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The exiled Dante's hope for reconciliation: Monarchia 3:16.16-18.

Anthony Cassell, in "The Exiled Dante's Hope for Reconciliation: Monarchia 3:16.16-18," provides a convincing explanation of a difficult passage of Dante's political treatise, which thus offers all exiled people, betwixt and between body and soul, an additional example of an exemplary conduct and interpretation of exile. When the long-exiled Dante found himself again having to assert his opinions on the separation and correlation of the priestly and imperial powers in the Monarchia, he knew that he was entering a controversy that had simmered in different guises for centuries and that he directly blamed for his own banishment from his native city. Although Dante placed his emphasis on an Aristotelian earthly happiness, he nevertheless followed St. Thomas Aquinas, and others before him, who had treated the blessedness of this life as ultimately ancillary to eternal blessedness. Accordingly, Dante reiterated similar caution in the wording of the universally accepted formulas in his last lines. The Poet, forced to wander and seek his shelter in strangers' lands, had always recognized the far greater importance of eternal blessedness, making its attainment the ineffable object and culmination of the last canticle of his Commedia, dedicated to the very friend on whose behalf he composed the Monarchia. Dante here records, in his waning exiled years, his simple, optimistic Christian conviction, that, despite the bitterly salted bread of implacable earthly tribulation, he viewed life on earth as blest, naturally, sacramentally, and directly, by a loving, omnipotent God. From a life of expulsion Dante writes both of unity and of his own ultimate usefulness and belonging.

When in 1318 the long-exiled Dante found himself again having to assert his opinions on the separation and correlation of the priestly and imperial powers in the Monarchia, he knew that he was entering a controversy that had simmered in different guises for centuries and one that had been directly to blame for his own banishment from his native city. In 1302 Boniface VIII had machinated to send Charles of Valois into Florence on the pretense of making peace between the Black and White factions of the Guelph party; instead Charles connived with the Blacks, while they plundered the property of the Whites and drove them into exile. Dante, probably stranded in Rome as urgent Florentine ambassador to the Holy See on the White's behalf, was left in permanent proscription and exile. The Poet's spiritual devotion to the Church as the Body of Christ was only to increase, while his anger at the corporate body of the sacerdotium whose shepherds had become "rapaci lupi" exacerbated and perpetuated his isolation from the holy things and places he most loved.Foolhardy challengers to papal power ran the risk of Inquisition (Simonelli 303-21). But Dante's refuge in Ghibelline territories where papal power was ineffective enabled him to speak more freely about Church doctrine. He could even adopt the stridency of a psalmist and the imprecations of a prophet in his political letters: those ardent and cutting encyclicals of outrage he hurled as rebuttals to papal decretals, imitating and exaggerating their tone and their dependence upon biblical citations.

After 1316 the quarrels between scepter and tiara were to reach yet one more in a long series of deplorable and often bloody crises. (2) Not only were "modern" hierocratic theorists arguing that the papacy had direct power and jurisdiction over the domain of temporal princes; but the Pope then reigning, John XXII, insisted, as had his recent predecessors, on a monist principle, that the papacy was the sole source and origin of temporal power, and that he, in fact, wielded imperial authority in the case of an imperial vacancy caused by the death or deposition of the emperor. On the other side, John Quidort of Paris, for example, in the Proem to his Tractatus de potestate regia et papali [A Tract on Royal and Papal Power] of 1302 defending the autonomy of the French King

Philip the Fair against Boniface VIII, sought to refute the opinion of "certain modern thinkers" about the claim to papal authority over temporalities: "opinio quorundam modernorum [...] ut asserant dominum papam in quantum est loco Christi in terris habere dominium in temporabilis bonis principum et baronum et cognitionem et iurisdictionem." (3) Pope John XXII's grab for worldly power immediately upon succession in 1316 crowned a consistent effort made by his predecessors to encroach ever more upon temporal control. (4)

In the imperial election of 1314, during the two-year vacancy of the papacy, only six months after the death of Pope Clement V, the Bavarian candidate, Ludwig of Wittelsbach, had been one of two candidates ambiguously elected, receiving only five of the seven electors' votes. Frederick the Fair of Austria had been supported by only two. Amid the official discord, both candidates had received their crowns in different venues as King of the Romans on November 25, 1314. Two years later on August 7 the then-elderly canon lawyer Jacques de Duese or Deuse of Cahors was elected Pope John XXII and consecrated on September 5, 1316; emaciated, yet amazingly energetic and able, he swiftly asserted his own possession of imperial power early in 1317. John, who reigned for eighteen years until 1334, refused to recognize Ludwig under any circumstances, and especially in the wake of Ludwig's victory over Frederick in 1322 when the Austrian had become John XXII's ally. Ludwig, who, at the Diet of Frankfurt in 1338, had his election twice declared legitimate and fully sufficient to make him emperor, was to die in 1347, unconsecrated and unapproved by any legitimately reigning pope. His split election remained the cause celebre of the first half of the fourteenth century until the identity and rights of the German Electors were formally set by Charles IV's Golden Bull of 1356, formulated to prevent a repetition of the rows, doubts and papal interference that the Pope's accession had fomented after 1316.

Dante's friend and patron, Can Grande della Scala of Verona, by daring to retain and insist upon his lifetime title of "Vicar to the Emperor" bestowed upon him by the late Emperor Henry VII of Luxembourg on March 7, 1311, was meanwhile boldly resisting Pope John's prohibitions imposed by the Bull Si fratrum of late 1316 or 1317. The unusually haughty ring so typical of John's collected decretals is amply recognizable in the following pertinent excerpt:

We warn under penalty of excommunication all those singly and severally of whatever rank of preeminent dignity or status they may be--no matter that they glitter with patriarchal or whatever other superior or pontifical or royal dignity, or other whatsoever--who, after the Empire is left vacant, and without either our permission or that of the aforesaid [Holy] See, have retained, have assumed, or have resumed and retain--and who, assume, or resume, in certain cases, as imposters--the title of such vicariate or whatever other office, wherever, and, under cloak of such entitlement, have abused, are abusing or even might abuse any power and jurisdiction whatsoever or its public or private exercise, so that, as for the rest, they may also utterly abstain and totally desist from such entitlements or the assumption, resumption and retention of the aforesaid titles, and also from the use of the power and from the exercise of the aforesaid; we moreover restrain under the aforesaid penalty all patriarchs and prelates, singly and severally, and others of higher and lower rank, and kings, cities, communities, societies, captains, podesta, rectors, counts, viscounts, barons, and all others of whatsoever rank or status of dignity they may be, from receiving or granting audiences to those who retain such aforesaid titles in the said Empire, as we have set forth, or those who assume or resume any title under such entitlement or claim, and [we restrain them from receiving or granting audiences to] their procurators, commissioners, judges, or their lieutenants, under any farfetched excuse whatever, and from either abetting or serving any vicars or vicar or officials of the Empire, or from performing or permitting by such abetment or service, or in any way, or from lending aid, counsel, or favor to such person or persons in these matters. (5)

While firing off repeated interdictions and anathemas against the Lord of Verona, John dispatched his choleric protege and Legate, Cardinal Bertrand du Poujet, from Avignon on what was to become a declared and gory crusade by the Guelphs (the pro-Church party) against the Ghibellines (the pro-imperial forces) in Northern Italy. On April 6, 1318, John XXII declared the expiration of Can Grande's office, warned him of excommunication and ordered him to present himself in Avignon; he repeated the excommunication on June 18, 1320 as punishment for Can Grande's persisting in his title. Frederick of Austria renewed the Lord of Verona's vicariate in 1317, but their mutual disaffection had become public knowledge by May and June of 1320. (6)In the face of all attacks, Can Grande, one of the three Ghibelline military principals on the peninsula, and the head of the Ghibelline league after 1318, remained unintimidated and grew ever more obdurate in the righteousness of his case. Dante, now making his home in Guido da Polenta's Ravenna, came altruistically and idealistically to the aid of his former Veronese patron, applying his remarkable learning in theology, history, formal logic, and even canon law, to compose a publicist treatise tackling the question of papal interference in temporal affairs. Dante offered the resultant defense, embodied in the Monarchia, as an eye of calm reason amid the storm.

In 1328, seven years after the Poet's death, an obscure but impetuous Guelph notary from Rimini, a minor lector in law at the University of Bologna, Friar Guido Vernani O. P., entered the murky picture writing his acerbic Reprobatio Monarchiae compositae a Dante [Refutation of the Monarchia Composed by Dante] in 1329, (7) dedicating it sarcastically to the distinguished Bolognese Chancellor and admiring commentator on the Commedia, Graziolo de' Bambaglioli. Despite Vernani's vehement and visceral rejection of Dante's theories and his encouragement of the inquisitorial and arsonist bent of his fellow canon lawyers, the Friar was to spare unchallenged the concluding paragraphs of the Poet's treatise, passing over them as unexceptionable. To many modern readers it has appeared very odd that Dante, after completing his fierce fight to toss the Guelphs from the arena of debate (his words) and to establish that the emperor received his authority from God directly and not second-hand through the papacy, should allow, late in his conclusion, that the Emperor may be, after all, "quodammodo" ("in a certain sense)," under ("subiaceat") the Roman Pontiff and that an increase in imperial power should somehow flow from papal favor in return for the emperor's show of filial piety:

Et iam satis videor metam actigisse propositam. Enucleata nanque veritas est questionis illius qua querebatur utrum ad bene esse mundi necessarium esset Monarche offitium, ac illius qua querabatur an romanus populus de iure Imperium sibi asciverit, nec non illius ultime qua querebatur an Monarche auctoritas a Deo vel ab alio dependeret inmediate. Que quidem veritas ultime questionis non sic stricte recipienda est, ut romanus Princeps in aliquo romano Pontifici non subiaceat, cum mortalis ista felicitas quodammodo ad inmortalem felicitatem ordinetur. Illa igitur reverentia Cesar utatur ad Petrum qua primogenitus filius debet uti ad patrem; ut luce paterne gratie illustratus virtuosius orbem terre irradiet, cui ab Illo solo prefectus est, qui est omnium spiritualium et temporalium gubernator.

(ed. Ricci 275) (8)

After his three books of racking polysyllogisms and serried poetical- historical precedents proving the separate divine origin and goals of the two world authorities, Dante's concluding words appear at first glance almost too conciliatory and reactionary, almost as if another hand had penned them. Instead of satiating our expectant, vengeful appetites by hammering out a bold, partisan etiology of power, the Poet prescribes a bond or pact of loving relationship between pope and emperor. Since the clauses of Monarchia 3:16.16-18 have received a diversity of critical interpretations and suffered much incomprehension, they deserve a new and close reconsideration and contextualization.

Omitting any mention of Saint Ambrose's dominant theological exegesis of Genesis 1 of the sun-as-Christ shedding His light upon the moon-as-the-Church ("Luna est ecclesia"!), (9)but still vainly arguing against the high papalist- decretalists' novel political analogy of the two "great lights" (with, in reverse, the Church-as-the-sun as the source of all light for a benighted Empire-as-an- inferior-moon), Dante builds his case, as he did in Monarchia 3:4.18, upon the accepted, contemporary, "scientific" belief that the moon had some light of its own, as was thought evident from the reddish glow during eclipses. In force here are the Poet's earlier arguments on the distinction between the two "accidents" of holding the imperial or papal thrones: the relationship of the pope toward the emperor involves not political dominion but personal fathership (Monarchia 3:12.4 and 6), and consists in the paternal blessing upon a son in full majority. (10)

The Poet likewise limits the emperor's due and fitting reverence toward the pope in turn to that rendered by a mature first-born son to his father. (11) While the emperor's own God-given power is itself quite self-sufficient for his own temporal jurisdiction, the world monarch gives reverence in exchange for fatherly, papal grace and favor that may allow him even greater effectiveness in the exercise of his task. Although for Tolomeo da Lucca, Prior of Santa Maria Novella in Florence, and for other hierocratic thinkers, reverentia was characteristic of the emperor's inferiority under the pope, for Dante, the principle of a separation of competencies in various fields of interest--for which he had argued at length in the Convivio in a different application--remained of the essence. (12) Only God elects the Emperor, "solus ipse confirmat, cum superiorem non habeat. Ex quo haberi potest ulterius quod nec isti qui nunc, nec alii cuiuscunque modi dicti fuerint 'electores,' sic dicendi sunt: quin potius 'denuntiatores divine providentie' sunt habendi." (13)The offices of the temporal and spiritual, however, although separate and distinct one from the other in origin, must, after their divine establishment, mutually favor each other upon earth in love and cooperation as they guide toward their respective goals. (14) Such reciprocal support and charity are the opposite of the interference, hindrance and destructiveness that continued to mar their contemporary relations. Dante's close dependence upon the dualist doctrine of Uguccione da Pisa as re-expressed by the radical French monarchist John of Paris is obvious:

Nam propter duo voluit Deus istas potestates esse distinctas re et subiecto, ut non essent in eadem unaque persona secundum primarium auctoritatem. Unum est ut, propter mutuam indigentiam et subministrationem membrorum ecclesie, dilectio et caritas foveretur sine qua membra ecclesie non vivunt, dum princeps indiget sacerdote in spiritualibus, e converso in temporalibus, quod non esset si unus utrumque haberet. (15)

In the light of such teaching, we can comprehend that Dante writes to restore a functional balance of mutuality between the two powers. It is far from his mind in writing the Monarchia to demonstrate an extreme Ghibelline superiority or precedence of the Empire over the Papacy: the two powers are coordinates; both are necessary; neither must eclipse the other. (16) Putting memories of his personal suffering aside, Dante frees his mature thought to rise nobly in search of effective relationships of peace and cooperation.

To understand the Poet's position fully, we must distinguish philosophically late medieval concepts of separation from concepts of superiority. Absolutely no thinker of Dante's time--and certainly not even the notorious and anathematized Marsiglio of Padua--could have denied, and neither would Dante deny, the religious and philosophical preeminence of spirit over matter, of soul over body, of the transcendent over the immanent, and, thus, of the spiritual over the temporal, or ever deny that there is a spiritual ultimate end of man beyond any temporal or temporary goal. (17) Dante had built his whole Commedia on that hierarchical premise. Even the anonymous treatise of 1302, the Quaestio in utramque partem [For and Against Pontifical Power], written, like John of

Paris's On Royal and Papal Power, in fierce defense of the separation of temporal and spiritual powers philosophically and practically, and particularly of Philip the Fair's regal autonomy, had to re-affirm that very idea:

Respondeo: dicendum est quod, sicut temporalia sunt propter corpus, et corpus [est] propter animam, ita quod haec omnia inferiora debent ad bonum animae ordinari, aliter non recte uteretur homo temporalibus, sed potius abuteretur, sic potestas temporalis quodammodo ordinatur as spiritualem in iis quae ad ipsam spiritualitatem pertinent, id est, in spiritualibus. Et per istum modum multitudo reducitur ad unitatem. (18)

Lorenzo Minio-Paluello noted in 1955 that there were no grounds for assuming that the wording "quodammodo" of the Quaestio was specious or apocryphal. We likewise would have no reason to think either that the three attenuations of the Monarchia 3:16.17, repeated first as "non sic stricte" ("not so strictly"), then in a periphratic synonym, "in aliquo" ("in a certain sense"), and finally echoed directly, "quodammodo," in the treatise's last paragraph, was an afterthought, or even that it was some later scribe's interpolation intended to release Dante's treatise from the ban and public burning imposed upon it by the Cardinal-Legate du Poujet and his agents in Bologna in 1328. (19) Michele Maccarrone, in the same year, showed independently that such "quodammodo" attenuations went back a least to the first half of the thirteenth century, decades before the controversy concerning Boniface and Philip the Fair, and, thus, certainly before John XXII's refusal to recognize either Frederick of Austria or Ludwig of Wittelsbach as emperor.

Evidence of the earlier voices that Dante had heard in conversations and sermons in Florence, especially at the Franciscan school of Santa Croce and the Dominican studium of Santa Maria Novella, would further contend against the idea of a later scribal intrusion, either neutral or papalist. Although the Provencal Franciscan, Peter John Olivi (ca. 1248-98), had argued vehemently in Florence against Innocent IV's doctrine that the popes possessed direct "universal power" in both spiritual and temporal realms, the native Florentine Dominican Remigio de' Girolami, a student of Saint Thomas Aquinas, had asserted that the papacy had "quodammodo" "some certain power" in the temporal sphere by way of its spiritual duty, just as the soul was, axiomatically, above the body and the heavenly was above the earthly. (20) Even for the great canonist Uguccione da Pisa, "Hugutio," the formulator of the dualist doctrine who adamantly defended the separate origins of the two powers directly from God, the temporal power was, in practice, subject to the spiritual "in spiritualibus et quodammodo in temporabilis" ("in spiritual things and in some way in temporal things").(21) Bartolo da Sassoferrato, an ardent follower of Dante's dualism, was later to use the same word to describe a more extreme fraternal cooperation between the two powers: "The Empire and the Church are said in some way [quodammodo] to act as brothers." (22)

We must, in short, interpret the intentionally conciliatory vocabulary of the Monarchia's concluding sentences within the broader traditional context of framing the influence of papal power. Most important, in 1983, Bortolo Martinelli showed that "quodammodo" had, not surprisingly, a very precise history of use, for it was Boethius's translation for Aristotle's "[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII.]" ("somehow") in the abstract relationship of one thing to another in Categories 7. (23) Peter of Spain, the future Pope John XXI, echoed it in his definition of relatives in his Summulae logicales. Most important, Abelard had already applied the word, strictly, to the reciprocal relationships of filiation and paternity, fathers and sons in his Glossae super Praedicamenta Aristotelis.(24) Monarchia 3:16.17 thus expresses two analogous facts: just as the happiness of this mortal life is in some way ordered toward eternal happiness, in the same way the Roman prince is in a certain sense under the Roman Pontiff. The conclusion of Dante's Monarchia is far more conservative than his Guelph enemies were willing to admit, yet as far as the direct divine origins of the emperor's power and as far as the substance and the earthly extent of his dominion is concerned, we can see that Dante has not budged an inch from his convinced dualist position.

At the time of the Monarchia's composition, imperialists and canonists alike debated the burning issue of the effect of the papal blessing upon the emperor at the ceremonial anointing and coronation in Rome. Dante knew St. Paul's affirmation in the Epistle to the Hebrews 7:7, that "sine ulla autem contradictione quod minus est a meliore benedicitur" ("it is beyond dispute that the inferior is blessed by the superior"). (25)Much had been made of Paul's statement among canon lawyers: Pope Nicholas II, for example, had forbidden lesser clergy to bless those above them. (26) Dante was also familiar with Hugh of St. Victor's conclusion in De sacramentis 2:2.4, where the Victorine took the passage from Hebrews as proof beyond all doubt that the earthly power, which received blessing from the spiritual, was rightly deemed inferior. (27) Among the hierocrats, Egidio Romano [Giles of Rome] had cited St. Paul with Hugh's comment to same effect in his De ecclesiastica potestate [On Ecclesiastical Power], lib. 1, cap. 5, (28) and Friar Guido Vernani, Dante's sarcastic post-mortem opponent, was to adduce the same authorities in his Expositio super Unam Sanctam [Commentary on Unam Sanctam]. (29)

Historically, the very staging of the emperor's oath of office and the benediction during the coronation posed an embarrassing problem for the imperialists. During the ceremony, the emperor knelt to swear between the hands of the pope, an act that had every ritual appearance of feudal subservience. Most awkward too was the fact that the pope took "the unsheathed sword from the altar and hand[ed] it to him, signifying by the sword the care of the whole Empire, blessing him as follows: 'Take thou from on high the sword of the blessed Peter, received in the flesh at our hands, though unworthy, on God's behalf [...] conferred on thee imperially by the ceremony of our benediction.'" (30) Although Dante calls the Emperor "God's anointed" in Monarchia 2:1.3, he significantly and carefully omits from his treatise any mention of papal "unction" and "confirmation," since for him such issues would be immaterial. He was mindful that the defenders of Philip the Fair's autonomy had claimed that "non est de necessitate potestatis secularis quod inungatur per sacerdotium [...] non est etiam de necessitate regis [...] quod ungatur." (31)

The question surrounding the implications of the imperial oath, unction and blessing had erupted in an historical crisis six years before the Monarchia, when, after his coronation in 1312, Henry VII (32)vigorously objected to Pope Clement V's order to make a truce with the King Robert of Anjou, King of Naples, under pain of excommunication. Henry had denied that as a consequence of the coronation benediction he had ever sworn an oath of fealty to the pope, and requested clarification and justification of his position from expert jurists and theologians. On the November 14, 1313, the Ghibelline apologist Giovanni Brancazoli (Johannes Branchazolus) of Pavia dispatched his exaggerated speculations to Henry in the treatise De principio et origine et potencia imperatoris et pape [On the Beginning and Origin and Power of the Emperor and of the Pope]. (33) According to Brancazoli, the pope had power only in things spiritual; both imperial and papal authority were divine in origin; in fact, the emperor ruled both in temporal and spiritual matters since he was king of all things and head of the Church; he had no need to be crowned by the pope since just as "he was crowned before the advent of Christ, so he is still crowned today, since Christ made no innovations concerning it [i.e., the crowning of the emperor]." (34) Those who elected him had the right to crown him; contrary to papal claims that the emperor received the power of the sword through Papal consecration, the jurist averred that "coronation by the pope added nothing substantial to the emperor's power." (35) But, as we have noted before, despite all this, neither side had ever questioned that the merit of spiritualia was greater and nobler than that of temporalia. Thus, much as Remigio de' Girolami teaches in his Contra falsos ecclesie professores (36)and Dante acknowledges in his conclusion to the Monarchia, following the Aristotelian relation of soul to the body, even the extreme imperialist Brancazoli had grudgingly to allow that:

sicut virtutes anime secuntur conplexiones corporis et sic corpus anime dominatur, licet [...] corpore sit anima dignior, sic et apostolicus sequitur imperatorem, licet ei det perfectionem, et potencialiter agat et vivat, et imperator apostolico dominatur, licet imperatore dignior possit dici, ad cuius officium specialiter pertinet animas et spiritualia gubernare [...] que sunt temporalibus digniora. (37)

From the court of the Emperor Henry VII's ally, Frederick III of Trinacria (Sicily) late in 1312 or early in 1313, had come a more truculent protest in which a certain Sicilian jurist, whom some identify as the lay-civilian lawyer Giovanni di Calvaruso (Johannes de Calvoruso), had curiously based his arguments, not on Roman but on canon law. Since even the canonists recognized the emperor as "lord of the world," (38) he proclaimed the Ghibelline views of the emperor's superiority to the pope and relegated the papacy only to things spiritual: "Among those living in this world and all that belongs to mutable and human things and temporal power, nothing is greater than the Empire": "Unctio enim non facit maiorem eum qui ungit eo qui ungitur" ("Unction does not make him who anoints greater than him who is anointed"). (39)The emperor had full power upon his election and had no need to be crowned or anointed by the pope (Calvaruso, Memoriale 1312). (40) Since the imperial authority was superior temporally, Clement V had thus no right to wield "his scythe in another's field" (a favorite publicist phrase) by ordering any truce between King Robert of Naples and emperor. Thus the threat of excommunication had no basis. (41)Most important, Calvaruso, like other Ghibelline apologists, emphasized first that the emperor's gesture during the blessing did not signify submission but reverence to the Pontiff, for the emperor was, before all, the advocate and defender of the faith. The emperor's oath sworn to the pope during the coronation signified not vassalage but spiritual homage and devotion:

Illud non est sacramentum subiectionis seu vassallagii nec eim illius per omnia formam habet, sed est sacramentum devoctionis seu reverencie ac humilitatis, quam disciplina docuit christiana, et cuiusdam obsequii christianitatis [...] set ratione obsequii quod debet spiritualiter quilibet christianus ecclesie et maxime principes catholici et ante omnes imperator. (42)

While papal power was generally qualified with a cautionary--or peremptory!--"quodammodo" by those on both sides of the issue, contemporary defenders of the Empire certainly did not allow any equation of "reverentia" with vassalage; yet no imperialist writer, no matter how radical, ever denied that such spiritual reverence was fully due to the pontiff. (43) The term signified for the Poet not only a reciprocal respect between the two offices, but also a son's dutiful regard for his parent as a man and the very circumscribed duties of a father toward a son of full maturity in fulfilling his paternal love by instruction and example. (44)The pope's blessing, at any time that it was freely given and received, increased the power already inherent in the divine imperial office. Dante rose above the tedious, lawyerly wrangling over whether unction and benediction were, or were not, necessary, and went to the heart of the matter to ask whether they were, instead, efficacious and increased charity.

In the Monarchia's last paragraph the Poet sets forth the perfect relationship between the pontiff and emperor, just as he was, at about the same time, presenting it more movingly in Paradiso 6. There the soul of the Emperor Justinian, closed and nested in his own radiance and shining with a double light, (45) recounts how, after Pope Agapetus (46) had directed him away from the errors of monophysitism, he had consequently reformed Roman Law and removed its superfluities "by the will of Primal Love," that is, with God's grace. The phrase de jure, which Dante repeats throughout the Monarchia each time he refers to the Empire's legitimacy, stresses the historical Justinian understanding of direct reception of imperial power from the Godhead ("imperium, quod nobis a caelesti maiestate traditum est" ["our empire delivered to us by the Heavenly Majesty"]) and the fruition of direct inspiration from heaven. (47)

The episode in the Paradiso gives a concrete example of what the Poet means by ideal reciprocity between the two powers directly ordained by God: man thus gains the goal of earthly peace and justice while he makes his way to the goal of blessedness hereafter. Natural law, the reasonable ordering of the world, forms the basis for all Dante's claims for the empire. He recognizes the dignity of the "natural" sphere of rational and ethical values: original sin did not blot it out, nor will God's last judgment annihilate it. For the Poet, as for St. Thomas Aquinas, reason and faith are ultimately in harmony and so, upon this pattern, should rest the relation between the two powers that guide man first to earthly, then, heavenly, bliss. Spiritual power does not replace or delete the earthly, nor vice-versa. Dante's vision of reciprocal aid and the increase of effectiveness of the emperor through the grace of the pontiff 's blessing fulfills St. Thomas's dictum, "Gratia non tollit naturam sed perficit" ("Grace does not abolish Nature but perfects it"). (48)

Thus, despite some scholars' contention that the final paragraph contradicts and vitiates the arguments of the rest of the treatise, (49) Monarchia 3:16 really presents no such aberration: we may further describe it as an eclectic Christian and Aristotelian, even Thomistic, conclusion that is historically comprehensible and consistent. Dante has, in fact, carefully set forth this same position in an earlier passage of the treatise. As we have noted, in Monarchia 3:4.18-20, after denying the applicability of the canonist analogy of the two great lights of the firmament, he proceeds by acquiescing in it for the sake of argument while giving it major corrections: the moon and sun were created separately; their beings are not interdependent; their functions are of separate derivation and different purpose: the moon radiates its own light, albeit not abundantly. To fulfill its function more effectively, however, Dante has already stated there that the moon receives further illumination from the sun just as the emperor may receive the additional fatherly blessing of the pope:

Quantum ad esse, nullo modo luna dependet a sole, nec etiam quantum ad virtutem, nec quantum ad operationem simpliciter; quia motus eius est a motore proprio, influentia sua est a propriis eius radiis: habet enim aliquam lucem ex se, ut in eius eclipsi manifestum est. Sed quantum ad melius et virtuosius operandum, recipit aliquid a sole, quia lucem habundantem: qua recepta, virtuosius operatur. Sic ergo dico quod regnum temporale non recipit esse a spirituali, nec virtutem que est eius auctoritas, nec etiam, operationem simpliciter; sed bene ab eo recipit ut virtuosius operetur per lucem gratie quam in celo et in terra benedictio summi Pontificis infundit illi.

(Monarchia 3:4.18-20) (50)

Dante opened Book 2:1.1 of the treatise with the righteous diatribes of the Psalmist; by Book 3:1.1, he begins by casting himself in the role of Daniel in the lion's den, audaciously expressing utter contempt for the papal decretalists. In their ignorance, these extreme hierocrats have transgressed true ancient tradition and the very commandment of God (3:3.15). The pope and the supporters of the plenitude of papal power in the temporal field are, regrettably, wrong. The arguments of those who rely upon decretals, whose neoteric proliferation is only internal to the Church, must be ousted from this debate. Yet Dante also concludes Chapter 3 of Monarchia 3 with a most diplomatically worded passage, embracing "reverence" as his personal duty. In the arena of theological and philosophical disputation, like all true Christians, the Poet owes the same relation of filial piety to the church, to the pontiff and to the faith that the emperor owes in the exercise of his jurisdiction. The banished poet seeks a vision of reconciliation in the only spiritual way open to him:

Quapropter cum solis concertatio restat qui, aliquali zelo erga matrem Ecclesiam ducti, ipsam que queritur veritatem ignorant: cum quibus illa reverentia fretus quam pius filius debet patri, quam pius filius matri, pius in Cristum, pius in Ecclesiam, pius in pastorem, pius in omnes cristianum religionem profitentes, pro salute veritatis in hoc libro certamen incipio. (51)

The passage is fundamentally important for an appreciation of the role that Dante, from his now-privileged position as exile, believed he played in the controversy: as dutiful prophet able and daring to speak above the fray, as devout theologian, as obedient interpreter and as seer, he will salvage the truth--both the autonomy of the Empire and the purity of the Church--in the face of misguided zeal. Dante's major opus and his important political treatise, the Commedia and the Monarchia, are in ultimate accord. (52)

Although the Poet must place his emphasis on an Aristotelian earthly happiness for polemical reasons in the Monarchia, he nevertheless follows the lead of St. Thomas Aquinas and others before him who had orthodoxly treated the blessedness of this life as ultimately ancillary to eternal blessedness: earthly existence, as partisans of all loyalties agreed, could only give happiness "quodammodo." (53) Thomas had also cautiously admitted, "Et sic beatitudo quae in hac vita haberi potest, dependet quodammodo ex corpore" ("And, thus, that happiness, which can be had in this life, depends in some way on the body" [my emphasis]). (54) And Dante reiterates similar caution in the wording of the universally accepted formulas in his last lines. The Poet, forced to wander and seek his shelter in strangers' lands, had always recognized, and perhaps no one ever more clearly, the far greater importance of eternal blessedness and he makes its attainment the ineffable object and culmination of the last canticle of his Commedia, dedicated to the very friend on whose behalf he composed the Monarchia.

Although the logic that underlies Dante's strategy in the Monarchia is forensic, political and corrective, we are yet left at treatise's end with a glow of hopeful optimism. Most probably girded historically and spiritually with the cord of a Franciscan Tertiary, (55) Dante here records, in his waning exiled years, his simple, optimistic Christian conviction, that, despite the bitterly salted bread of implacable earthly tribulation, he viewed life on earth as blest, naturally, sacramentally, and directly by a loving, omnipotent God. From a life of expulsion Dante writes both of unity and of his own ultimate usefulness and belonging.

University of Illinois, Champaign-Urbana

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(1) This is one of the Poet's insistent images, both implied (or sunken) and overt (as in Paradiso 9:132; 25:6; 27:55).

(2) Paradise 27: 58-59. See also Manselli 115-35.

(3) "the opinion of certain modern thinkers [...] that they assert that the lord Pope, inasmuch as he stands in the place of Christ on earth, has dominion, discretion and jurisdiction over the temporal goods of princes and barons" (174, ll. 4-8). See On Royal and Papal Power 2, trans. Monahan; trans. Watt 71. The term derived from the field of logic; "moderni" as opposed to "antiqui" distinguished ancient from contemporary thinkers. See also Heft. References are to the Monarchia, ed. Ricci; I reject Ricci, Kay, and Nardi's numbering of the chapters of the Monarchia, returning to those conventionally used, with sixteen chapters in Book 3. References to the Commedia are from Petrocchi's edition used by Singleton. All translations from the Monarchia are my own; my study, The Monarchia Controversy, including translations of the Monarchia, Vernani's Reprobatio, and John XXII's Si fratrum is forthcoming from the Catholic University of America Press.

(4) Mollat 96-98, 206. Salvatorelli 792. See Lucas 106-09; Muller; Offler 21-47. Nine months after Pope John XXII's death, at the Dominican Chapter held in Florence on September 8, 1335, the reading and study of the Commedia and of Dante's minor works were forbidden to ecclesiastics.

(5) My translation and emphasis. See the Latin text in Extravagantes Iohannis XXII, ed. Tarant 158-61; see also the version in Extravagantes Iohannis XXII, Titulus V 2:1211-12. John XXII issued Si fratrum (also entitled from another version, "In nostra et fratrum,") on March 31, 1317 with the rubric, "Monitio quod vacante imperio nemo vicarii imperatoris nomen assumat." On the theory that led up to Si fratrum, see Wilks' chapter, "Papa est verus imperator," 254-87. By swearing fealty to Ludwig's rival, Frederick of Austria, Can Grande obtained a renewal of his vicariate on March 16, 1317, and, after breaking with him, continued to use variants of the title "Imperii Vicarius" in official documents and all political affairs. After Dante's death he was finally to change his allegiance to Ludwig of Bavaria when expedient, and receive again from him his life's title. See Dolcini's bibliography of the historiography 9-117. The anonymous Summa parisiensis describes John XXII's interference in imperial matters in "Der Anspruch des Papsttums," 168-286, esp. 247-63; and"Die Entstehungzeit" 30-34. Mollat recounts the exploitation John XXII made of his declaration of the empire's vacancy and his use of Si fratrum 80, et passim. Padoan ("Il vicariato cesareo" 164-65, and "La composizione della Monarchia" 7-27), Ricci ("La Monarchia" 70) and Imbach (in "Einleitung" to his edition of the Monarchia 24) also ascribe the genesis of the Monarchia to Pope John XXII's attempt to deprive Can Grande of his Imperial Vicarship. See Ferrante's useful chapter, "Political Theory and Controversy" 3-43. See also Kay, "Introduction," to Dante's Monarchia xxvi-xxviii.

(6) Padoan, "Il vicariato cesareo" 167-68, 171, 174. On "Guelphs and Ghibellines," see Koenig's entry in the Dictionary of the Middle Ages with useful bibliography. On du Poujet, see also Tabacco 192, 200, 206, 271, 283-87. Vicious, widespread rumors, believed by such luminaries as Giovanni Villani and Francesco Petrarca, that the Cardinal was actually the Pope's bastard son only served, of course, to increase, not damage du Poujet's princely authority in his successful military and political campaign to become Count of Romagna in 1332 (a title conferred by his putative earthly "Father"). "[Papa Giovanni] sopra tutti i cardinali amava messer Beltramo del Poggetto cardinale d'Ostia suo nipote, ma per li piu si dicea piuvicamente ch'egli era suo figliuolo, ed in molte cose il somigliava," wrote Villani 11:6; vol. 6 44; Petrarca wryly commented that the Cardinal of Ostia had his father's same filthy temper (Liber sine nomine 17; Petrarch's Book Without a Name 102). Du Poujet only narrowly failed in his attempt to move the papacy from Avignon to the newly constructed papal residence of La Galliera citadel in Bologna. His failure disappointed the Bolognese merchants and dashed the Curial ambitions of both locals and newly flocking immigrants, such as the careerist Friar Guido Vernani, who thus sycophantically backed the papal regime. Neither the astute Pope nor his ruthless Legate could foresee the sea-change by the spring of 1333, when it became public that du Poujet (with, as we now know, assistance from the Bolognese Chancellor Graziolo de' Bambaglioli and the Chancellor's secret Office of Spies), had formed an alliance with John I of Luxembourg, King of Bohemia. Italian Guelphs and Ghibellines, united and angered at the threat that the alliance would pose to both parties, met in Castelbado near Padua and agreed to establish a league to drive the foreign King John from Lombardy. Cardinal du Poujet was besieged by a furious Bolognese mob in his newly built papal citadel and only escaped from the city under the protection of 300 Guelph horsemen urgently dispatched from Guelph Florence. La Galliera was razed. The Cardinal Legate's career foreshadowed eerily that of Cesare Borgia, Duke Valentine, about two centuries later. One can wonder, too, how Dante could possibly have escaped the widespread rumors of du Poujet's papal bastardy; the subject would give a most interesting twist to Monarchia 3:16.17, while not changing the reverent poet's call for concord in the slightest. The Emperor, and not the nepotistic and ruthless upstart Cardinal-Legate, is the first and true Christian filius papae.

(7) See the text of the Reprobatio in Matteini.

(8) "And now I believe I have, all in all, reached the goal I set for myself, since I have pried out the kernel of truth of the problem under investigation: whether the office of monarch was necessary for the well-being of the world, and whether the Roman people appropriated the Empire de jure, not to speak of the last problem, whether the authority of the monarch depended directly upon God or upon someone else. The truth of the last, of course, must not be understood so strictly that the Roman prince is not in a certain sense [quodammodo] under the Roman Pontiff, since the happiness of this mortal life is in some way ordered toward eternal happiness. Therefore, let Caesar show Peter that reverence that a first-born son should show his father, so that, illuminated by the light of paternal grace, he may enlighten the globe of the earth more powerfully, for he presides over it solely by way of Him who is the Ruler of all things temporal and spiritual" (my emphases and translation).

(9) Saint Ambrose's allegorization in Hexaemeron 4:8.32 ([78]; PL 14:203-06; Hexameron 56) became the dominant exegesis of the Church: "Luna est ecclesia." St. Augustine follows Ambrose closely in his Expositions on the Psalms, where, for example, on Ps. 8:4, he promises to show the reasoned suitability behind the moon's signifying the Church, Enarratio in Psalmum 8:9 (PL 36:112; Expositions on the Book of Psalms 30). The Fathers and Doctors of the Church were to follow this orthodox gloss without exception for centuries; however, after the appearance of the new interpretation of the "sun as the church" among southern English clerics in 1188 and Innocent III's use of this novelty from Canterbury ten years later in his early bulls of 1198, papalist lawyers thereafter merely passed over Saint Ambrose's formerly unique and traditional gloss in silence as if it were their guilty secret. See my forthcoming article in Dante Studies, "Luna est Ecclesia: Dante and the 'Two Great Lights.'"

(10)The very holding of certain offices conferred majority. Regardless of his own years of age or any official age of maturity, when a boy became a bishop (despite the canonical age requirement of thirty), for example, he assumed full majority and became exempt from patria potestas (as Innocent III notably affirms in the Bull Per venerabilem); in canon law, kings ranked as equal to bishops. Thus it does not need to be emphasized that the father-and-son relation here is that between mature, independent adults. Concerning the grace from the pope's blessing, indicating papal spiritual superiority, see below. Like John of Paris, his contemporary, Dante never steps beyond orthodoxy to denigrate the pope's authority in spiritualia. See John of Paris, On Royal and Papal Power, trans. Watt, ch. 18, 190-93.

(11) Tolomeo da Lucca, Prior of Santa Maria Novella, in fact cites the decretals, apparently from memory, that the pope is to the emperor as a master to a pupil, as a father to a son: "Ponuntur autem in dicta distinctione Decreti tres comparationes imperatoris ad papam, per quas haberi potest, summum pontificem imperatori preferri et esse superiorem. Dicitur enim ibi sic se habere papam ad ipsum sicut magistratum ad discipulum et sicut patrem ad filium ...." (Determinatio cap. 3, 8; my emphasis). The reverence of son to father occurs more than once as a pattern in Dante's works. We recall that in the presence of "la cara immagine paterna," Brunetto Latini, on the burning plain of the sodomites, Dante the Wayfarer "'l capo chino / tenea com'uom che reverente vada" (Inf. 15:44-45); and when he suddenly sees Cato, the guardian of Ante-Purgatory, standing next to him, the Poet describes the sage as "an old man, alone, worthy of such reverence as any boy- child owes a father": "Vidi presso di me un veglio solo, / degno di tanta reverenza in vista, / che piu non dee a padre alcun figliuolo" (Purg. 1:31-33).

(12) Earlier Dante had clearly articulated this kind of distinction, albeit not between the papacy and the empire, but, somewhat too brashly, between imperial rule and moral philosophy in Conv. 4:6. Ironically, Dante had there erroneously attributed Aristotle's definition of nobility ("antica possession d'avere / con reggimenti belli") as an original thought to Frederic II of Hohenstaufen, and was undertaking to find logical grounds upon which to disagree with "the last Emperor." Dante's earlier error, however, does not vitiate the arguments on his ideas of the separation of the spheres of competence or authority, but rather can enlighten us concerning his pattern of thought in the Monarchia. According to Conv. 4:9.15, in a question of philosophy and not governance, even he, the humble Florentine, Dante, may have an opinion superior to the Emperor Frederic II: "si come diffinire giovinezza e gentilezza, sovra le quali nullo imperiale giudicio e da consentire, in quanto elli e imperatore" (635-36). In Convivio 4:8.11, Dante had expounded his earlier views on reverence: "Dico che reverenza non e altro che confessione di debita subiezione per manifesto segno. E veduto questo, da distinguere e intra loro 'inreverente' [e 'non reverente'. Lo inreverente] dice privazione, lo non reverente dice negazione. E pero la inreverenza e disconfessare la debita subiezione, per manifesto segno, dico, e la non reverenza e negare la debita subiezione." The key word is debita ("due" or "fitting"), for besides the important fact that "Frederic" is not following the truth, he, in so far as he functions as emperor and not as a philosopher, is not properly deserving of reverence in regard to philosophical definitions, holding as he does a sphere of authority outside such matters. Thus, not to give Frederick reverence in this question, which it is not owed or due, is not "irreverence," for no reverence in the matter is required. For a typical, hierocratic view of the Emperor's subordination to the Pope, see Tolomeo da Lucca, cap. 3, ed. Krammer 8-9; on reverentia, see Vinay 18-19.

(13)"God alone elects, He alone confirms, since He has no superior. From this we may gather further that neither those who are nowadays, nor others who may in any way have been called "electors," should be given that name. They should be called, rather, "heralds of divine providence" (Monarchia 3:16.13, ed. Ricci 274-75). I do not adopt Ricci's numbering of paragraphs in the third book and prefer the more conventional 16-chapter system.

(14) Di Giannatale stresses the theme of mutual aid (317-21) against the pro-high-papalist interpretations of Maccarrone in "Il terzo libro" 42-53, and in "Papato e impero" 304-18.

(15) "God wanted there to be two powers not only distinct in themselves but also by the subject in which they are found, that they should not be held by one and the same person, as the primary authority. First, so long as the prince needs the priest for spiritual affairs and the priest the prince for temporal affairs, that love and charity without which members of the Church cannot live will be promoted through the need of these members one for another and their mutual support. This could not happen if one person held both powers." (My emphasis). [John of Paris] Jean Quidort de Paris, De potestate regia et papali 1:10, ed. J. Leclerq in L'ecclesiologie 173-260, here 196; On Royal and Papal Power 1:10, trans. Watt 118. The idea that the popes could interfere "causaliter" ("occasionally") had much force and influence, even to its acceptance by the opposing camps; Kay points to John of Paris's 1302 consideration of permissible "conditional and incidental" interference and the sanctions possible between the two powers (De potestate regia et papali, cap. XIII), considering it "problematic" (Mon., ed. Kay 324-25n35). The idea of permitting any form of interference is a subject that Dante does not enter into, let alone in detail; the Monarchia argues against all papal abuses of intervention; the question of the imperial vicarships of 1318 was an entirely temporal, political matter and all papal participation a vicious intrusion. I agree with Nardi in rejecting Maccarrone's untenable belief that Dante would permit some kind of papal "influence of spiritual authority over secular in quanto tale in the development of its temporal duty"-that is, of some anachronistic "potestas indirecta" in temporal affairs (a formula, after all, developed by Cardinal Bellarmine three centuries later). Maccarrone even went so far as to compare Dante's formula with that set forth by the great Spanish Dominican theologian Juan de Torquemada (1388-1468) [not Tomas of the Spanish Inquisition, 1420-1498!] in his Summa de ecclesia (publ. 1489), which, while attenuating the pope's temporal power, vehemently defended the infallibility and spiritual plenitude of the pope, stating that he indeed had power and jurisdiction "aliquo modo" ("in a certain way") in temporal affairs ("Il terzo libro" 136-37). While Nardi (Dal Convivio 204, 311-12), in his typical intemperate style, rejects Maccarrone's views, Nardi in turn, however, minimizes the greater power and effectiveness that the pope's blessing conveys upon the emperor in Dante's concept, ignoring the full import of the example of Justinian in the Commedia.

(16) Such mutuality was recognized even by severe hierocrats. James of Viterbo interprets the Donation of Constantine as such an example with the oddest corollary: "In another way we can say that this grant was an act of co-operation or ministry, to the end that the power which the Vicar of Christ has by divine law might be exercised more freely in point of fact; for the persecution of tyrants was not possible before the time of Constantine" (De regimine christiano, ch. 8; On Christian Government 119).

(17) Marsiglio exalted the superiority of the universitas fidelium, the body of all the faithful, over the sacerdotium in all aspects of religion; but he never denied the relative superiority of the spiritual goal. See Gewirth's "Introduction" to Defender of the Peace lii.

(18)"I reply: it must be said that, just as temporal things exist for the body's sake and the body for the soul's, so all these lower things must be subordinated to the soul's good; otherwise, man does not use temporals rightly, but abuses them. The temporal power must therefore in some way be subordinated to the spiritual power in those things which pertain to spirituality itself; that is, in spirituals [but only in spirituals]. In this way, multitude is reduced to unity." Trans. adapted from Quaestio in utramque partem V:II [For and Against Pontifical Power] in Three Royalist Tracts 86-87. See also Scholz 224- 28; Minio-Paluello 522-23; Martinelli 201-02.

(19) See Minio-Paluello 523.

(20) "We said above that the pope is compared to the emperor as the soul is to the body and as the intellective to the sensitive, and as the heavenly to the earthly and thus as a lord to a minister and as God to man. In all the aforesaid things we find that, if the second is removed [as in a dead man, who, upon the death of his body, sees God face to face], the first extends directly and immediately, but while the second is present, it does not extend except indirectly in a certain way [quodammodo] and through a medium" (Remigio de' Girolami 74). In reverse of Dante's belief, but ultimately in obedience to Uguccione da Pisa (according to the doctrine of "failing all other jurisdictions"), Remigio held that the Pope's authority had full extension in temporals if the emperor were absent or removed: "If the emperor is removed, or any other secular prince, the jurisdiction of the Pope then extends directly to temporals" (ibid.; emphases added).

(21) Maccarrone, "Il terzo libro" (7-9). Nardi, Dal Convivio 307-08. Mochi Onory 141-77. Martinelli 201-02. Olivi fought with great vigor against Innocent IV's doctrine (Maccarrone, "Papato e impero nella Monarchia" 263). Remigio de' Girolami's arguments urging humility in papal prerogatives are found in his Contra falsos ecclesie professores 63-67. The difficulty of any interpretation lies between what Dante implies and what he says: we have noted that, for the Poet, the electors speak as heralds of God's will directly (Mon. 3:16, 13); and the Poet certainly implies, yet never states precisely, that the emperor does not need any official papal affirmation. All the same, he claims that a personal blessing is appropriate. We can infer that he believes that an emperor- Ludwig of Bavaria or Frederick of Austria?-to have been somehow duly chosen, despite a split election, yet the text of the Monarchia certainly gives us no warrant to decide whether Dante could have given allegiance to any such imperial claimant. Can Grande had received a renewal of his vicariate from Frederick of Austria (allied, for the most part, to the papacy), while it was the Court of the Emperor Ludwig that would twist the Monarchia into an anti-papal pamphlet. Fortunately, or unfortunately, the scandalous and horrifying absurdities of Ludwig's comic-opera coronations in Rome and his appointment of an antipope (12 May 1328) all took place years after Dante's death.

(22) Latin text cited in Martinelli 203n34; 204. Martinelli is certainly correct in viewing Bartolo's "fraternizing" as something more extreme than Dante's father-son symbolism.

(23) Martinelli 210. Aristotle explained: "For if someone knows of a certain 'this' that is a relative, and being for relatives is the same as being somehow related to something, he knows that also to which this is somehow related" (Categories 7 [8a 37-38-8b 1]; Complete Works of Aristotle 1:13).

(24) Martinelli 210-11. Peter of Spain, Tractatus III, 20 in Summule logicales 35; Peter Abelard, Philosophische Schriften 1, 216-17.

(25) The Douay-Rheims version reads, "without all contradiction, that which is less, is blessed by the better." Dante well knew the import of chapter 7 of this Epistle, where St. Paul had affirmed the priesthood of Christ "according to the order of Melchisedech," who was Priest and King of Salem; it was the very passage that the canonists quoted most often to affirm the superiority of the spiritual power in its Old and New Testament typological precedents of the popes' royal power.

(26) For Nicholas II, see Gratian, Decreti prima pars, Distinctio XXI, Corpus iuris canonici, ed. Richter and Friedberg 1:70-71

(27) De sacramentis II, ii, 4 (PL 176: 418); Hugh of Saint Victor, On the Sacraments 256.

(28) Aegidius Romanus (Giles of Rome), De ecclesiastica potestate, ed. Scholz 17. See also Giles' later chapter "Quod in omnibus temporalibus ecclesia habet dominium universale," lib. 2, cap. 10, ed. Scholz 86-96; On Ecclesiastical Power 81-91.

(29)"Ergo terrena potestas secundum omnia bona terrena, que habet, est sub clericis sive sub ecclesia. Secundo probat hoc idem ex benedictione et sanctificatione. Sacerdotalis enim potestas benedict et sanctificat regalem, ut dicit Ugo de sacramentis. Sed secundum apostolum qui benedicit maior est eo qui benedicitur." The full text of the Expositio super Unam Sanctam is in Grabmann, "Kommentar des Guido Vernani [...] zur Bulle Unam Sanctam" (154).

(30) Ordo romanus (PL 78: 1242). The words of the imperial Coronation ceremony are cited at length by James of Viterbo to cap his Chapter 8 of De Regimine Christiano (On Christian Government 126).

(31) "[It is] not a necessity of nature of the secular power that it should be anointed [...]. Nor is it a necessity of kingship itself [...] that a king be anointed" (De potestate regia et papali 18: 26, ed. Leclerq 229; John of Paris, On Royal and Papal Power, trans. Watt 189-190). See also Dupre Theseider 230-54.

(32) During the final stages of his quarrel with the pope's feudal vassal, Robert III "the Wise" of Anjou, King of Naples, and unable to invade southern Italy militarily, Henry VII of Luxembourg proceeded legally; without trial, he condemned King Robert to death by decapitation, labeling him perditionis alumpnus, charging him with lese majeste and of being a rebel against the Empire. Henry vigorously rejected the pope's prohibition of any attack on the Kingdom of Sicily, for he certainly could not see how he himself could be a vassal of the pope. Imperialists and monarchists held that only the Kingdom of Italy (i.e., Naples, under King Robert) was a fief under the papacy; see, for example, John of Paris, De potestate regia et papali, 15: 7 (On Royal and Papal Power, trans. Watt 172). Interestingly, in his reply to Henry's sentence, Robert was to use the terms of arenas, struggles and wrestling matches, perhaps suggesting them as governing metaphors to Dante in book two of the Monarchia. See Robert's passages cited in Bowsky, Henry VII 184.

(33) See Johannes Branchazolus de Pavia 44-52. See also Bowsky 185; Wilks, 29, 63, 72, 81-83; Pennington 174-75.

(34) Alvarus Pelagius lists such an assertion as a heresy to be roundly refuted: "Alia hereses est que dicit et tenet, quod reges sunt caput ecclesie [...] " ("Another heresy there is that states and holds that kings are the head of the church [...]"). (Tractatus 504).

(35) De principio 49; Pennington 175n50. Bowsky 185, 263n25. In a letter of October 23, 1236, Pope Gregory IX, for example, argued, basing his position on the Donation of Constantine, that the emperor received the power of the sword in his coronation (van Cleve 396; Morris 365). Dante's friend, the Ghibelline jurist Cino da Pistoia also concluded that "the one elected by the people according to lex regia" held full sovereign rights immediately, without coronation (Hugelmann 29-31n2; Kantorowicz 320-28, for Cino, esp. 325, n. 34).

(36) Remigio de' Girolami 74. On Tolomeo da Lucca and reverentia, see Vinay 18-19.

(37) "as the virtues of the soul follow the constitution of the body, and as the body dominates the soul, although {...] the soul be worthier than the body, so the pope follows the emperor, albeit giving him perfection, so that he may potentially act and live, and the emperor dominates the pope, although he whose office it specifically is to govern souls and spiritual things can be said to be worthier than the emperor [...], [he whose] things are worthier than temporal things." Johannes Branchazolus 50 (my emphasis). See also Kantorowicz 326.

(38) Here the canonists were, of course, most obligingly generous. The title was also that of Satan-Lucifer!

(39) Attributed to Giovanni di Calvaruso 1311. As hierocrats played down the significance of the power of unction received by the monarch as something less than ecclesiastic ordination (fearing that, by its resemblance to the consecration of bishops, it endowed spiritual power to the temporal monarch--they had changed the place of unction from the head to the arms, as is still practiced in the British ceremony, for example), royalists and imperialists came to think of coronations as a mere superfluity: "The pope is not superior in temporal affairs," opined Calvaruso; he held that the imperial election alone bestowed all power upon the Roman Prince (Memoriale 1311, 1340). On Calvaruso, Henry VII and Robert of Naples, see Pennington 172. Kantorowicz 326n39.

(40) Contrast the hierocratic Tolomeo da Lucca who concludes after citing many precedents, 'quod auctoritas summi pontificis est maior et ideo imperator ex sua electione administrationem non habet sine confirmatione pape, quia ex superiore dependet. Istud enim soli summo pontifici convenit, ut doctores iuris volunt, qui, quia superiorem non habet, de ipsa sua electine canonica statim est confirmatus ac plena et libera gaudet iurisdictione pontificali" (ed. Krammer 9).

(41) Calvaruso cites Pope Gelasius's doctrine to refute Innocent III's Venerabilem X (Decretals 1:6.34); see Memoriale 1310, 1312, 1340.

(42)"That is not a sacrament of subjection or vassalage neither does it have it in any form; rather it is a sacrament of devotion or reverence and humility as Christian doctrine teaches and of Christian compliance to the same [...] by reason of the compliance that any Christian owes to the Church and especially Catholic princes, and above all, the emperor" (my emphases; Calvaruso, Memoriale 1312). See Bowsky 186, 263, n. 30; Wilks 242-43n2; and Ricci, "Dante e l'impero romano" 141, 147.

(43) Nardi, Dal Convivio 204; also Sistrunk 95-112.

(44) On the concepts of reverence and irreverence, and separation of fields of authority in the Convivio, see note above; see also Di Scipio 267-84. Consecration as bishop conferred majority upon the candidate; a bishop held the same position ecclesiastically as a king.

(45) "sopra la qual doppio lume s'addua": Justinian's own light as emperor, and the additional light of Agapetus' benediction. Dante's imagery in Par. 5:124, 137; 7:6 especially, the canticle's "two suns" imagery with this "twinned" bathing of Justinian's blessed soul glowing in heaven mutually reflects and fleshes out Mon. 3:16.17.

(46) The concepts of "iustitia" and "agape," justice and charity, reflecting in turn the two main political and Christian virtues, are poetically and spiritually most significant in Dante's choice of example.

(47) Digest of Justinian 1: xlvi, lvii, et passim. The Digest is insistently punctuated with such expressions of direct power, never hinting at any ecclesiastical intermediary.

(48) James of Viterbo interprets the doctrines of grace-perfecting-Nature and of imperial consecration in a hierocratic way in Chapter 7 of De Regimine Christiano (On Christian Government, trans. Dyson 103-04).

(49) For example, such as that argued by Kelsen 120, 139-40; Vossler 147-48. See d'Entreves 50-51; Reeves 102. It would take the unlikely appearance of some newly discovered first-generation manuscripts lacking this last paragraph to lend any credence at all to the theory of a later interpolation; the paragraphs of Mon. 3:4.18-20 would, likewise, have to be missing or demonstrate the wording there as a later alteration. Without such unlikely findings we accept the text as it now exists. Bruno Nardi, for example, many times repeated his belief that Dante's three words of attenuation were an afterthought, a later "tempering" "an addition and pentimento," "a reservation" (Nel mondo 239; Dal Convivio 114, 301, 310; Saggi e note 71-72). My sense is that the text as it stands is intentional and integral; other imperialist texts conventionally show the same ultimate reverence. For Dante the Empire and the Church are both divine and sacred.

(50) "As far as its existence is concerned, in no way does the moon depend upon the sun; nor does it depend upon it as far as its power is concerned; nor, to put it simply, does it do so as far as its function is concerned, because its movement derives from its own mover, and its influence from its own rays. It has, in fact, a little light of its own, as is shown during its eclipse. But as far as its better and more efficacious functioning is concerned, it receives something from the sun, that is, an abundance of light, and by the reception of this light it can function more powerfully. Ergo, I affirm likewise that the temporal realm does not receive its being from the spiritual; neither, to put it simply, does it receive its power, that is, its authority nor even its functioning from it. But it does indeed receive from the spiritual the wherewithal to function with greater efficacy through the light of grace that in heaven as on earth the benediction of the Supreme Pontiff infuses into it" (Monarchia 3:4.18-20; my translation and emphases).

(51) "Wherefore there remains only the dispute with those who, led by some zeal on behalf of Mother Church, are ignorant of that very truth we are seeking. Relying on that reverence that a pious son owes a father, that a pious son owes a mother, pious towards Christ, pious towards the Church, pious towards her Shepherd, pious towards anyone who professes the Christian faith, in this book I begin the contest with them for the salvation of truth" (Monarchia 3:3.18)].

(52) While, like many, Fortin generally neglects the import of the last paragraphs of the Monarchia, he finds major agreement between Dante's two major, complementary works: "Les deux oeuvres se completent beaucoup plus qu'elles se contredisent" (126).

(53) Vernani does not address the conventional "quodammodo" attenuation, as we noted; it would have weakened his arguments. For the Friar from Rimini, the Emperor and all civil and temporal life were under the direct and full control of the pope, not "in some certain way"!

(54) Thomas discusses the conditions of twofold beatitude "duplex beatitudo" (which Dante follows and modifies) in Summa Theologiae, vol.16: Purpose and Happiness Ia2ae. 1-5: 100-03; see also vol. 5: God's Will and Providence Ia, 19-26: 108-09.

(55) At some point after 1328, both because of such threats as those of the Cardinal-Legate Bertrand du Poujet to charge the poet posthumously with heresy and burn his corpse in public, and because of the unceasing Florentine demands for the Poet's body, the Franciscans of San Pier Maggiore (now the Church of San Francesco) in Ravenna apparently secreted Dante's cadaver, bricking it up within the protective church walls for its later, fortuitous, and quite remarkable rediscovery just in time for the centenary year of 1865; the bones were then removed to the nearby seventeenth-century tomb that had long stood ready to receive the Poet's mortal remains. The papal Curia, of course, never brought an official charge of heterodoxy against Dante.
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Author:Cassell, Anthony
Publication:Annali d'Italianistica
Article Type:Critical essay
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Date:Jan 1, 2002
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