Canadian Studies in Population 26(1): 83-105.
Kalbach, Madeline A. and Warren E. Kalbach. 1995. Ethnic Diversity and Persistence as Factors in Socioeconomic Inequality: A Challenge for the Twenty-First Century. Paper presented at the Federation of Canadian Demographers Symposium, Toward the Twenty-First Century: Emerging Socio-Demographic Trends and Policy Issues in Canada. St. Paul University, Ottawa, October 23-25, 1995.
Kalbach, Warren E. and Madeline A. Richard. 1980. Differential effects of ethno-religious structure on linguistic trends and economic achievements of Ukrainian Canadians. In W. R. Petryshyn (ed.) Changing Realities: Social Trends Among Ukrainian Canadians. Edmonton: The Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, pp. 78-96.
Pendakur, Ravi and Fernando Mata. 1998. Patterns of ethnic identification and the "Canadian" response. Canadian Ethnic Studies/Etudes ethniques au Canada 30(2): 125-137.
Pigott, Brooke, 2003. The Effect of Language on Ethnic Identity. Department of Sociology Master's Thesis. University of Calgary.
Richard, Madeline A. 1991. Ethnic Groups and Marital Choices: Ethnic History and Marital Assimilation in Canada, 1871 to 1971. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press.
Statistics Canada. 2003. 2001 Census of Canada. Ottawa: Department of Canadian Heritage Special Tabulations.
Madeline A. Kalbach is the Chair of Ethnic Studies and Professor of Sociology at the University of Calgary. She is the author of the book, Ethnic Groups and Marital Choices, and co-author of the book, Perspectives on Ethnicity in Canada.
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|Author:||Kalbach, Madeline A.|
|Publication:||Canadian Ethnic Studies Journal|
|Date:||Mar 22, 2003|
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