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The first Serbian female teachers and writers: their role in the emancipation of Serbian society.

To the teacher who has influenced me the most, Dr. Ljubica D. Popovich, Professor Emerita

In this paper I present the history of the intellectual identity of Serbia's first professional female teachers. Not only did they struggle to educate girls, but they also fought against Serbia's culture of prejudice and for women's place and role in society. For that reason, they entered many literary spheres that had previously belonged exclusively to men. I shed light on the dynamics between ideology and cultural memory by reflecting on support that these female teachers and writers received from certain male intellectuals in the nineteenth century and which they have not received since. I hope that we will become more aware of the complex relationship between gender and knowledge and that other researchers will be more responsive to the connection between past and present crises within educational and epistemological systems.

By the end of the nineteenth century, there were more than one hundred Serbian women writers. (1) This phenomenon is connected to women's right to receive higher education, to work, and, consequently, enter the professional world. Some of the first female teachers were novelists or short-story writers whose works were published in well-known Serbian periodicals and in the first "women's" issue of Zora in 1899. Historians of Serbian literature have neglected this founding generation of female teachers and writers who tried to make Serbia's repressive patriarchy more liberal and modern.

Although there has been research on the origins of girls' education in Serbia, it has ignored the female intellectuals of the Middle Ages and the significance of their contributions. (2) During that time, many widowed Serbian queens, princesses, and noble women entered convents and women's monasteries, where they taught girls and, in some cases, independently managed the communal economy, producing and trading goods. (3) The first institution of this kind was founded in the thirteenth century by the Serbian queen of French origin, Jelena Anzujska (circa 1237-1314), and throughout the Middle Ages Serbian nuns followed this tradition. The latest institution of that kind was the Serbian school for girls, founded in Pec in 1855 by the nun Katarina. This era saw the first link between women of distant social classes and the positive impact of women of privilege on the lives of the less privileged. Female monastic communities seem not to have been cut off from the world and particularly not from poor, young women. Thus, Serbian female teachers who appeared in public schools in the mid-nineteenth century were not the novelty that some historians have suggested. On the contrary, they were part of a long struggle for female education.

The main difference between the aristocratic noble nuns and public school teachers was the growing number of the latter and their greater impact on women in Serbia and in the Austro-Hungarian Empire. In Serbia, the first female teachers at public schools for girls appeared in response to greater interest in and demand for female education. By 1846 the government had opened its first public elementary schools for girls in Paracin and Belgrade. (4) At the time, the first Serbian female teachers came from the Austro-Hungarian Empire but had no formal pedagogical training. (5) Even though boys' education had been established fifty years earlier, male teachers did not receive training that was any better than that of their female colleagues. Due to lack of professional teacher training, the Serbian school system was under constant pressure. (6)

As in other European societies of the time, it was not important to give boys and girls the same education. This remained unchanged until the end of World War II. In the most developed as well as the poorest European countries, this was not a question of economics but of patriarchal prejudices. (7) Another little-known fact is that after establishing the Principality of Serbia, the government began to view higher education of men as dangerous. In 1848, or just after the first generation of university-educated men had returned from studying abroad, the government was enormously fearful of schools and education, which pushed it to more repressive responses. (8) In that context, we need to understand why the government was so adamantly opposed to the education of girls. It was not just a question of having more intelligentsia in the opposition but of having the patriarchal foundation of society destroyed. Therefore, the Serbian intelligentsia split into two groups: a large group of conservative intellectuals and a smaller liberal group who constituted the elite.

The history of girls' education in Serbia leads to the conclusion that were it not for female historians, we might not have sufficient data to enable us to see how complex this problem was.9 While the education of boys and young men in Serbia started at the beginning of the nineteenth century and was part of a state initiative, the first high schools for girls were the result of private initiatives. These institutions were established by foreign female teachers such as Klara Spacek, Nemica Cimeran, Longovica, Marija Smutekovica, and Marija Garija-Hon, who tried to superimpose European culture onto Serbian tradition. (10) At such schools, Serbian girls were taught foreign languages, musical education, and good manners.(11)

The professionalization of female teachers developed rather slowly, reflecting the conflict between modern and traditional values within Serbian society. These two sets of values have not changed. (12) The first law prescribing the establishment of elementary schools for girls was enacted in 1846, and the first elementary schools were opened in Parafin and Belgrade. In 1863, girls in Serbia received the right to higher education, and the High School for Girls opened its doors in Belgrade. (13) This institution had two purposes: to advance girls' education and to professionalize female teachers. These important changes were the result of efforts by two intellectuals, Minister for Education Konstantin Kosta Cukic (1826-79) and his counselor, the writer Ljubomir Nenadovic (1826-95), (14) both of whom had attended universities in Western Europe. (15) Cukic and Nenadovic pushed this law, which led to subsequent reforms for Serbian women. This chapter from Serbian history is a remarkable other details about these individuals (see "Drustveni identitet," 209). This paper is also translated in English: Ana Stolic, "Vocation or Hobby: The Social Identity of Female Teachers in Ninetenth-Century Serbia," in Gender Relations in South-Eastern Europe: Historical Perspectives on Womanhood and Manhood in the 19th and 20th Century, ed. Miroslav Jovanovic and Slobodan Naumovic (Belgrade: Udruzenje za drustvenu istoriju; Graz: Institut fur Geschiehte der Universitat, Abteilung Stidosteuropaische Geschichte, 2002), 55-90. example of how a few educated people can move a primitive society toward a modern future. (16)

Even though this law opened doors for Serbia's young women, the establishment of the High School for Girls was not the triumph of modern Serbian intellectualism. It was a new phase in the struggle for the recognition of female intellectuals as its principal, Katarina Milovuk (1844-1913), fought to keep her school alive. For the next fifty years this institution experienced constant pressure from various ministers of education, as one of its faculty members, Kosara Cvetkovic (Fig. 1), documented exhaustively. (17) Perhaps without the strong leadership of Katarina Milovuk, all types of obstacles could have undermined education's crucial importance to the emancipation of Serbian women. The school could not have gained modern and elite status nor could its women have been able to work as a united source of intellectual power. It was not a coincidence that Milovuk was also a founding member of the first Serbian Women's Society (Zensko drustvo) in Belgrade in 1875. (18)

In order to understand the emerging identity of female teachers, it is important to follow their actions. Whether they appeared in the Austro-Hungarian Empire or in Serbia, it was difficult for them to work and write without obstacles. (19) As a radically new identity group, female teachers were under constant pressure from state, church, and local officials. They were spied on and controlled. Various bogus complaints filed against them were part of the strong resistance against this new woman's identity. (20) Unlike male teachers, female teachers suffered discrimination, and in contrast to their male peers, teaching was the only profession that was open to them. The more pressures the government exerted through new laws, the more motivated female teachers became. (21) In Serbia, Milovuk strengthened the relationships between her students and faculty and supported the establishment of the Society of Students of the Higher Women's School (Drustvo ucenica Vise zenske skole) in 1884. Moreover, Milovuk cultivated the Serbian female intellectual elite in her school by hiring her most promising graduates. (22) Very soon after, female teachers outnumbered male. (23)

Why did these women enter such a difficult profession? Were they hurt by the lack of substantial moral and intellectual support from Serbian society? Why did female teachers defy certain laws? (24) Why was it so important for female teachers to educate themselves, to read until dawn? (25) Why were most of them willing to sacrifice their private life? Was the growing number of well-educated girls sufficient encouragement? Or was it their primary goal?

The literary works of the first female teacher-writers provide some of the answers. Despite their innovative writing, these women and their works have not been sufficiently researched. The male historians of Serbian literature have only written about a few of these female teacher-writers and dismissed their works as insignificant. It seems that Jovan Deretic was the first historian to mention even two of these female teacher-writers: Stanka Glisic and Draga Gavrilovic (Fig. 2). The truth is that Deretic did so without devoting his study to examining their work. In his historic-poetical monograph of Serbian realism, Dusan Ivanic only mentions Draga Gavrilovic, but in a review of her collected works he defines her fiction as literature without value. In a recent academic survey translated into English, A Short History of Serbian Literature, Ivanic does not mention Gavrilovic at all. (26) After some research, it becomes clear that we are dealing with overlooked information. There are several periodicals from the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, such as Javor and Srpkinja, whose editors printed lists of more than a hundred Serbian female writers, most of whom were teachers. (27) Many of these women published their literary work, usually in periodicals, and very rarely as books. In 1899 a special issue of Zora was dedicated to Serbian female writers. Why have historians of Serbian literature not mentioned these changes?

In Hayden White's view, literary history is an account both of change in continuity and of continuity in change. (28) If there were so many female writers, why have their works been ignored? I also call for a wider exploration of this problem, because the sources on female teacher-writers have been available, but researchers rarely study them. Clearly, we are dealing not only with a manipulative and ideologically generated system of knowledge but also with its pressure to forget female culture, which makes it difficult to eradicate gender inequality and improve the other social frameworks of the culture of memory. What we have here is a transdisciplinary phenomenon of cultural memory studies which deals with "remembering" or "forgetting" aspects of the past, challenging the notion of collective or cultural memory. (29)

A second group of historians, consisting of female historians of Serbian society and particularly of girls' education, have actually evaluated the contribution of the first female teachers, which they perceive as a complex phenomenon, but the emergence itself of these teacher-writers has remained unknown to them. (30) Some of these historians have made ambiguous arguments: for example, what could motivate female teachers to endure harsh circumstances or to struggle against prejudice? We need to utilize the narratives of teacher-writers as a special confessional form of their experience.

I have written about the institutional efforts to diminish the importance of Draga (Draginja) Gavrilovic and her contemporaries. (31) Draga Gavrilovic (1854-1917) was the first Serbian feminist writer and a fierce critic of the Serbian patriarchal tradition and misogyny in its educational system. She moved women from the bottom to the top of Serbian culture. Gavrilovic reinvented the Serbian story and novel by writing about women. She changed a Serbian literary hero and plot, introducing many variants of a new character type--the female intellectual. She wrote stories and novels about teacher-intellectuals, actresses, female bookkeepers, nuns, writers, and about friendships among women. (32) For example, she created female teacher-writers, of both Serbian and American origin, agitating for American success in women's emancipation. She wanted Serbia to emulate the US.

In doing so, Gavrilovic constructed a range of new thematic concerns, all pertaining to a new female intellectual group. That is why her two novels, Iz uciteljickog zivota (From a Female Teacher's Life) and Devojacki roman (A Young Girl's Novel), begin with original images and rhetoric. Both stories begin with long discussions between young women, some of whom are graduates of a girls' high school or teachers. Instead of having physically attractive women in a narrative background, Gavrilovic unambiguously creates women who are morally and intellectually irresistible. Behind these creative efforts stands the writer's mission to make Serbians, especially young women, more critical of their society, as Gavrilovic stated in her story "Radi nje" (Because of Her), published in Sadagnjost (Kikinda) in 1896.

Although Gavrilovic lived in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, poverty was also a reality in Serbia. She often wrote about Serbs, specifically, Serbian teachers in the Austro-Hungarian Empire who needed to defend their national identity. Gavrilovic also narrated the political aspect of a female teacher's life:
   A few days ago she received a formal notice from the school's
   officials stating that teachers are strictly commanded to follow
   the rule that children must know and speak Hungarian by the time
   they finish third grade. (33) So how does one manage this despite
   the fact that children irregularly attend the classes in school
   villages and are generally neglected, and in addition to the other
   prescribed subjects?! (34)


Furthermore, Gavrilovic's stories about female teachers shed light on their life and work and stress the strong link between girls' education and female emancipation. (35) While some female teachers resigned from their position because of poor conditions or public opposition to them, others, such as Darinka in Iz uciteljickog zivota and Devojacki roman, were more resilient.

It is important to note that both of Gavrilovic's heroines, with the same name (Darinka), have a broad view of the political problems and their own visions. Unlike their colleagues, Lenka and Milica in Iz uditeljidkog zivota, for instance, the Darinkas know that fighting poverty is hard and that it is too optimistic to expect teachers to be well paid. Both heroines also know that Serbian people are not well educated, so they have to work harder in order to overcome their prejudices. (36) They criticize Serbians' view of education as something evil and unnecessary. (37) In addition to teaching in the classroom, female teachers taught women, especially in villages, how to raise their children, cure illnesses (as described in one episode in Iz uciteljskog zivota, 212-15), embroider, and be better homemakers. (38)

Despite their devotion to their work, Gavrilovic's heroines found that their intelligence was neither welcomed nor appreciated but was rather resented. The Darinka of Devojacki roman discovered this when she became one of the first female students in a high school for teachers. She wrote letters to her sister, making "feminist confessions" about professors' misogyny and the immoral behavior of some of the professors and female students. (39)

According to Barbara Sheldon, "feminist confessions" are crucial moments of discovering women's motivation for changing traditional gender roles. (40) It may be argued that these confessions are a part of Gavrilovic's personal biography. They help us to understand her motives for defending a new social identity of her own, that of teachers, or female intellectuals. It all began with Darinka's school years, especially after she received a diploma which she enigmatically describes as "osakacena svedodzba"--meaning "a lame" or "disabled diploma." (41) Let us investigate what kind of metonymy is at stake here.

Neznanko Neznankovic (Mr. Unknown Unknowingly)--a young government official, and later Darinka's fiancee--noticed the discrepancy in her diploma between her bad grades and her very good schoolwork and reputation. Neznanko also noticed that she had received a poor grade for misbehavior. In reality, Neznanko perceives the opposite, that Darinka behaves without any complaints and that her behavior may serve as a model for female teachers. Since we know that in reality there were other officials who spied on and complained about female teachers, Neznanko may represent a new fictional type of emancipated official who respects and admires female teachers. Because he is named "Mr. Unknown Unknowingly," perhaps Gavrilovic wanted to stress his hypothetical perfection, not found in real life. Thus, Neznanko becomes a part of the author's new narrative standards for manhood.

At the time, Darinka did not confide to Neznanko what she had previously confessed to her sister, that during her college education she had advocated feminism and that that was the reason why she received a bad grade for her behavior in class. This problem has a deeper meaning, connected not only to the professors' misogyny but also to the same orientation of Serbian society in general and its patriarchal morality. (42) To the young government official Darinka only admitted that this poor grade offended her the most. She said, "that will plague me forever." (43) This could be one of her central confessions, which reveal her reasons for sacrificing her life in order to educate girls. She was giving up her own happiness in order to contribute to society. What kind of society did she want to build? Her confessions provide the answer again. That is, a society that is all about a new morality, or new feminist morality, which closely binds the ethical and the intellectual. Gavrilovic's teachers were emancipated women. In addition to fighting misanthropy, primitivism, pseudo-intellectualism, and misogyny, they struggled for Serbian women's freedom, their right to work, and their right to enter the profession of their choice.

These demands began with the activism of female teachers. Gavrilovic comments on the difficult position of female teachers, writing, "We are still a novelty in our society. We have not gained sufficient trust or popularity, so first of all we need to protect the good name of our girls and our teachers' reputation." (44) Later, she describes their public service: "Our field of work, for now, is school, paragon, and the pen." (45) Then, she describes the strength of her determination: "All my energy, all my life I will sacrifice to my calling." (46)

According to Darinka, her calling was more than professional. It was a duty to society in general and to the liberation of women specifically. Due to a lack of professional choices, many girls turned to the teaching profession even though they did not love it or appreciate its demands. As a teacher-writer, Gavrilovic demanded the right of women to choose from many different professions which were available only to men. She understood the weak morality of some female teachers as the consequence of girls' immaturity, poverty, and the humiliating treatment they experienced in school. (47)

Gavrilovic's other heroine, Darinka from the novel Iz uciteljickog zivota, has the same character traits as Darinka from Devojacki roman. In contrast to Lenka and Milica, Darinka wants to fight to improve the position of women. For her, the biggest reward comes from the girls' desire to become educated: "Don't you find any happiness at all when even a four-year-old girl stops you in the street, asking 'When will I become your student'?" (48) Darinka dreams of male and female students who love and respect their female teachers and admire knowledge, (49) which implies that these are people who have overcome gender prejudices and have a sense of justice. These teachers wanted progress and all they needed was determination and dedication. Darinka said to Milica, "Of course the field of teachers' work is full of thorns, but over the thorns leads the path to happiness. All we need is will and persistence." (50)

The symbiotic form of a female teacher and writer may suggest the vital enlightened role of this intellectual identity in nineteenth-century Serbian education and culture. Also, because of the literary work of these talented teacher-writers from the Austro-Hungarian empire, the idea that they did not know the Serbian language well can be rejected. (51) Ognjanovic praised their language skills and literature. The same symbiotic form of a new and progres sive gender identity was also applied to the model of a new literary hero, which Draga Gavrilovic created. Unlike Gavrilovic, who created this unique identity and a fierce critique of patriarchal society, her contemporaries chose to "soften" this political rhetoric, leaving it in the background, yet having the same positive approach to the new emancipated female characters in their literary works. This was probably on account of their social context. Gavrilovic was the first female teacher in an elementary school in Srpska Crnja, where she lived alone. She was a powerful critical thinker and writer. She denounced the misogyny of Serbian male writers who said that Serbian female writers were "refuse." (52)

Among Gavrilovic's peers, only Mileva Simic (1858-1954) (Fig. 3) had a high position. (53) At the age of 15 she was appointed the principal of the first high school for girls, which opened in Novi Sad in 1874. Quite possibly she obtained this high position because she was the cousin of Dorde Natosevic--a renowned Austro-Hungarian government official at the Serbian education department who had a fruitful network within the Serbian cultural and literary establishment. Simic was also a teacher at the high school for girls and the author of several textbooks. When she published her first story, Simic, unlike Gavrilovic, used a pseudonym.

In her short stories "Nada" (Hope) and "Adidari" (Jewelry), (54) Mileva Simic depicted the psychological atmosphere within a family. Moral wives and mothers save their families. When a husband acknowledges the value of his wife, which is a cultural situation that appeared for the first time after Laza K. Lazarevic's story "Prvi put s ocem na jutrenje" (With Father to the Matins for the First Time), one can clearly see the connection between this new women's morality and the new cultural symbols suggested in Simic's titles. That is, "Hope" and "Jewelry" are used to refer to these precious new women. The same message can be found in Gavrilovic's story "Misli u pozoristu: Jednoj srpskoj glumici" (Some Observations in a Theater: To a Serbian Actress). (55)

Kosara Cvetkovic (1868-1953) began her career as a village teacher in Gornji Milanovac, later in Guca and Cacak, and then became the teacher at a high school for girls in Belgrade, where she also had bookkeeping duties. Afterward, Cvetkovic became a distinguished Serbian translator. Her translations of Russian classics by Dostoyevsky and Chekhov remain highly respected today. (56) Danica Bandic (1871-1950) was a teacher at an elementary school in Kikinda, a town in Austria-Hungary, but after some twenty years she moved to Belgrade.

The distinction between the direct feminist critique of a patriarchal society, culture, and education in Draga Gavrilovic's fiction and its "softer" variant in the fiction and plays of her peers can be best seen if we compare Darinka from Gavrilovic's Devojacki roman and Mileva from Bandic's Emancipovana. (57) Compared to a play, a novel offers wide and complex space for working out ideas with great care and nicety of detail. But here I want to stress the creation of a heroine who in both genres could have achieved the same political power. While the former work elaborated upon a woman's position in the family, in marriage, in a high school for girls, in culture, and in literature, the latter stressed the problematic position of an emancipated woman who wants to marry. Unlike Gavrilovic, Bandic (Fig. 4) tells the story from the male point of view, softening Gavrilovic's serious debate by using comedic strategies, which could gently change public opinion. Bandic, however, followed Gavrilovic's suggestion that the resolution of the drama of women's emancipation resides with cultivated men who are free of all prejudices. It is worth noting that at the core of this change is the role of fathers, who have to support their independent daughters. That said, the father's true love is a part of his respect for his daughter's personal and professional freedom. One could then ask why Emancipovana had to wait so long to be published and why it was so quickly forgotten. Why did Belgrade intellectuals only approve of Bandic's children's books? Why have male and female historians of Serbian literature ignored Bandic's works? In whose interests should historians and academics work?

Bandic's literary talent is apparent in her play Emancipovana and her short stories "Plava traka" (The Blue Ribbon), "Pod jesen" (In Fall), and "Sprain mesecine" (Across the Moonlight), (58) in which she effectively controls her characters, scenes, and dialogues. It is likely that she inherited her talent for drama from her father, Laza Telecki (1841-73), a Serbian actor, dramatist, and translator of plays. She carried her literary ability over into other genres, especially in her writings for children. (59) Bandic was also the director of a theater in Kikinda (Velikokikindska srpska pozorisna dobrovoljna druzina). She may well have been one of Serbia's first female theater directors. She was also one of the founders of numerous women's societies, including the Young Girl's Falcon (Devojacki soko), the Society for Women's Education (Drustvo za prosverivanje zene), and Women's Craft School (Zanatska zenska skola). (60) What makes Bandic's intellectual identity even more distinctive is that unlike most teacher-writers, who stayed single, she was married to a teacher and was the mother of four children. Her daughter became a well-known actress.

The literary works of Mileva Simic, Kosara Cvetkovic, and Danica Bandic offered glimpses of the same new emancipated culture. That culture had an abundance of independent female intellectuals, who had like-minded friends, as implied in the title of Bandic's drama (Emancipovana). These writers described encouraging and supportive fathers, quite unlike the tyrannical patriarchs who dominated Serbian literature from the early novels of Jakov Ignjatovic (Milan Narandzic, Vasa Regpekt, and Veciti mladozenja) to the later novels of Stevan Sremac (Zona Zamfirova) and Borisav Stankovic (Necista krv).

This new emancipated culture opposed patriarchal marriage, which was perceived as immoral since it treated daughters as chattel to be bought and sold. Therefore, it agitated for love and respect between two spouses, which implies autonomy and personal freedom for girls (as expressed in most of Gavrilovic's fiction and Simic's drama Retka sreca, 1900). In contrast to Laza Lazarevic's story "Svabica" (The German Girl) and Sremac's novel Zona Zamfirova, this new culture welcomed international marriages, which these female writers regarded as important cultural exchanges. This new culture saw the effect of positive kinds of female relations, such as mothers, daughters, sisters, artists, and nuns, on Serbian fiction, and it struggled for its place in Serbian society. Women writers broke old myths about mean stepmothers (Cvetkovic's story "U dvadeset osmoj") (61) and asked young female students to be moral, as evidenced in several of Simic's dramas, such as Drugarice (Female Friends; Sombor, 1886) and Polazenik (Novi Sad, 1891). (62)

In addition to writing fiction, drama, and literature for children, these writers worked as translators. Numerous works appeared in periodicals of the nineteenth century, especially in Bosanska vila in Sarajevo. (63) As in other cases, their translations were not acknowledged, even if they translated such modern writers as Walt Whitman or Charles Baudelaire, or well-known foreign women authors of the time, such as Romanian queen and poet Carmen Sylva, the Czech writer Gabriela Preissova, or the Austrian writer and director Olga Wohlbruck. Some of these teachers even crossed into literary criticism; Kosara Cvetkovic, for instance, wrote a critique with coauthor Hristina Ristic of the poetry book Pesme (Nis, 1894), written by another female author, Jelena J. Dimitrijevic. (64) This meant entering the men's sphere of judging, evaluating, and analyzing literary work. Cvetkovic and Ristic meticulously wrote about Dimitrijevic's first poetry book, stressing its values as well as some of the weak points in Dimitrijevic's poetry. In the recently published Istorija srpske knjizevne kritike (History of Serbian Literary Criticism), however, there is no information on Kosara Cvetkovic and Hristina Ristic. (65) In addition to these activities, most of the female principals and teachers were first authors of textbooks (Katarina Milovuk and Persida Pinterovic in Belgrade and Mileva Simic in Novi Sad).

At the time, this new culture received a few supporters, mostly from the Austro-Hungarian Empire. I want to focus on two of them. One was Ilija Ognjanovic, a doctor and editor of Javor, which was a highly-regarded cultural periodical in Novi Sad. When the first female teachers sent their literary work to Ognjanovic, he published it (Gavrilovic's Iz uciteljickog zivota in 1884 and later Simic's "Nada"). Not only did Ognjanovic make their work accessible, but he also showed them the highest respect, frequently printing their fiction on Javor's first page, which was usually reserved for male authors. In this way, Ognjanovic paid respect to the creativity of female intellectuals. Ognjanovic also wrote articles elucidating these new values and explaining why they were important for Serbian culture and society. (66)

Ognjanovic's articles are not mentioned in two monographs about Serbian periodicals of the nineteenth century, both written by the academic Dusan Ivanic. (67) Ognjanovic's support of Serbian female writers was quite unusual for its time. In 1891 Ognjanovic even proposed writing a history of Serbian women's literature. This happened just after he printed the news that Matica srpska had published the book Srpski pisci (Serbian Male Writers). Obviously, he was dismayed by the institutional exclusion of women writers from Serbian culture and especially from the professional judgments made by academics and critics. Apprehending this reality, Ognjanovic encouraged his associates and readers to send in any information they had about the Serbian women writers and their works so that he might document and publish them in Javor, thus constructing a parallel history of Serbian literature. During the year 1891, Ognjanovic published a long list of names and works of almost 100 female authors, most of them teachers. In 1897 this list was expanded to incorporate the names of 149 women writers in the calendar Srpkinja. The list was reprinted in the almanac Srpkinja in 1913. It is strange that Ognjanovic valued male and female authors equally and that no one has taken up his call to write a history of Serbia's female writers. Why did Ognjanovic want to help the new female cultural identity gain equal respect, and why have today's academic representatives been working in a diametrically opposite manner? We can only speculate to what extent Serbian society could have changed if male officials had wanted to promote a new emancipated culture.

Atanasije Sola went a step further than Ognjanovic, dedicating a special thematic issue of his cultural periodical Zora (in Mostar, at that time part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire) to Serbian female writers. In doing so, Sola followed Ognjanovic's efforts to respect gender differences and make them communicate inside one culture and not separate them into a hierarchy of values dictated by male culture. Sola's innovation, which was unique in the region at the time, had the same bad fate as Ognjanovic's throughout a century or so. Historians of Serbian literature, male and female, applied double strategies regarding that issue of Zora. Some historians and scholars of Serbian literature have not mentioned the issue at all. (68) A historian from the Serbian Academy of Science and Art designated that thematic issue "feminine" and dismissed it as weak. (69) Therefore, a link between female and literature was established not as a part of scientific efforts but as a result of the prejudices of a male or patriarchal culture.

Many researchers emphasized the role of Jovan Ducic (1871-1943) in advancing Zora to a more aesthetic level, often clouding Ducic's true role in editing the special issue. (70) Among many studies on Ducic's role in Zora, one could ask for the caution which Mihajlo Misa Dordevic showed in addressing the origin of the "feminine" issue of Zora. Dordevic defined that issue as "the greatest innovation." (71)

Only Stanisa Tutnjevic clearly stressed that Ducic could not have been the editor of Zora's "feminine" issue. At the time, Ducic was studying in Geneva and had sent a bitter letter to his friend Milan Savic. In that letter, Ducic revealed how furious he was about that issue, writing, "For me, no woman exists as an educated person, much less a writer. If my fellows from Zora wanted to give me such proof, they showed it with that issue by using black ink on white paper." (72) Little has changed since Laza Kostic (1841-1910), another Serbian poet and intellectual, stated that Serbian women should not be included in political organizations, nor should they be treated as the equals of men because of the nature of women. (73)

The first female teachers encountered prejudice and discrimination. They knew that girls' education would lead to better lives as women. The growing number of female teachers was congruent with the rise in girls' ambitions, which broke with prescribed gender roles. The teachers created the opportunities for their students. They went abroad to study medicine (Draga Ljocic 1855-1926), architecture (Jelisaveta Nacic 1878-1955), painting (Andelija Lazarevic 1855-1926 (74) and Nadezda Petrovic 1873-1915), and chemistry (Delfa Ivanic 1881-1972).

More tolerant laws regulating the role and status of women and women's education in the Austro-Hungarian Empire helped the Serbian female intellectual elite emerge and develop. To a certain extent, the first Serbian female teacher-writers were accepted and recognized in the public sphere. Support granted by male editors was essential to the publication of their work in a prestigious magazine such as Javor. A positive social climate was one of the key differences between editorial politics in the Austro-Hungarian Empire and in Serbia at that time.

The first female teacher-writers were well-known and openly venerated and encouraged by their female readership. In contrast to contemporary male writers, who were teachers as well, the women authors promoted different, more liberal and emancipated ideas. Their work, in fact, was not merely educational but culturally enlightening as well. Nonetheless, while the feminist movement of the early 20th century upheld the legacy of the first female teachers, these women and their work were soon after forgotten and repressed from cultural memory.

When the Serbian Women's Movement organized a celebration of the 45 years of committed work of one of the first Serbian teacher-writers, Stanka D. Glisic, its members wanted to acknowledge the forgotten role of teachers in the emancipation of Serbian women: "They gave all they had, and all of them made our female offspring embark on the path of their own cultural development, which they pass on as a legacy to new generations. Thanks to them, the path was blazed and belief in the necessity of girls' education was cemented. In general, they created better conditions for further work." (75) If today's students know and understand these inspiring examples, and if they learn about the prejudices of respectable and honorable men of Serbian literature and the academy, perhaps they will not be shocked or disappointed. (76) Rather, they will be more interested in investigating the complex history of a society, learning from it, explaining it in a profound way, and applying its lessons to their own time.

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tomic.svetlana@gmail.com

(1) This means that the emergence of Serbian female writers did not take place at the end of the twentieth century, as stated by Jovan Deretic in Istorija srpske knjizevnosti [History of Serbian Literature] (Belgrade: Prosveta, 2004 [1983]). Rather, it happened a century earlier.

(2) Marko Popovic, "Zivot u monaskoj zajednici," in Istorija privatnog zivota u Srba: Odsrednjeg veka do savremenog doba, ed. Marko Popovic, Miroslav Timotijevic, and Milan Ristovic (Belgrade: Clio, 2011), 84-101.

(3) The well-documented history of the Serbian nuns and their efforts can be found in Milojko V. Veselinovic's Srpske kaluderice, first published in 1909 by Srpska kraljevska akademija and lately reprinted (Belgrade: Izdavacko-knjizarsko preduzece "Nikola Pasic," 1997). Veselinovic meticulously studied the specific identity group of Serbian nuns throughout history. He also supported their efforts to preserve the Serbian female elite together with their complex philanthropic, humanitarian, and entrepreneurial work. Veselinovic wrote about many Serbian nun-teachers who lived outside of Serbia. One of them was Staka Skenderova (circa 1830-91), who opened a school for girls in Sarajevo in 1858.

(4) Ljubinka Trgovcevic dates the founding of the first public elementary school for girls in Paracin to 1845, while Aria Stolic dates it to 1846. Compare Trgovcevic, "Zene kao deo elite u Srbiji u 19. veku: Otvamnje pitanja," in Srbija u modernizaeijskimproeesima 19. i 20. veka, bk. 2, Polozaj zene kao merilo modernizacije: Naucni skup, ed. Latinka Perovic (Belgrade: Institut za noviju istoriju Srbije, 1998), 255; and Stolic, "Drustveni identitet uciteljice u Srbiji 19. veka," Godisnjak za drugtvenu istoriju (Belgrade) 8, no. 3 (2001): 209.

(5) The school reforms were implemented in the eighteenth century by the only female ruler of the Habsburg dominions, Queen Maria Theresa (1717-80), who ordered that all boys and girls between the ages of six and twelve attend school. In Hungary, at the end of the sixteenth century, there were some Serbian schools for boys, usually within monasteries. Between 1740 and 1780, the number of Serbian schools grew along with the number of male teachers, who got their jobs because they were outstanding students: "At the time, those who knew how to write something were considered writers and they were acknowledged as sages." Ilija Petrovic, "Tri veka srpske skole," Norma 9, no. 1 (2003): 167-79, at 169. Petrovic does not distinguish female students from male, so we still need more information about this privileged group of educated persons. The same tradition of educating boys within monasteries existed in Serbia. Vuk Stefanovic Kamdzic noted that, at the end of the 18th century, in more than a hundred Serbian villages, there were no schools to be found (ibid., 171). In Hungary, Serbian people's schools (Srpske narodne skole) were established on 2 November 1776, and in May 1778 the professional education of Serbian male teachers was instituted at the Teacher's School (Uciteljska skola) in Sombor. About one hundred years later, this institution opened its doors to female students. The first Serbian girls enrolled there in the 1866-67 school year. The list of female students can be found in an unsigned article, "Ucenici koji su zavrsili uciteljsku skolu i pedagosku akademiju," in Dve stotine godina obrazovanja ucitelja u Somboru 1778-1978, ed. Radomir Makari6 and Stevan Vasiljevic (Sombor: Samoupravna interesna zajednica za naucni rad Vojvodine, 1978), 599-637.

(6) In 1872 the need for teachers led to the passage of a new law, which allowed female teachers to teach male students in the first two grades of elementary school (Milan Ristovir, "Dug put ka promeni rodnih odnosa," in Istorija privatnog zivota, 423). A new law in 1879, which required female students to pass a teacher's exam in order to obtain the status of a public teacher, seems not to have been enforced. Stanka/9. Glisic (1859-1942), who was the younger sister of the writer Milovan Glisic, was also one of the first Serbian female public teachers and wrote in her memoirs that she began to work in 1878 and took her teacher exam in 1889. See Glisic, Moje uspomene (Belgrade: Srpska knjizevna zadruga, 1933), 24-26. In 1883 the Serbian government enacted the law requiring elementary school for children of both genders, but the percentage of illiterate women in Serbia remained high even one hundred years later. In 1948, 37.6 percent of Serbian women were illiterate; by 1961 the number was 32.8 percent, in 1981 it was 16.9 percent, and in 1999 it was 10 percent. See Vera Gudac-Dodir, "Skolovanje zena u Srbiji (1945-1991)," Tokovi istoriie (Institut za noviju istoriju Srbije, Belgrade), no. 3 (2006): 90-105, at 93.

(7) Compare Nevena Ivanovir, "Obrazovanje zena: Izazov zajednici?" Red 11, no. 65 (March 2002): 169-93; and Rebecca Rogers, "Girls' Schools," in Encyclopedia of Children and Childhood in History and Society, ed. Paula S. Fass, vol. 3, Fa-Gr (New York: Macmillan Reference USA, 2003). Also available at http://www.faqs.org/childhood/Fa-Gr/Girls-Schools.html.

(8) Slobodan Jovanovic, Ustavobranitelji i njihova vlada (1838-1858), in Sabrana dela Slobodana Jovanovica, vol. 3, ed. Slobodan Jovanovic, Radovan Samardzic, and 7..ivorad Stojkovic (Belgrade: Geca Kon, 1933), 100. Jovanovic's book may also be found online through Digitalna Narodna biblioteka Srbije, http://scr.digital.nb.rs/document/TDJ-0989-005. Jovanovic underlines the main paradox that the Serbian government issued scholarships and sent men abroad, but after their return these men did not want to cooperate. The intelligentsia rather harshly criticized the government, thus becoming its main opposition.

(9) Latinka Perovic, Izmedu anarhije i autokratije: Srpsko drustvo na prelazima vekova (XIX-XXI) (Belgrade: Helsingki odbor za ljudska prava, 2006); and "Modernost i patrijarhalnost kroz prizmu drzavnih zenskih institueija: Visa zenska skola (1863-1913)," in Perovir, Srbija u modernizacijskim procesima, 280-307; Trgovcevic, "Zene kao deo elite," 251-68; Stolic, "Drustveni identitet"; Ivanovic, "Obrazovanje zena"; Natasa Miskovic, Bazari i bulevari: Svet zivota u Beogradu 19. veka (Belgrade: Muzej grada Beograda, 2010).

(10) Perovic mentions that the first such school was opened in 1853 by Klara and Leopold Spacek (Izmedu anarhije i autokratije, 283). Stolic states that in Belgrade in 1842 some of Serbia's female teachers, such as Natalija Petrovic and Sofija and Katarina Lekic, opened a private school for girls after receiving permission from Prince Mihailo, but Stolic does not mention

(11) While offering details about these private initiatives, historians have not underlined the gender link behind the influence of foreign female teachers on their Serbian female students, who received the European model of female education. Compare Svetozar Dunderski, "Institucionalno obrazovanje zenske dece i omladine u Srbiji u periodu 1858-1903," Pedagogka stvarnost 53, nos. 7-8 (2007): 653; and Perovif, Izmedu anarhije i autokratije, 282-83. Perovic's book can be found online at http://www.helsinki.org.rs/serbian/doc/OglediOB.pdf

(12) Perovic, Izmedu anarhije i autokratije; and Ristovif, "Od tradicije ka modemosti: 1878- 1990," in Istorija privatnog zivota, 391-617.

(13) The fact that Serbia opened such an institution in 1863, that is, before the Austro-Hungarian Empire in 1866, has led some historians to overemphasize Serbia's modernity. Perhaps this was an incorrect conclusion since the Austro-Hungarian Teachers' School (Uciteljska skola) was opened for female students in Sombor, where girls received professional knowledge and were trained for teaching from the beginning of the 1866-67 school year. In Serbia, the High School for Girls had more methodological problems to solve in the upcoming years. Therefore, it frequently changed its school program, trying to reach high professional standards. For more about the laws in 1879, 1886, and 1898, see Perovif, Izmedu anarhije i autokratije, 287.

(14) Information about Ljubomir Nenadovif's role cannot be found in Deretic's Istorija srpske knjizevnosti (see pp. 702-04) but in Perovif's Izmedu anarhije i autokratije, 283. For more on Nenadovic's liberal thoughts, see Jovanovic, Ustavobranitelji, 105.

(15) Perovic points out the different cultural impacts of Serbian students who had received state scholarships. Contrary to conservative influences from students who were sent to the East (Russia), those students who returned from West Europe (Germany and France) brought more progressive and liberal ideas (Izmedu anarhije i autokratije, 56-57).

(16) Jovanovic stresses this morality by referring to Konstantin Cukic's nickname as one of the "ministers with virtues" (ministri sa vrlinama). Slobodan Jovanovic, Druga vlada Milosa i Mihaila (Belgrade: Geca Kon, 1933), 246-47. Also available online through Digitalna Narodna biblioteka Srbije, http'://scc.digital.nb.rs/document/TDJ-0989-006.

(17) Kosara Cvetkovic, Viga zenska skola u Beogradu: Pedesetogodisnjica 1863-1913 (Belgrade: Visa zenska skola, 1913).

(18) Compare Ikonija Klajic-Simic, Katarina Milovuk (Belgrade: Stampadja Davidovic, Pavlovic i druga, 1936); and Ljiljana Stankov, Katarincr Milovuk (1844-1913) i zenski pokret u Srbiji (Belgrade: Pedagoski muzej, 2011).

(19) At the Teachers' Congress that was held 17-20 September 1870 in Srpski Becej, male teachers agreed that women should not be permitted to teach since "today our women are not capable of undertaking the teacher's duty. If that day ever comes, and we get educated women, then we will discuss allowing them to work" (Petrovic, "Tri veka srpske skole," 174).

(20) Stolic, "Drustveni identitet," 213, 215, 222, 224.

(21) In 1898, a law was passed forbidding female teachers to work if their husbands were not teachers. Married female teachers and mothers were under even greater pressure. Compare Glisic, Moje uspomene, 61-62; Stolic, "Drustveni identitet," 228-29; and Ristovic, "Dug put," 424.

(22) Perovic underlined this process, stressing that "all generations of female teachers were characterized by a great enthusiasm for self-education and improvement" (Izmedu anarhije i autokratije, 293).

(23) In today's Serbia, we have a predominance of female teachers in elementary and high school but not at the academy. For the positive and negative impacts of this predominance, see Vera 7.. Radovic, Feminizacija uciteljskogpoziva (Belgrade: Uciteljski fakultet, 2007).

(24) The case in 1863 of a female teacher, wife, and mother, Marija Stojkovic from Valjevo, is described in Aleksandra Vuletic, "Vlast muskaraca, pokomost zena: Izmedu ideologije i prakse," in Privatni zivot kod Srba u devetnaestom veku, ed. Aria Stolic and Nenad Makuljevic (Belgrade: Clio, 2006), 112-32.

(25) In her memoirs, Stanka Glisic, one of the first teachers and translators, described her late hours reading: "When I got the books I had ordered, I immediately immersed myself in reading. I read until 2 and 3 in the morning. One time, the reading captivated me so much, that I didn't notice time passing by. My cousin Milos had gotten up early and was on his way to the bistro when he saw a light in my room. He knocked on my window, asking why my candle was still lit, and I answered: "I am reading." Then he shouted: "You fool! Who on earth reads until dawn?" Despite the fact that on the very first day I entered the classroom I had no idea what to say to the children, at the end of the school year I got an excellent evaluation. That is proof of how great my effort was, and more than that, taking into account Milos's scolding itself: "You fool! Who on earth reads until dawn?" (Moje uspomene, 22).

(26) Compare Deretic, Istorija srpske knjizevnosti, 812, 823; Dusan Ivanic, Srpski realizam (Novi Sad: Matica srpska, 1996), 121; Dusan Ivanic and Dragana Vukicevic, Ka poetici srpskog realizma (Belgrade: Zavod za udzbenike, 2007), 209; Ivanic, "Draga Gavrilovic," in Sabrana dela Drage Gavrilovic, Letopis Matice srpske (Novi Sad) 447, no. 1 (January 1991): 157-59; Ivanic, "Realism," in A Short History of Serbian Literature, ed. Snezana Samardzija, Ljiljana Juhas, Dusan Ivanic, and Predrag Palavestra, trans. Branka Levkov Bulat (Belgrade: PEN Center, 2011), 123-37.

(27) Javor (Novi Sad: Luka Jocic i druga), nos. 6, 9, 16, 17, 20, 23, 26, 37, 39, 44, 48, 50, and 51 (1891); Srpkinja: Njezin 2ivot i rad, njezin kulturni razvitak i njezina umjetnost do danas, edited by the Serbian female writers (Irig: Dobrotvorna zadruga Srpkinja u Irigu; Sarajevo: Stamparija Pijukovic i drug., 1913), 20-21.

(28) Hayden White, "The Problem of Change in Literary History," in The Fiction of Narrative: Essays on History, Literature, and Theory 1957-2007, ed. Robert Doran (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2010), 162.

(29) For more about this new study, see Astrid Erll and Ansgar Niinning, eds., A Companion to Cultural Memory Studies: An International and Interdisciplinary Handbook (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2008).

(30) Within this group of female historians are Neda Bozinovir, Latinka Perovir, Ljubinka Trgovcevic, and Ana Stolir.

(31) Svetlana Tomic, "Draga Gavrilovic (1854-1917), the First Serbian Female Novelist: Old and New Interpretations," in "Serbian Thinkers of the Interwar Period (1918-45)," ed. Jelena Bogdanovir, special issue, Serbian Studies 22, no. 2 (2008): 167-87; Tomir, "Nov kulturni identitet srpskih knjizevnica: Njihov doprinos bosanskohercegovackim listovima i kulturi krajem 19. veka" (paper presented at the First Bosnian and Herzegovinian Slavic Congress, Sarajevo, 26-28 May 2011, and soon available at http://www.slavisticki komitet.ba/).

(32) A poem by a teacher-writer, Sofija Stefanovir, is dedicated to her friend, also a female teacher. Stefanovic's main thematic concern is missing her friend. See Stefanovir, "Mojoj prijateljici Milici Mihajlovirevoj," Javor, no. 19 (8 May 1883), 577-78.

(33) The law about having Hungarian language as an obligatory subject by third grade was implemented from the school year of 1879-80. For more about these political aspects known as Hungarization or Magyarization, see Petrovic, "Tri veka srpske skole," 176-80.

(34) Gavrilovic, Devojacki roman, 170. Quotations from Devojacki roman and Iz uciteljickog zivota are taken from Draga Gavrilovic, Izabrana proza, ed. Jasmina Ahmetagic (Belgrade: Multinacionaini fond kulture--Kongras, 2007).

(35) Gavrilovic graduated from the Teachers' School in Sombor in 1878, and she immediately started to work in Srpska Crnja, becoming the first female teacher in her hometown. She published her novel Devojacki roman in Javor in 1889. Knowing this, we may ask when she wrote this novel and how long it took her to publish it. Vladimir Milankov wrote that Gavrilovic was very disappointed when the editor of Sadagnjost in Kikinda refused to publish her novel, but he provided no further details. Milankov, Draga Gavrilovic: Zivot i delo (Kikinda: Knjizevna zajednica Kikinde, 1989), 119.

(36) Compare Iz uciteljickog zivota, 192, 198, 203; and Devojacki roman, 162, 170.

(37) This is not only the case with the 19th-century Serbian population in the Austro-Hungarian part, but also with the Serbs in Serbia too, where even during the second half of the 20th century, people in villages did not want to send their female children to school, thus disregarding the law. In a recent interview about the newly published book Istorija privatnog zivota u Srba, one of the authors, academic historian Milan Ristovic, cited cases in which Serbian police officers had to accompany female children to school. See "Istorija i svakodnevica," Vreme (Belgrade), no. 1102 (14 February 2012), 45.

(38) Stolic, "Drustveni identitet," 219-20.

(39) For further details, see Tomic, "Draga Gavrilovic," 182.

(40) Barbara H. Sheldon, Daughters and Fathers in Feminist Novels (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1997), 123.

(41) Gavrilovic, Devojacki roman, 155-56. There is one piece of Gavrilovic's school document, dated 1878, found in the archive of the National Library Dura Jaksic (Srpska Crnja), where we can see that she received an excellent mark for behavior. If we had her other school documents, we might know if her behavior had changed during her more advanced education. There are some questions still worth asking: About whom did she write? How much of her prose was factual? Why did she frequently stress the discrepancy between two realities, one of a student's behavior and her knowledge, and the other of the diploma, or the reality of the professors' professional identity and their relationship to the new social identity group, that of female intellectuals?

(42) See Tomic, "Draga Gavrilovic," 181-82.

(43) Gavrilovic, Devojacki roman, 176. A similar and equally painful experience made another female teacher-writer, Kosara Cvetkovic, resign from teaching in the Serbian town of Cacak. Kosara received bad marks because she helped her female colleague, Atanasija Berberovic-Majzner, teach while she recovered from her husband's suicide. This was the moment of Kosara's disappointment but not discouragement. Kosara chose instead to educate herself, to learn foreign languages and how to read and paint. Olivera Nedeljkovic, "Kosara K. Cvetkovic: Zivot preveden u knjige," Glas biblioteke: Casopis za bibliotekarstvo (Cacak), no. 17 (July 2010): 96.

(44) gavrilovic, devojacki roman, 165.

(45) Ibid.

(46) Ibid., 166.

(47) Darinka understands her colleagues who abase themselves, begging the school council to employ them in order to financially help their families: "It is not her fault. There are other reasons for that. It would be much different if they didn't enroll female students at the age of 14 and if society didn't smother our pride while we are students. Our female position is also to blame. Out of fashion and necessity, all girls are running into the teaching school. We have no other field" (ibid., 177).

(48) Gavrilovic, Iz uciteljickog zivota, 220.

(49) Ibid., 209.

(50) Ibid., 203.

(51) Stolic, "Drustveni identitet," 211.

(52) In her satire "Zasto greh napreduje," which was published in Sadasnjost in 1892, before the well-known Serbian male satirist Radoje Domanovic published his first work of that genre (1898), Gavrilovic sent an anonymous Serbian male writer to heaven to ask St. Peter why there are so many evils among Serbs. The male writer was not able to understand Serbian reality. At that moment, some soul fell down just in front of the writer's feet. He asked St. Peter if the soul was male or female. Peter reprimanded the writer: "'Why do you need that? There is no sex here. All souls are equal. Where you come from male has the priority, but here we have equality for all.' The writer was upset. How wrong, he thought, that in heaven women are already emancipated. That is why here on earth women writers are shooting up like mushrooms ... We can't live because of them ... Beforehand, when some editors would announce an award for a story, we male writers would grab Turgenev or some other favorite writer, just rewrite or translate their work, and sign it with our name, so glory and award would go to our hands ... But now, dear brother, you cannot even do that ... Immediately that female shit starts smiling ... It seems as if they want to say: 'We know you and your maneuvers full well!'" Draga Gavrilovic, "Zasto greh napreduje," in Sabrana dela, vol. 2, Pripovetke, Devojacki roman, prevodi, ed. Vladimir Milankov (Kikinda: Knjizevna zajednica Kikinde, 1990), 43.

(53) Mileva Simic was the daughter of a celebrated Serbian painter, Pavle Simir. She became a student at the Teachers' School in Sombor at the age of 12 and graduated when she was 15. Dorde Natosevic was her uncle. At the beggining of her career, she lived in the Natosevices' home in Novi Sad, where she met many famous Serbian writers. Cf. Gordana Stojakovic, Svenka Savic, and Mirjana Majkic, Znamenite zene Novog Sada, ed. Stojakovic (Novi Sad: Futura publikacije, 2001), 129-30; and "Mileva Simic," in Srpkinja (1913), 67-69.

(54) Mileva Simic, "Nada," Javor, nos. 11-20 (1884); "Adidari," Zora (Mostar: Stampa Knjizare Pahera i Kisica) 4, no. 12 (1 December 1899), 402-10.

(55) The power of the same message in Gavrilovir's story is elaborated in Tomic, "Draga Gavrilovic," 179.

(56) For additional information on Cvetkovic's life and translations, see Nedeljkovic, "Kosara K. Cvetkovic," 89-124.

(57) Danica Bandic, Emancipovana [The emancipated woman], Letopis Matice srpske 182, no. 2 (1895): 58-74. Bandic's drama was later published as a book in Novi Sad in 1923. According to historians, Gavrilovic was the only Serbian female novelist of that time.

(58) Bandic, "Plava Traka," Bosanska vila (Sarajevo) 12, no. 19 (15 October 1897): 289-92, 306-08; "Pod jesen," Zora 4, no. 12 (1899): 410-12; "Spram mesecine," Zora 4, no. 12 (1899): 413-14.

(59) When the work of Laza Telecki appears online, one rarely finds any reference to his daughter Danica and her work. It is the opposite case when female authors write about Danica Bandic. For example, see "Danica Bandicka," in Srpkinja (1913), 59, or Julija Boskovic, "Danica Bandic-Teleckova," in Leksikon pisaca Jugoslavije, vol. 1, A-Dz (Novi Sad: Matica srpska, 1972), 144.

(60) Gordana Stojakovic, "Danica Bandic," in Kikinda iz zenskog ugla (Kikinda: Udruzenje gradanki i gradana "Centar za podrsku zenama," 2010), 29.

(61) Published in Bosanska vila 10, nos. 7-10 (1895).

(62) Polazenik is a Serbian term for the first person who enters someone's home on Christmas Day and thereby receives special honors and gifts.

(63) Dejan Durickovic, Bosanska vila 1885-1914: Bibliografija, vol. 2, Biblioteka Kulturno nasljede Bosne i Hercegovine (Sarajevo: Svjetlost, 1975).

(64) Hristina Ristic and Kosara Cvetkovic, "Jelenine pesme," Bosanska vila 10, nos. 12-14 (1895).

(65) Predrag Palavestra, Istorija srpske knjizevne kritike: 1768-2007, 2 vols. (Novi Sad: Matica srpska, 2008).

(66) Ognjanovic wrote, "As in the literature of other larger nations, in our small literature there are only a few female names who try and really work in the sphere where otherwise only men's heads work. Let people think whatever they want about whether women should interfere in this business and whether they should venture beyond their designated women's area, but everyone has to admit that these women who engage in literature clearly demonstrate that they are gifted and that they have a more liberal outlook on the world. In their real sphere they feel as if they are in some tight confine, so they want to develop their minds outside of its boundaries so that they can be useful to their gender on a broader scale." "Jevstahija Arsic, nee Cincic," Javor (Novi Sad: A. Pajevic), no. 6 (20 February 1891): 87. After mentioning the names of Evstahija Arsic and a few female authors known from the beginning of the nineteenth century, Ognjanovic" distinguished "especially Draga Gavrilovic and Mileva Simic" as authors who have "skillful pens ... beautiful, original thoughts and reflections, and healthy tendencies."

(67) Compare Ivanic, Zabavno-poucna periodika srpskog realizma: "Javor" i "Strazilovo" (Novi Sad: Matica srpska, 1988); Ivanic, Knjizevna periodika srpskog realizma (Belgrade: Institut za knjizevnost i umetnost; Novi Sad: Matica srpska, 2008).

(68) Jovan Skerlic, Istorija nove srpske knjizevnosti (Belgrade: Rad, 1953 [1914]); Deretic, Istorija srpske knjizevnosti; Ivanic, Srpski realizam; Ivanic and Vukicevic, Ka poetici srpskog realizma.

(69) Predrag Palavestra, "Pripovedacki krug mostarske Zore," in Knjizevne teme: Tokovi tradicije, vol. 4, Biblioteka Danas (Novi Sad: Matica srpska, 1971), 44-64. This essay is reprinted from the special issue of Zora in 1968/1969. Cited in Celia Hawkesworth, Voices in the Shadows: Women and Verbal Art in Serbia and Bosnia (New York and Budapest: CEU Press, 2000), 120.

(70) For a history of the misinterpretation of Ducic's role in publishing this issue, see Tomic, "Nov kulturni identitet srpskih knjizevnica."

(71) Mihailo Misa Dordevic, "Mostar: A Serbian Cultural Center in the 1880s and 1890s," Serbian Studies 7, no. 2 (1993): 79.

(72) A private letter sent from Jovan Ducic in Geneva to Milan Savic, 5 (17) January 1900. Stanisa Tutnjevic, "Casopis Zora," in Mostarski knjizevni krug (Belgrade: Institut za knjizevnost i umetnost, 2001), 74.

(73) Neda Bozinovic, Zensko pitanje u Srbiji u XIX i XX veku (Belgrade: "Devedesetcetvrta," Zene u crnom, 1996), 31.

(74) Andelija L. Lazarevic was the daughter of a distinguished Serbian writer, Laza K. Lazarevic. From 1911 to 1914 she taught drawing at the First Women's High School (Prva zenska gimnazija) in Belgrade and went abroad to study paintings in Munich. Her selected prose was published recently in Andelija L. Lazarevic, Govor stvari, sabrani spisi, ed. Zorica Hadzic (Belgrade: Sluzbeni glasnik, 2011).

(75) The author of this article signed it "A." See "Stanka D. Glisic: Povodom proslave 45- godisnjice njenoga rada," Politika (Belgrade), 12 April 1925, 4.

(76) During the lecture, students were very dismayed by the reactions of the Serbian male poets and other intellectuals towards the emerging group of Serbian female intellectuals, teachers, and writers.

Svetlana Tomic

Faculty of Foreign Languages, Alfa University, Belgrade

* A version of this paper, "Prve srpske uciteljiee-knjizevnice: Prilog istoriji srpske gradanske kulture" (The First Serbian Teacher-Writers: Their Contribution to the History of Serbian Cultural Citizenship), was presented as a lecture to advanced university students in the DAUS Civic Culture and Values Program at the Belgrade Open School (Beogradska otvorena skola) on 12 December 2011.
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Author:Tomic, Svetlana
Publication:Serbian Studies
Article Type:Essay
Date:Jan 1, 2011
Words:9880
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