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The diabolical adventures of Don Quixote, or self-Exorcism and the rise of the novel (*).

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The pervasive allusions in Don Quijote to demonological treatises reveal a level of intertextual confusion in Don Quixote's mind that has not been explored in detail. Written in the vernacular, these treatises provided specifically Spanish terminology to describe apparitions, diabolical pranks, demonic possession, and exorcism. This linguistic register is only one among several that Cervantes used to lend verisimilitude to Don Quixote's madness. The medical, psychological, and literary languages employed in this masterpiece of heteroglossia (1) have already been analyzed in some depth. This essay recovers yet another layer, an additional linguistic register which Cervantes deliberately exploited. This essay argues that demonology enhances the importance of these other voices in the work's textual richness.

The proliferation of writing about the supernatural at this time explains Cervantes' use of demonic vocabularies, though his attitude toward the demonic varied. While Cervantes may have adopted, as Diana De Armas Wilson (2) has claimed, a completely skeptical, satirical stance toward exorcism, he could also treat the subject even more earnestly in the Quijote than in the less comical Persiles. He did not limit himself to the serious language of demonic possession, but also incorporated more humorous diabolical resonances in his hero's adventures, such as the alleged pranks of the trickster duendes. It should not surprise us that Cervantes' reactions to -- and appropriations of -- the language of demonology in general and exorcism in particular would encompass both jest and earnest. The following assessment of Cervantes' use of demonological discourse in the novel will thus be divided into two sections: one on his playful, the other on his serious use of demonology within the narrative process. Again, it shoul d come as no surprise to cervantistas that the more playful moments usually occurred early in Part I, while the darker side of demonic agency assumed greater power toward the end of Part I and continued in the more somber Part II of the Quijote, published ten years later, near the time of Cervantes' death. (3) The polyvalent nature of the demonic allowed it to be absorbed into the fictions of both comic and tragic events.

We can be almost certain that Cervantes read specific texts which refer to some form of demonology. (4) These include both ancient pagan works such as Apuleius' The Golden Ass or Heliodorus' Aethiopica and contemporary miscellanies such as Antonio de Torquemada's Jardin de flores curiosas. Cervantes demonstrated a fairly sophisticated knowledge of some of the finer points of Christian demonology, especially demonic possession and exorcism. He could have acquired it from specialized rather than from literary works on demonology, and while there is no way of knowing which of these sources Cervantes might have read, some representative demonological works tell us what kinds of information he might have taken from them or from books like them.

Most works of this genre were comprehensive volumes on witchcraft and superstition, with occasional passages about demonic possession. Some demonological treatises, however, gave special emphasis to possession and exorcism. Two that might have been available to Cervantes were Pedro Ciruelo's Tratado en el qual se repruevan todas las supersticionesy hechicerias (A treatise reproving all superstitions and forms of witchcraft, 1530) or Martin de Castanega's Tratado muy sotil y bien fundado de las supersticiones y hechiceriasy vanos conjuros y abusiones (Very subtle and well-founded treatise on superstitions and witchcrafts and vain conjurations and abuses, 1529). A typical guide to exorcism was Benito Remigio Noydens' Practica de exorcistas y ministros de la Iglesia. En que con mucha erudicion, y singular claridad, se trata de la instruccion de los Exorcismos para lancar, y ahuyentar los demonios, y curar espiritualmente todo genero de maleficio, y hechizos (Practice of exorcists and ministers of the Church. In which with much erudition, and singular clarity, is treated the instruction of Exorcisms for casting out, and making demons flee, and curing spiritually every kind of malefice, and bewitchments, 1660). This particular vernacular treatise was composed exclusively for exorcists. Though published after the Quijote, it nonetheless provided representative anecdotes that occurred during Cervantes' lifetime. It also incorporated elements from many earlier Latin exorcistic manuals. Let us now turn to several episodes in the novel which are illuminated by these texts, episodes that alluded to the devil as an agent of both humorous tricks and deadly torment.

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Don Quixote and Sancho often interpreted naturally explicable situations by viewing them through the lens of demonology. The first pertinent occurrence of the word "diablo,, (5) appeared in the mouth of Sancho immediately after he was introduced in the novel. Sancho warned Don Quixote, "Look! I say that you should look well what you do, that it not be the devil who deceives you." (6) Just prior to these words, Don Quixote, like a demoniac, had attacked a group of Benedictine monks. Michael Hasbrouck finds it significant that he did not attack the other travelers accompanying the monks. It is particularly curious, he observes, that Don Quixote attacked only the monks riding mules since the others on horseback probably would have reminded him more of the knights-errant of chivalric romances. (7) Though it might just be that the flailes, who were mounted on slow and plodding mules, were easier targets for the fury of the knight errant, perhaps the friars' habits also reminded him of the world of chivalric romanc e, where monks often appeared in processional scenes or made mysterious magical speeches. The situation was further complicated when Don Quixote imagined that the frailes with the carriage were enchanters holding captive princesses, and then demanded the immediate release of the "prisoners"; he addressed the supposed enchanters as "bedeviled people" (gente endiablada). (8) The women of the company, in turn, fled from him, "crossing themselves more times than if they carried the devil at their backs." (9)

This adventure and similar ones -- that of the famous windmills, for instance -- were triggered by Don Quixote's misperceptions or hallucinations, which the characters of the novel understood, among other possibilities, as demonic apparitions. Cervantes, the champion of perspectivistic truth, wanted his readers to hear multiple parodies at the same time: for instance, simultaneous parodies of chivalric romance and popular religious beliefs. Popular belief in demonic apparitions was common among clergymen as well as lay people:

Sometimes the demons, leaving the bodies of the Energumens [demoniacs], are accustomed to show themselves, and appear in the frightening shape of various animals, and other terrible things, although they not be seen by the bystanders .... These apparitions can only be imaginary, through the demon's moving the blood, and the humours of the man, and forming some image, that represents itself to him, and this -- because it is an imaginary vision -- only appears to him to which the vision is made. (10)

These diabolical hallucinations could take various forms when demons appeared to those whom they were about to possess, as we see from the cleric Noydens' description:

The demons are accustomed, before entering into the body of some man, to appear to him in horrible, and frightening form, and this by night, or in dark and obscure places.... Other times they enter in the form of air, [the shape of] a rat, and other small animals. (11)

Thus Don Quixote specifically conjured Dona Rodriguez operating on the assumption that she was some sort of diabolical vision or soul from

Purgatory and using elaborately formulaic language in the style of the exorcists to confront this "phantasm": "I conjure you, phantasm, or whatever you are, that you tell me who you are, and that you tell me what you want of me. If you are a soul in torment, tell me so." (12) Don Quixote's assumption here and elsewhere in the text was well founded. A common argument invoked by the demonologists was that the devil had taken the form of a snake in the Garden of Eden and thus could take any shape he chose. Noydens' observations offer us a parallel explanation of the rebanos episode (13) which corresponds to Don Quixote's hallucination that a flock of sheep was really an army dressed for battle: "the demon perhaps enters into the bodies of the brute animals ... not ... to torment them, but to do damage to the man in his goods, or estates, or to deceive him, and cause him some danger, as he did to our first Parents in the Serpent." (14) Later Noydens provided an example of a demon that entered a papagayo (parrot), another animal, (15) for the purpose of deceiving one of the popes. Perhaps Cervantes ridiculed this type of superstitious episode along with his parody of epic literary conventions in the adventure of the rebanos and, again, with the herd of six hundred pigs. (16) Incidentally, Hasbrouck makes an attempt (17) to relate this latter episode to the Biblical account of the legion of devils cast into a herd of swine in Luke 8:27-33. Be that as it may, according to a story related by Martin del Rio (1551-1608), (18) devils could also appear in the shapes of military armies. (19) This detail would explain why Don Quixote imagined that flocks of animals turned into armies (20) that he must fight (he of course inferred that an enchanter had made this transformation).

Many of the other comical-mysterious adventures in the novel, particularly in Part 1, were treated as if they occurred through the intervention of poltergeists (los duendes), the demons who specialized in practical jokes. Given the superstitious agrarian atmosphere, the novel's characters undoubtedly believed in these tricksters. One text in Don Quixote's library was the Jardin de flores curiosas (Garden of curious flowers, 1570) of Antonio de Torquemada (ca. 1505-ca. 1569). It contained descriptions of the poltergeists in Salamanca, (21) supernatural beings who also figured prominently in the pamphlet literature of the time. (22) Noydens also describes these notorious demons:

experience teaches, that there are other demons who, without frightening or fatiguing men (because God does not allow it, nor does he give them a hand for it), are domestic, familiar, and approachable, occupying themselves in playing with people, and playing ridiculous jokes on them. These we commonly call poltergeists, or 'duendes.' (23)

Sancho did not understand what had happened after the adventure with Maritornes at the inn, and thus he alluded to demonic intervention: "what [desire] do I have for sleeping, to my dismay -- responded Sancho, full of heaviness and despair -- for it does not appear but that all the devils have walked with me this night?" (24) Sancho's question is not strange when we consider the fact that Noydens' treatise contained a reference to a demon who "manifested itself in human form, dressed as a rustic." (25) The peasant atmosphere of the inn was conducive to belief in these duendes, trickster demons from popular folldore.

These trickster demons and similar figures appeared recurrently in the text. Don Quixote tried to explain the disappearance of his library by means of the intervention of an enchanter or wizard whom he named Freston. (26) When Don Quixote invented a specific action for the enchanter Freston, this action was presented with dramatic irony: he believed that the enchanter had robbed him of his library, but the readers knew that the books had been lost in a bonfire lit by his own friends. The insinuation was that Freston was nor necessarily his correct name, just as this was not his action. But a splendid piece of demon lore explains Don Quixote's attempt to seek a name for his enchanter: an animistic theory held that knowledge of a devil's name gave an exorcist control over him. (27)

Perhaps Don Quixote's attribution of agency to the enchanter was no accident. (28) Perhaps readers of the text were supposed to hear yet another level of parody when he and other characters in the novel made diabolical associations, most of them quite playful, in connection with the stolen library. The library (29) contained many books of chivalry, which were attacked by moralists as diabolical products. But Don Quixote's books may have borne more overt diabolical resonance. It was commonly believed during the Golden Age that some demoniacs had called their affliction upon themselves by reading aloud from conjuring books. In these diabolical conjurations, prayers intermingled with superstitious formulae until the average listener could not tell the difference. One Roman Ramirez from Deza, examined by the Inquisition of Toledo in 1600, recited entire books from memory. (30) Perhaps readers were supposed to wonder whether Don Quixote's books, burned by his friends, did contain devilish material, by means of whi ch he might have invoked evil spirits unintentionally. Such a speculation only adds to the comedy of the unwitting knight in his unusual predicament. The priest in Don Quijote swore in reference to the books, "let such books be commended to Satan and Barrabas" (31) and later spoke of "the diabolical and doubled-over arguments" (32) they contained. Books could potentially be very dangerous: on 10 December 1564 one offender was punished by the Inquisition of Murcia for using a conjuring book. (33) A 1583 Index of prohibited books totally banned such

books, treatises, deeds, memorials, recipes, and catalogues, for invoking demons, by whatever way, and manner, whether it be by necromancy, hydromancy, pyromancy, aeromancy, onomancy, chiromancy, and geomancy; or by writings, and papers of magic art, spells, witchcrafts, omens, enchantments, conjurings, circles, characters, seals, rings, and figures. (34)

Demonologists were also aware of the dangers to themselves, that they might call up a demon by mistake. The Englishman Reginald Scot reported in 1584 that the Frenchman Jean Bodin was worried about these occupational hazards: "[a]nd yet J. Bodin confesseth, that he is afraid to read such conjurations as John Wierus reciteth, least (belike) the divell would come up, and scratch him with his fowle long nailes." (35)

At least one of the authors featured in Don Quixote's library, Jorge de Montemayor, appeared in the Indice de Valdes of 17 August 1559 "in that which touches upon devotion and Christian things." (36) Is it possible that Don Quixote poisoned his brain with magical formulae as well as "the reason of the unreason" (37) of the chivalric romances? This theory is supported by the fact that the bonfire of his library is a parody of the inquisitorial auto de fe. During this period, the Inquisition burned books as well as people. (38) Don Quixote's niece confirmed that the contents of the books might be diabolical when she mimicked the exorcism ritual by bringing hyssop and holy water to the barber and the priest, asking them to bless the room of the library so that an enchanter (invoked by the books to be burned) would not come back to haunt her: "take this [branch of hyssop], your honor ... sprinkle this chamber [with holy water], so that there will not remain some enchanter of the many these books contain, who woul d enchant us, in penalty of the pains we want to give them in banishing them from the world." (39)

The state of possession resulting from reading conjuring books matched Don Quixote's confused state. And it has been a commonplace of Quijote scholarship that the texts he appropriated provided the raw material for his peculiar strain of madness. For example, after being inside the Cave of Montesinos, Don Quixote reported that he had encountered two imprisoned knights who remained there under enchantment by Merlin -- whom he recognized to be, according to the libros de caballerias, the son of the devil. (40) This linkage of the chivalric romances with demonic power and occult activities provides an even firmer foundation for the inclusion of the diabolical linguistic register as a complement to the chivalric in the recognized canon of Cervantine intertexts.

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The comic episodes involving enchantment and demonology appeared in the second part of Don Quijote as well. They included the encounter with the Cortes de la Muerte, in which the driver of the Wagon of Death was the Devil himself. (41) A similar sort of humor was generated when the dukes arranged a comic performance by a devil figure who gave an order to disenchant Dulcinca. Still another parodic use of the demonic occurred when Sancho as governor of the Insula heard the petition of the labrador enganador, who claimed that his son was possessed by a demon: "my son is a demoniac, and there is not a day that three or four times he is not tormented by the malign spirits; and from having fallen once into the fire, he has a scarred face ... he beats himself and mauls himself." (42)

Some of these comic episodes sounded serious. For example, in the adventure of the Cave of Montesinos, Juan Bautista Avalle-Arce believes the descent into the cave was a symbolic journey into hell. (43) Henry Sullivan offers a different interpretation of the cave episode as a descent into Purgatory to atone for sins. (44) Cervantes returned, perhaps deliberately, to the cave as a locus of popular superstition and/or demonic activity in his entremes about the cave of Salamanca. Don Quixote's adventure in the cave of Montesinos could also be seen in a different light: consider that the demonologist Del Rio related stories of demons who guarded their hordes in caverns. (45) One Spanish conjuror named Marquina was prosecuted on 10 December 1564 by the Inquisition in Murcia for invoking these demons by means of conjuring books and speaking to them when they arrived; one of his clients was Diego de Heredia, of Barboles. (46) The demons were supposed to help find buried treasure, and when it was not uncovered, their response was, "the time of the enchantment was not completed." (47) All the treasure-hunters found were coal and ashes. The phrasing of the demons' response-- typically present in stories told by conjurors before the Inquisition-- reminds us of the plight of Don Quixote as he tried to find his treasure, Dulcinea, whose time of enchantment was not completed either.

Cervantes appropriated certain specific details from demonological treatises in order to infuse authenticity into his comic fiction in Part II. In the episode of Clavilefio, (48) for example, flying through the air was a sign of demonic activity. The explicit reference to Eugenio Torralba (49) alluded to a spectacular rumor, a supposed demonic possession, which enjoyed tremendous popularity in Spain for a long time after it occurred. (50) Here Cervantes recast his fascination with diabolical phenomena and human belief in light of the more skeptical, satirical stance he sometimes took toward these matters. This stance was echoed in several passages of the Quijote where he poked fun at popular beliefs.

But in other passages of the Quijote, in certain parts of the Persiles, several of his Novelas ejemplares (51) and, in particular, the Rufian dichoso, Cervantes dealt seriously with various supernatural phenomena, including demonic possession, the witches' Sabbat, and even werewolves. Alban Forcione has urged critics not to simplify the complexity of Cervantes' genius by reducing his approach to the supernatural to simple skepticism or satire. (52) Recent critics have failed to realize that the fascination of Cervantes with demonology, especially exorcism, did not stop with satire. Don Quixote fictionalized his life to the extent that, in one sense at least, his beliefs converted themselves into realities. Thus, it is worth asking whether he believed himself to be possessed, for if he did, the allusions to demonic agency in the text suddenly assume a more sinister face. The consequence of his dabbling in diabolical adventures is the darker side of the comical Don Quixote.

The exorcist Benito Remigio Noydens (1630-85) (53) explained symptomatic occurrences that should arouse suspicion of possession: "a sudden change of life, as in having been an agreeable man, and now being aggressive and furious." (54) Don Quixote, in his transformation from poor hidalgo to knight errant, became the classic example of a person who experienced a "sudden change of life" (mudanca repentina de vida). When a soul was inhabited by a demon, the victim's comportment and appearance changed in a drastic manner (see Fig. 1): he or she spoke with the voice of the devil and, at times, assumed a different personality. At other times the demoniac experienced what were specifically called "lucid intervals" according to Noydens: "for this the Exorcist will command the demon, that he not place an obstacle, and that he leave him [the demoniac] with his lucid intervals." (55) Cervantes scholars will recognize "lucid intervals" as a focus of literary criticism written about this novel. Martin de Castanega (fl. 151 1-51) (56) explained the belief that in the case of a demoniac, "sometimes there came to him some intervals and short spaces of some devotion that lasted briefly, and in the time of that devotion (that was the spirit of God) he prophesied and walked elevated in spirit among the prophets, and not when the demon tormented him." (57) This capability for quasi-prophetic utterance appeared in Don Quixote's speech on the Golden Age as well as his pronouncement on arms and letters.

According to the exorcists, the possession of a person's soul by a demon also manifested itself by certain other specific symptoms, among which the feeling of being pursued was especially significant. The possessed person tried to escape from the demon who returned to attack him. In the course of his adventures, Don Quixote expressed a growing awareness that something or someone was pursuing him. At first he simply believed that his enemy was attacking him and following him wherever he went. But who was it? The Golden Age lexicographer Sebastian de Covarrubias Orozco (1539-1613), like Noydens, used the word "encantador" as a synonym for bewitcher, necromancer, or devilish magus. (58) Within the Quijote, a bewitcher who acted as a vehicle for the Satan of Catholic exorcistic practice appeared as one identity for the "wise enchanter" (sabio encantador) who pursued Don Quixote. (59) The uses of the word for "enchanter" in Noydens' manual of exorcism suggest corollaries to Cervantes' term:

The Exorcist avails himself of the industry of other demons...just as the enchanrers do.

[Thus are] they who are sick by... enchanments of the demon.

The demon is accustomed, when they constrain him with the Exorcisms, to say, that he cannot leave the Energumen, because he is tied to him by the conjurements of some enchanter. (60) Noydens also used "encanto" as a synonym for possession. (61)

According to the exorcist Noydens, the demoniac also experienced "an extraordinary disturbance, in such a manner, that the sick person cannot be quiet, but seeks dark and distant places." (62) As Henry Sullivan notes, (63) Don Quixote exemplified this behavior when he practiced penitence in the Sierra Morena, (64) although he parodied the conventions of sentimental romance by tearing off his clothes and performing somersaults. Sancho, who did not like the idea of penitence very much, complained that this awful place was like Purgatory. Don Quixote responded, "you would have done better to call it hell, and even worse, if there is such a thing." (65) Sancho's reaction was immediate: "whoever has hell...there is no holding back, as I have heard it said." (66) This formula sparked Don Quixote's interest, and he asked what it meant. Sancho replied, "retencio is...that whoever is in hell never leaves it, nor can he. The which will be the reverse in your honor." (67) What reversal did Sancho have in mind? Perhaps h e meant that instead of Don Quixote's never leaving hell, hell itself (or the demons thereof) would never leave him.

But it should be emphasized that Don Quixote did not simply remain passive in his struggle with the demons he perceived. Penitence carried great significance in both the Quixote and the exorcism manuals, and the Sierra Morena exchanges remind us of demonologists' accounts of how the exorcist fasted with the demoniac or prayed with him late into the night. For example, Noydens cited Matthew 17:20 concerning the relationship between penitence and demonic possession: "this type of demon is not cast out, except by means of prayer and fasting." (68) According to this manual, the exorcist "will take particular care not to...arrive to do the Exorcisms without first having fortified himself with fasting, and other works of satisfaction, and penitence" because "these requisites of prayer and fasting conduct greatly toward the expulsion of every kind of demon." (69) We should note, however, that there was no exorcist acting upon Don Quixote. Instead, he performed these exorcistic rituals while literally "performing" th e role of Beltenebros in the Sierra Morena.

But it is also important to observe how penitence failed, both in these texts and in this scene which reflected their conflation. For both Cervantes and Noydens, a more rigorous process was required to cure the disturbed individual. During this era, exorcism was conceived in terms of a battle:

The first, and principal armor, with which the Exorcist has to arm himself, is a vivid and undoubtable faith, and confidence in God.., and [his purpose is] to trample, not only on the bravest Lion but also on the Dragon, even though it come from Hell.(70)

Noydens even began his treatise with the famous Latin citation from the Aeneid of Virgil: "I sing of arms and the man" (Arma virumque cano). (71) The cleric continued the metaphor with the phrases "contest, or struggle" and "bloody battle." (72) The author referred to Saint Paul's spiritual armor (73) in another extension of the military analogy: "It is war in the spiritual realm, and against more powerful enemies." (74) He then described

the Ministers of the Church, whose office it is to rake up arms, to destroy, and vanquish them: and how they do not have to fight with arms of fire, and blood, but with those of the Church, which they have to take out of their armory. (75)

This reliance by exorcists on biblical terminology to describe or explain supernatural phenomena became more and more common: the exorcist arms himself for the spiritual battle" with a "rigorous knife" against the enemy of God." (76) Noydens also wrote warnings for the exorcist with the purpose of helping him to "achieve more quickly the victory" over the common enemy." (77) He explained to the exorcists "with what confidence they can fight with the demon": "the Exorcist should not faint, and not show signs of lack of confidence in his contest." (78) An exorcism which was considered successful was called a "conquest" (conquista).(79) The purpose of the exorcist was that the victim "recover enough spirit to resist his enemies, who will not be able to take from him any triumph or honor." (80)

And what was Don Quixote's history but a series of battles designed to test his honor? The participants in the battles described by Noydens and Cervantes appeared to be similar. Don Quixote's battle against a lion (81) was a significant parodic event as he acquired another knightly name, "the Knight of the Lions" (el Caballero de los Leones). Here we should remember that the devil had been compared to a roaring lion in the New Testament. (82) In a similar manner, Noydens cited Saint Bernard to compose a catalogue of descriptions of the enemy demons, including the terms "fierce Beast," "infernal Dragon," "thief," and "robber" (Bestia fiera, Dragon infernal, ladron, and robador). The priest wrote here in all seriousness; he alluded in another place to a specific demon in the form of a "frightening Dragon, who drowned himself in the Red Sea." (83) In addition to the adventure of the not-so-vicious lion, Don Quixote encountered the majority of these other figures in the course of his journeys.

But Don Quixote's battles with those he encountered became more violent later in Part I. During the encounter with the priests accompanying the dead body on the litter, "Don Quixote beat them all and made them leave the place, much to their displeasure, because all of them thought that he was not a man, but a devil of hell who had come forth to steal the dead body that they carried on the litter." (84) In such a passage the narrator suggested, by means of the perspectives of other characters within the story, a connection between Don Quixote and the devil. They then began to call him "the devil" (el diablo). The priest "determined nor to pass further, even though the devil take Don Quixote." (85) And the innkeeper referred to "Don Quixote, or Don Devil" (don Quijote, a don diablo). (86) Even the faithful Sancho had to ask, when Don Quixote attacked the disciplinantes at the end of Part I: "What demons does he carry in his chest, that incite him to go against our Catholic faith?" (87)

One explanation for this marginalization or even persecution of Don Quixote as a malevolent force might have been his physical appearance. As Noydens clarified, "it is thus a recognized sign, that one is bewitched, when the sick person's natural color has been traded for brown, and the color of cedar, and he has his eyes shut tightly, and his humors dry, and all his members apparently constrained." (88) Much has been written about the dry humours of Don Quixote. It is generally recognized that Cervantes read and used Huarte de San Juan's Examen de ingenios, but even this "medical" treatise specifically attributed some forms of madness to demonic agency, stating that Satan took advantage of the humours and used physical ailments to his victim's spiritual detriment. (89) The old hidalgo was so sick with these ailments at several points in the novel that he could not rise out of bed. Noydens also referred to the demoniac as a sick person, (90) and the symptoms of this sickness conformed to those which Don Quixot e manifested:

the demon is accustomed, at the time of the Exorcisms, to cause in the Energumen some accidents; of a sort, that it appears, that he mistreats him, and afflicts him with an inflammation, or a lump in the throat, or head, etc.; and it is his scheme, to obligate the Exorcist, that he not pass forward with the conjuring [exorcism] . (91)

Castaenga also affirmed that "the demon torments more the one whose corporal complexion is contrary and unfavorable." (92) He reiterated, "many times the corporal infirmity (like the one we have described) is a predisposition so that the demon will have more entry to torment that body, thus ill disposed and sick."(93)

We have already analyzed the words of Sancho, the narrator, and other characters surrounding Don Quixote in the search for points of contact with exorcism manuals and ecclesiastical treatises. We have also begun to see instances of intertextuality in the words of the knight errant himself. As the end of the first part of his history drew near, Don Quixote began to suspect that the devil and his demons might have had a hand in his torment: demonic possession offered one explanation for his adventures (or misadventures). The knight errant considered the inn, the site of several misadventures, to be a bad place where demons lived: "did I not tell you, gentlemen, that this castle was enchanted, and that some region [he means legion] of demons must inhabit it?" (94) Suspicious also of the prophetic monkey of Maese Pedro, Don Quixote ascertained that the animal "makes us believe he has a devil in his body," that its master must be "in concert with the demon," and that to the devil, the monkey "will give his soul, w hich is what this universal enemy seeks."" After an argument with a goat herder, Don Quixote engaged him in a fist fight, which the goat herder won easily. The only way Don Quixote could explain his defeat was to address his opponent as, "brother demon, for it is not possible that you are not one, for you have had the valor and strength to subjugate my powers. "96 Some Renaissance authors believed that demons gave to possessed persons the gift of unnatural strength, and that this strength was a sign of possession. King James I of England, in his Daemonologie, referred to "the incredible strength of the possessed creature, which will farre exceede the strength of six of the wightest and wodest of any other men that are not so troubled." (97) Pedro Ciruelo (1475-1560), another Spanish demonologist,(98) affirmed in his Tratado en el qual se repruevan todas las supersticiones y hechicerias that spirits, good and bad, were by nature superior to men, and so they possessed more natural power and strength than the strongest man. (99)

A little later Don Quixote realized the import of his supernatural infirmity and gravely discussed the theme of possession in explicit terms. A prisoner in the cage, he believed that the priest, the barber, and the other characters were demons who were taking him away: "they are all demons who have taken fantastic bodies to come to do this and to put me in this state." (100) The humor of the scene was heightened by Sancho's running commentary on the inaccuracy of his master's assessment of the situation; he objected that if the captors were demons, they would smell like sulfur. A rhetorical question from Noydens reminds us of this scene in the novel: "what shall we do with a demoniac person, who does marvels, and tears himself to pieces? . . . enclose him, and if it be necessary tie him up, as is usually done with the crazy ones, so that the common proverb be not fulfilled, one crazy person makes a hundred, as has happened many times to cure these infirmities." (101) With his characteristic credulity, Don Qui xote described to Sancho the special abilities of demons: "because I would have you know that the devils know much . . . and the reason is that they, wherever they are, bring hell with them, and they cannot receive any manner of alleviation from their torments." (102)

It seems that, until death, Don Quixote could not receive full relief from his torments. But it appears that he did complete a process through which he identified the devil, acting through the enchanter, as an enemy pursuing him. This idea tortured him, and his belief in his own possession continued to grow. At the end of his life he was still fighting demons, as on the night of San Juan in Barcelona.

The popular imagination connected the festival of the Noche de San Juan, the eve of the feast day of St. John the Baptist (June 24), to exorcism. Indeed, pagans had celebrated a version of this festival at the time of the summer solstice (June 23) before the beginning of the Christian era. Fireworks were set off, and bonfires (hogueras) were lit, as people sang and danced around them. The bonfires were probably a residue of the pagan solstice celebrations. But the bonfires came to have special resonance within the Catholic context of exorcism, as Passafari explains: "The fire also destroys that which is evil, that which is damaging, and they [the people who light it] use fire to exorcize that which is perverse and to repel evil." (103) Passafari reiterates that the purpose of the bonfires was "to purify, burn or destroy the damaging influences of witches, demons and monsters. . . . In the times of bewitchers and witches, man used to destroy the charms with fire." (104) Often young people leapt over the bonfir es or walked barefoot over hot coals to prove the ardor of their faith.

On this traditionally exorcistic night, at the party in Barcelona, some women approached Don Quixote with the desire to dance with him. (105) In a hilarious yet poignant appropriation of the exorcists' discourse, Don Quixote shouted the exact words of the official exorcism ritual of the

Church: "flee, adverse parties!" (i[f]ugite, partes adversae!) (106) Here Cervantes deliberately engaged in double-edged parody. On one level, the words were a comic refusal by Don Quixote of the women's advances. But on another level, the allusion to exorcistic ritual was a complex assertion of novelistic autonomy.

Cervantes' placement of these words in the mouth of Don Quixote suggested a new appropriation of exorcistic procedure. Close attention to the original ritualistic context from which these words were transposed reveals that this exorcism scene presents an extreme departure from the norm. For the words Don Quixote used were normally spoken by the priest as he raised the cross of Christ for the purpose of expelling the demon from the demoniac by its power: "Behold the cross of God; flee, adverse parties" (Ecce crucem Domini, fugite, partes adversae). (107) There is no liturgical context in which the demoniac would have spoken these words for himself.

After wrenching these words from their original context of liturgical rite, Cervantes placed them in the mouth of a character who could use them as irreverently as he chose. The words were no longer ritualistic, but novelistic. In fact, the more ritualistic their original context, the more disruptive their transposition. By giving these words to Don Quixote instead of to a priest, Cervantes granted to his character the opportunity to make a declaration of independence. Don Quixote was, in effect, exorcizing himself Only an understanding of the magnitude of this innovation will allow us to grasp the ramifications of Cervantes' technique for the subsequent development of the novelistic genre.

* * * * *

It would have been easy for Cervantes to give his protagonist an exorcist when he needed one. In fact, two prime candidates were already present in the text: the priest and the barber from his village who pursued him, burned his books, and tried to restore his sanity. These two friends were the two figures in Spanish Golden Age society who were most frequently called in to deal with cases of possession. (108) Since these characters were already part of the story, it would have been easy to have one or both of them exorcize Don Quixote. If Cervantes had wanted to satirize exorcism, he could have written a tremendously funny scene with the cura and barbero as the parodied exorcists. The fact that he did not, and that he chose instead to have his protagonist exorcize himself, merits close attention.

First, this was not the only sacrament Don Quixote conferred on himself. At the very beginning of his story, he baptized himself. Marthe Robert called Don Quixote "both priest and poet" when he baptized Rocinante, (109) but she paid even more attention to his self-baptism. She noted that he baptized without any authority and thus committed heresy, in the sense that the church's right to confer baptism was not transferable to a private individual. (110) But Don Quixote did confer this power on himself, as well as the right to perform his own exorcism. He performed some of the rituals of exorcism in the Sierra Morena and then exorcized himself with the words of the exorcism ritual on the Noche de San Juan in Barcelona.

Don Quixote (or his creator) was about sixty years ahead of his time. Only one prescriptive nonfictional text from this period offering the option of self-exorcism has come to light. The manual bears a long title, all of which is relevant:

Iugum ferreum Luciferi, seu exorcismi terribiles, contra malignos spiritus possidentes corpora humana, & ad quaevis maleficia depellenda, & ad quascumque infestationes Daemonum deprimendas. Quatuor primi ex Evangelijs collecti, & vna deprecatio vulgaris, pro ignarits, & mulieribus, vt possint semetipsos praeservare, & liberare Deo auxiliante, si non habuerint Sacerdotem. Coeteri vero, ex varijs Authoribus compositi; cum doctrinis probatissimis.

(The fiery yoke of Lucifer, or terrible exorcisms, against evil spirits possessing human bodies, both for expelling whatever has been wickedly done, and for apprehending whatever infestations the devils have caused. The first four taken from the Gospels, along with prayer in the vernacular for women and the unlettered, so that with God's help they might be able to preserve and free themselves, if they do not have a priest at hand. The remainder brought together from various authors, whose learning is beyond reproach.)

The date was 1676. On the same title page, the author, Diego Gomez Lodosa, was identified as a Franciscan "evangelistic preacher": "The author is Father Brother Diego Gomez Lodosa, under church authority, of the Order of the [Friars] Minor of the Regular Observance, evangelical preacher of our seraphic holy father Francis, and son of this dear province of Valencia." (111) Was this remarkable man the original self-help guru? Or was he a prophet with prodigious foresight?

What is remarkable here is that within a standard exorcism manual designed to be used by priests, a section appeared which was designated for the use of lay people who wanted to perform self-exorcism. (112) Gomez Lodosa specified women and the "ignorant" as the potential users of this text. (113) He addressed them directly and told them when they should self-exorcize: "brother or sister... when you feel yourself in some infirmity, or melancholy, either in the soul, or in the body." (114) He recommended that they go to a medical doctor first, then to a priest. But if a priest was not available, then the ritual should be performed anyway, either by the patient or by a friend: "And if you cannot have a Priest who will read it to you; you will be able to read it yourself, and if you do not know how to read, you will have it read by any devout person whatsoever." (115) He coached them on how to respond to doubting physicians who did not believe theirs was a supernatural illness, (116) and even offered pharmaceutic al advice alongside spiritual counsel: be sure to throw out expired prescription drugs once a year or have a doctor ascertain their potency. (117) He also gave an insider's warning about other exorcists: if they ever try to make you drink something, refuse it (for it is probably sulfur) (118)

After these words of general advice, the exorcism followed. Unlike typical exorcisms, it was a meditation which used a passage from the Latin Vulgate, the Passion according to St. John (all verses of chapters 18 and 19), (119) and provided a vernacular prayer after each verse of the Latin. (120) The following is an example of one of these prayers:

My sweetest Lord Jesus Christ ... I beg you, I supplicate you, as your poor [male or female] servant, that if this my body or soul be molested, or vexed by filthy spirits, or by whatever ailment of the Demon, and also by whatever natural ailment, I beg you my good Jesus, that there be exterminated from my body, all heat, all cold, all ardor, all pestilence, and all the virtue of the infernal adversaries, all the exercises of the Demon, all the incursions, all the phantasms of the enemy, all the traps, imaginations fabricated by Diabolical art, be destroyed, and uprooted, and removed, from this my body, and soul. (121)

This prayer, with its gender-inclusive language, was fairly typical of one that a priest would pray over a patient in the course of an exorcism, except that no priest was present here. Thus the pronouns all deviated from the standard form of an exorcism by reverting to first person instead of second or third person.

The self-exorcism made further provision for liberation from an enchanter or bewitcher, such as the one who plagued Don Quixote: "O blessed Christ ... I beg you, that you liberate this my body, and this my soul from all the aforesaid bewitchments of the Demon, removing the forces of the enchanters, or enchantresses, who by the art of the Demon mistreat this my body." (122) The patient was urged to insert his or her own name into the self-exorcism in the form of an announcement: "My name, Jesus my Lord, is: [name], your servant." (123) This is an interesting detail, considering the importance of naming, especially self-naming, in the Quijote. The patient was also (almost novelistically) encouraged to create his own attributes and to boast of his own righteousness in comparison to the evil deeds of the enchanters. (124) The liberating effect of this treatise is astounding: the author declared that every day was Easter for the true faithful, just as every person was his or her own exorcist. (125)

This was not a manual written exclusively in the vernacular, although by this time there were many of those. It retained Latin as the language of choice for the part of the book designed to be used by priests, but it reverted to Spanish for the one section devoted to self-exorcism by lay people. Gomez Lodosa was somewhat apologetic: he urged the reader to pay no attention to the poverty of the Castilian language, as long as it was written with devotion: "do not pay attention to the rhetoric of the Castilian language; because my end has not been more than to put it down with devotion." (126)

Ostensibly, this treatise was written primarily for the devout in rural areas who did not have regular access to a priest. But Gomez Lodosa also seemed to allow for the possibility that some of the urban devout would feel more comfortable exorcizing themselves, and he even ventured the potentially heterodox notion of offering this self-help option to those whom the failures of official exorcists had disappointed.

Was the ritual of self-exorcism sanctioned by Gomez Lodosa in practice before he codified it and committed it to paper? If so, could Cervantes have heard about it? Or was the novelist simply anticipating this innovation in the way that he anticipated so many others? The answer is unknown. But one thing is certain: with self-baptism, self-exorcism, and similar gestures of emancipation, Don Quixote issued a declaration of independence for all future novelistic characters.

(*.) The author wishes to thank Eduardo Urbina, James Parr, and Alban Forcione for their meticulous readings which only such superb cervantistas could provide. Thanks also to Carolyn Morrow and her graduate students at the University of Utah for their stimulating discussion of this article. I am grateful to Barbara Newman for discussing with me the uniqueness of self-exorcism. Finally, thanks to Paul Grendler for his editorial improvements. All translations are my own, and I have retained original orthography and accentuation even in cases where modern Spanish would be spelled or accented differently.

(1.) For this term I refer of course to Bakhtin, 259-422, especially 324.

(2.) De Armas Wilson, 223-47.

(3.) Some critics have even suggested that at this late stage of his life, Cervantes was preoccupied by theological concerns such as salvation and the state of his soul. In Grotesque Purgatory, devoted entirely to Part II, Henry Sullivan assembles a catalogue of thirty-three passages referring to Purgatory or the Beyond; he even believes Cervantes read a treatise about Purgatory published by Dimas Serpi in 1600. Sullivan emphasizes the tragic aspects of Part II and the cruel suffering Don Quixote endured (1996, 102-05).

(4.) For the best treatment of Cervantes' probable reading list, see Cotarelo Valledor.

(5.) The problematic aspect of this type of investigation is that the word "diablo" also entered into many proverbial phrases in the Spain of Cervantes. I have resolved this problem by consulting the exhaustive linguistic catalogue of Jose Bergua which consists of "Exclamaciones," "Insultos," "Maldiciones y parabienes," etc., that formed part of the characteristic dialogue of the fictional voices. After consulting Bergua, I have excluded examples of the occurrence of the word "diablo" which he includes in his list of common proverbial phrases. I have also excluded the examples that, although not included in Bergua's study, are obviously nothing more than the rustic language of, say, Sancho the campesino.

(6.) "Mire que digo que mire bien lo que hace, no sea el diablo que le engane" (Cervantes, 1987, 1:133).

(7.) Hasbrouck, 121.

(8.) Cervantes, 1987, 1:134.

(9.) "haciendose mas cruces que si Ilevaran al diablo a las espaldas" (Ibid., 1:135).

(10.) "Algunas vezes suelen los demonios, saliendo de los cuerpos de los Energumenos, mostrarse, y aparecer en figura espanrosa de varios animales, y otras cosas rerribles, aunque no sean vistos de los circunstantes.... [E]sras apariciones pueden ser solamente imaginarias, por mover el demonjo la sangre, y los humores del hombre, y formar alguna imagen, que le representa, y esta por ser vision imaginaria, solo aparece a quien se haze la vision" (Noydens, 71).

(11.) "Suelen los demonios anres de entrar en cuerpo de algun hombre, aparecersele en horrible, y espantosa forma, y esto de noche, o en lugares lobregos, y obscuros .... Otras vezes entran en forma de zyre, de raton, y de otros animalejos" (Noydens, 9).

(12.) "Conjurote, fantasma, o lo que eres, que me digas quien eres, y que me digas que es lo que de ml quieres. Si eres alma en pena, dfmelo" (Cervantes, 1987, 2:397).

(13.) Ibid., 2:218.

(14.) "el demonio tal vez entra en los cuerpos de los animales brutos ... no ... para atormentar a ellos, sino para hazer dano a! hombre en sus bienes, y haziendas, o para enganarle, y armarle algun peligro, como le armo a nuestros primeros Padres en la Serpiente" (Noydens, 103-04).

(15.) English corollaries to Noydens' examples maybe found in the case histories of Richard Napier's patients, who were haunted by spirits appearing in the forms of dogs, cats, mice, bees, weasels, and horses (MacDonald, 203).

(16.) Cervantes, 1987, 2:553.

(17.) Hasbroukck, 126.

(18.) Del Rlo, 1991, 534.

(19.) For a wonderful discussion of ghostly apparitions of armies in Italy during this time, see chapter 3 ("Apparitions as Signs: The Kings of the Dead on the Battleground of Agnadello," 61-88) of Niccoli. As Niccoli notes, Lavater's De spectris (Of spectres, 1570) was a source for later discussions of military apparitions: "Lavater devotes particular attention to spectral combats ... swords, lances, and ... other objects seen in the air; clashing armies or fleeing troops seen or heard in the air or on the ground; the horrible sound of shouting voices and the clangor of dashing arms" (63).

(20.) Niccoli also discusses the metamorphoses of animal herds into armies and armies into animal herds. She cites a four-page pamphlet, Lirtera de le maravigliose battaglie (Letter of the marvelous battles) (Villachiara: n. p., 1517), in which the vision of phantom combatants ends with "an innumerable quantity of pigs" (74). She then quotes a witness' account of a vision of "several thousand black and white sheep" followed by the apparition of "an infinite number of armed men on foot and on horseback, and many with readied lances" (Ibid).

(21.) Torquemada, 708-09.

(22.) See Aqui se contiene un caso nueuo que trata de como un estudiante se fingio duende en vn mes on (Here is contained a new case which treats of how a student pretended to be a poltergeist in an inn, 1653).

(23.) "[I]a experiencia ensefia, que ay otros demonios, que sin espantar, ni fatigar a los hombres (porque Dios no se lo permite, ni les da mano para ello) son caseros, familiares, y tratables, ocupandose en jugar con las personas, y hazerles burlas ridiculas. A estos Ilamamos comunmente trasgos, 6 duendes" (Noydens, 254).

(24.) "?[q]ue tengo de dormir, pesia a ml -- respondio Sancho, Ileno de pesadumbre y de despecho --, que no parece sino que todos los diablos han andado conmigo esta noche?" (Cervantes, 1987, 1:207).

(25.) "se manifesto en farina humana, vestido de rustico" (Noydens, 256).

(26.) Cervantes, 1987, 1:130.

(27.) Robbins, 128. Joseph Kaster explains this theory in relation to Egyptian rituals, but it applies to Jewish and Christian ones as well: "whoever knows the god's real name, secret and ineffable and taboo, has control over him in the sense that he can evoke his power. In all ceremonial magic, the essential portion of the spell is the calling forth of the spirit or deity by name; when he is evoked by his real name, he must work the desire of the magician who 'controls' him. This is 'a name to conjure with'" (Joseph Kaster, trans. and ed., The Wings of the Falcon [New York, 1968], p. 60; quoted in Kieckhefer, 139). The Assyrians and the Babylonians held similar beliefs; see Lain Entralgo, 27.

(28.) E. C. Riley identifies Freston with the chronicler Cide Hamete Benengeli and then connects this Moorish enchanter-chronicler to the diabolical art of necromancy: "the marabouts or holy men of Algiers ... were commonly designated 'Cide', venerated as scholars, and credited with necromantic skill. Benengeli shares this title and these distinctions with them. As a sorcerer, he is privileged to know the smallest thoughts and most trivial feelings of his characters.... Chroniclers cannot know the secret thoughts of their subjects -- unless, of course, they happen also to be magicians" (211).

(29.) On Don Quixote's library, see Baker, 99-134.

(30.) Del Rio, 1720, 233.

(31.) "[e]ncomendados a Satanas y a Barrabas sean tales libros" (Cervantes, 1987, 1:107).

(32.) "las endiabladas y revueltas razones" (Ibid., 1:112).

(33.) Menendez Pelayo, 4:375.

(34.) "libros, tratados, cedulas, memoriales, receptas, y nominas, para inuocar demonios, por qualquier via, y manera, ora sea por nigromancia, hydromancia, pyromancia, aeromancia, onomancia, chiromancia, y geomancia, ora por escriptos, y papeles de arte magica, hechizerias, bruxerias, agueros, encantamentos, conjuros, cercos, characteres, sellos, sortijas, y figuras" (Index et catalogus librorum prohihitorum, mandato Illustris. Ac Reuerendiss. D. D. Gasparis A Quiroga, Cardinalis Archiepiscopi Toletani, ac in regnis Hispaniarum Generalis Inquisitoris, denuo editus. Cum Consilio Supremi Senatus Sanctae Generalis Inquisitionis [Index and catalogue of prohibited books, newly published under the authority of the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend Doctor Don Gaspar de Quiroga, Cardinal and Archbishop of Toledo, and Inquisitor General in the realm of Spain. With the Counsel of the Supreme Senate of the Holy General Inquisition] [Madrid: Alfonso Gomez, 1583], 4. Reprinted in De Bujanda, et al., eds., 1993, 884.) Th anks to Paul Grendler for help with finding this and other relevant Indices.

(35.) Scot, 443. Jean Wier (1515-88), a Belgian medical doctor, was a student and disciple of Cornelius Agrippa. Bodin (1529-96) was a French magistrate and professor of law at Toulouse. Wier refers to Bodin's De la dermonomanie des sorciers (On the demon-mania of witches, 1580).

(36.) The full entry in the Index reads: "Obras de George de Monte mayor, en lo que toca a deuocion y cosas Christianas" (Cathalogus librorum, qui prohihentur mandato Illustrissimi & Reuerend. D. D. Ferdinandi De Valdes Hispalensis Archiepiscopi, Inquisicoris Generalis Hispaniae [Catalogue of books, which are prohibited by the order of the Most Illustrious and Most Reverend Doctor Don Ferdinand de Valdes of the Archepiscopacy of Spain, the Inquisitor General of Spain] [Valladolid: Sebastian Martinez, 1559], 46; reprinted in De Bujanda, et al., eds., 1984, 5:513-14, 631, 676, 686). Inquisitor General Fernando Valdes, Archbishop of Seville, issued this Index in Valladolid.

(37.) "la razon de la sinrazon" (Cervantes, 1987, 1:72).

(38.) The burnings had begun in the late fifteenth century and continued into Cervantes' lifetime. In 1560, for example, King Philip II (1527-98) ordered an auto de fe to impress his new bride Isabel de Valois; in it, several people were burned alive. For an auto de fe ordered by Carlos V in Valladolid in a previous year, the spectators ranged from the highest to the lowest members of society: "high ecclesiastical dignitaries, nobles of ancient ancestry, high functionaries of the State, priests, friars and nuns, mixed with workmen, artisans, servants, and insignificant people of the populace" (altas dignidades eclesiasticas, nobles de rancio abolengo, altos funcionarios del Estado, sacerdotes, frailes y monjas, mezclados con menestrales, arresanos, sirvientes y gente menuda del pueblo) (Olmos Garcia, 40). On 8 March 1600, Philip III attended an auto de fe in Toledo, accompanied by his courtiers and their ladies. One person was burned, while thirty penitents were placed on display (Olmos Garcia, 72). One of th ese spectacles was cancelled in 1604 in Triana, to the disappointment of 500 spectators (participants in a parade) who had awaited the arrival of the prisoners. In the same year, on 7 November, a second similar celebration was cancelled even though it had been publicized in all the usual ways. That year did mark a temporary suspension of the autos by order of the king for political reasons. But they resumed: for details on the 1610 Logrono event, see Johnson, 7-25. Further autos were staged in Granada and Toledo in 1615, the year in which the second volume of the Quijote was published.

(39.) "[t]ome vuestra merced... rocie este aposento, no este algun encantador de los muchos que tienen estos libros, y nos encanten, en pena de las que les queremos dar echandolos del mundo" (Cervantes, 1987, 1:109). The edition by Rico and Forradellas bears the following notes on this passage: "in punishment of the pains of hell to which they have to return after the exorcism" (en castigo de las penas del infierno al que han de volver tras el exorcismo) (1998, 1:77); "In the Exorcism of the house vexed by a Demon, according to the Ritual of Toledo, holy water was aspergated in three moments.... The conjuration of the rite of exorcism is the following: 'I adjure you, ancient serpent, by the judge of the living and the dead, by the maker of the world, who has the power to send you to Gehenna, that you depart from this house quickly. The same One, cursed devil, who ruled over the winds and the sea and the tempests, rules over you. The same One who ordered that you be plunged from the heights of heaven to the de pths of the earth, rules over you. The same One who ordered you to go back again rules over you" (En el Exorcismus domus a Daemonio vexatae, segun el Ritual Toledano, se asperjaba con agua bendita en tres momentos.... La conjuratio del rito del exorcismo es la siguiente: 'Adiuro te, serpens antique, per iudicem vivorum et mortuorum, per factorem mundi, qui habet potestatem mittere te in gehennam, ut ab hac domo festinus discedas. Ipse tibi imperat, maledicte diabole, qui ventis ac mari et tempestatibus imperavit. Ipse tibi imperat, qui de supernis coelorum in inferiora terrae te demergi praecepit. Ipse tibi imperar, qul te rerrorsum abire praecepit) (Ibid., 2:282).

(40.) Torquemada alluded to this popular belief: "that which is told of Merlin, that he was engendered by a demon" (lo que de Merlin se cuenta, que fue engendrado de un demonio) (692).

(41.) Ruth El Saffar believed that "the Devil-driven wagon portrays Don Quixote's state well" (95).

(42.) "mi hijo es endemoniado, y no hay dia que tres o cuatro veces no le atormenten los malignos espiritus; y de haber caido una vez en el fuego, tiene el rostro arrugado... se aporrea y se da de punadas el mismo a si mismo" (Cervantes, 1987, 2:394).

(43.) Avalle-Arce, 1970, 247-80.

(44.) Sullivan, 1993, 63-84.

(45.) Del Rio, 1991, 294.

(46.) Diego de Heredia was a friend of Antonio Perez, Spain's secretary for Portuguese affairs under Philip II. Pedro Gonzalo de Caste1 accused him of having in his house books of necromancy written in Arabic. Diego de Heredia had harbored the morisco conjuror Marquina in his house so that his guest could show him how to use the books. At the suggestion of Marquina, Diego went in the middle of the night to seek buried treasure in a hermitage called Matamala. Marquina began to conjure with the books, and there was a great thundering sound. Diego heard Marquina speaking with devils. Diego complained that they had found no buried treasure, and the devils replied through Marquina that the time of enchantment was not yet completed (Menendez Pelayo, 4:375-76).

(47.) "no era cumplido el tiempo del encanto" ("Proceso de D. Diego de Heredia," Ms. 85 of the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris, the Llorente collection, quoted in Menendez Pelayo, 4:376).

(48.) Cervantes, 1987, 2:344.

(49.) Ibid., 2:350.

(50.) "The Inquisition tried the medical doctor Eugenio Torralba between 1528 and 1531 for his alleged dalliance with the devil. He confessed to having witnessed the sack of Rome in 1527 after supposedly having been carried through the air on a cane from Valladolid in record time. He was condemned in 1531 but then set free. See the edition of Cortazar and Lerner, Cervantes, 1969, 2:710, n. 13, and Avalle-Arce, 1997, 465.

(51.) The novela ejemplar most deeply concerned with the supernatural is El colaquio de los perros. For an unsurpassed analysis of the witch Canizares as an embodiment of pure evil, see Forcione, 1984. He establishes that Cervantes did explore phenomena such as witchcraft and demonic possession seriously:

Whether or not Cervantes actually believed in witches... it is nevertheless clear that he was well aware of the imaginative power of the myth of witchcraft, that he effectively introduced its vision of annihilating energy and its vocabulary of horrible inversion at the moment of climactic disintegration in his narrative, and that he exploited its theological implications to pursue to its most profound depths his major theme of the nature of evil (71).

(52.) Forcione, 1982, 351.

(53.) Benito Remigio Noydens was a Spanish Cleric Regular Minor (clerigo regular menor) of a small order called the Caracciolini, founded in Naples in 1588 (thanks to Nelson Minnich for the identification of this order). He lived in Antwerp. His Practica de exorcistas appeared in at least 10 editions from 1660 to 1711. A notorious anti-Semite, he also advocated the banishment of books of chivalry and wrote confessors' manuals as well as treatises offering political and military advice.

(54.) "mudanca repentina de vida, como aver sido hombre agradable, y ser aora agreste, y furioso" (Noydens, 16).

(55.) "para esto mandara el Exorcista al demonio, que no le ponga obstaculo, y que le dexe con sus luzidos intervalos" (Ibid., 74).

(56.) Castanega was a Franciscan friar from the province of Burgos who probably wrote from direct experiences with the Tribunal of the Inquisition for Logrono in the kingdom of Navarre. His Tratado muy sotil y bien fundado de las supersticiones y hechicerlas, however, does not include many anecdotes because of the secrecy to which he had been sworn. He composed it after Bishop Alonso de Castilla had ordered him to write a handbook to serve as a guide for parish priests in his diocese.

(57.) "algunas veces le venfan algunos intervalos y espacios breves de alguna devocion, que poco duraban, y en tal tiempo de aquella devocion (que era espiritu de Dios) proferizo y anduvo elevado en espfriru entre los profetas, y no cuando el demonio lo atormentaba" (Castafiega, 143).

(58.) "Covarrubias defined "encantadores" as "Maleficent ones, bewitchers, maguses, necromancers; although these names are different and for different reasons they are confused with one another. You will consult Father Martin del Rio in his Magical Disquisitions, where he treats diffusely of this lost and bedeviled people" (Maldficos, hechiceros, magos, nigromanticos; aunque estos nombres son diferentes y por diferentes razones se confunden unos con otros. Veras al padre Martin del Rio en sus Disquisiciones magicas, donde difusamente trara desta gente perdida y endiablada) (Covarrubias Orozco, 467).

(59.) As Steven Nadler demonstrates, Don Quixote attributed agency to the enchanter primarily in the following chapters in the first and second parts: I.7, I.8, I.18, I.25, II.10, II.32. For an excellent analysis of the theme of enchantment as it appears over one hundred times in the Quijote, see Predmore, 61-78. Nadler concludes, as I do, that one face of the enchanter is demonic.

(60.)"[S]e vale el Exorcista de la industria de otros demonios ... como lo hazen los encantadores"; "[Asf son l]os que estan enfermos por... encantos del demonio"; "Suele el demonio, quando le aprieran con los Exorcismos, dezir, que no puede salir del Energilmeno, por estar en el ligado por los conjuros de algun encantado[r]" (Noydens, 45, 89, and 246; emphasis mine).

(61.) Noydens, 7.

(62.) "un desaslossiego [sic] extraordinario, de manera, que el enfermo no puede estar quieto, busca lugates lobregos, y apartados" (ibid., 17).

(63.) Sullivan, 1993, 63-84.

(64.) Cervantes, 1987, 1:299.

(65.) "[m]ejor hicieras de Ilamarle infierno, y aun peor, si hay cosa que lo sea" (Ibid. 1:310).

(66.) "[q]uien ha infierno...nula es retencio, segun he oido decir" (Ibid., 1:310).

(67.) "[r]etencio es...que quien esta en ci infierno nunca sale del, ni puede. Lo cual sera al reves en vuestra merced" (Ibid., 1:310).

(68.) "este genero de demonio no se lanca, sino por medio de la oracion, y ayuno" (Noydens, 5).

(69.) "tendra particular cuydado de...no Ilegar a hazer los Exorcismos sin averse prevenido con el ayuno, o otras obras de satisfacion, y penitencia"; "estos requisitos de la Oracion, y ayuno conducen grandemente para la expulsion a todo genero de demonio" (Ibid., 5-6, 49).

(70.) "La primera, y principal armadura, de que se ha de armar el Exorcista, es una viva, e indubitable fe, y confianca en Dios... y [su proposito es] pisar, no solamente al Leon mas bravo sino tambien al Dragon, aunque venga del Infierno" (Ibid., 2).

(71.) Ibid., 1.

(72.) "Iid, y contienda"; "sangrienta batalla" (Ibid., 1).

(73.) "Ephesians 6:11,13.

(74.) "Es la guerra en lo espiritual, y contra enemigos mas poderosos" (Ibid., 2).

(75.) "los Ministros de la Iglesia, a quien toca de oficio tomar las armas, para rendir, y vencerlos: y como no han de guerrear con armas de fuego, y sangre, sino con las de la Iglesia, las han de sacar de su amerfa" (Ibid., 2).

(76.) "se arma para la pelea espiritual"; "cuchillo...riguroso"; "enemigo...de Dios" (Ibid., 81, 83, 142).

(77) "alcanca[r] mas presto la victoria"; "comun enemigo" (Ibid., 3, 184).

(78.) "con que confianca pueden pelear con el demonio"; "debe el Exorcista no desmayar, y no mostrar senales de desconfianca en su contienda" (Ibid., 21, 47).

(79.) Ibid., 22.

(80.) cobra tanto animo para resistir a sus enemigos, que no podian del llevar triunfo, ni honra ninguna" (Ibid., 82).

(81.) Cervantes, 1987, 2:161.

(82.) Timothy 4:17, 1 Peter 5:8.

(83.) "espantoso Dragon, que se hundio en el mar Bermexo" (Noydens, 53).

(84.) " . . . don Quijote Los apaleo a todos y les hizo dejar el sitio, mal de su grado, porque todos pensaron que aquel no era hombre, sino diablo del inferno que les salfa a quitar el cuerpo muerto que en la lirera llevaban" (Cervantes, 1987, 1:232).

(85.) "determinaba de no pasar adelante, aunque a don Quijore se le llevase el diablo" (Ibid., 1:328).

(86.) 1:438.

(87.) "?Que demonios lleva en el pecho, que le incitan air contra nuestra fe catolica?" (Ibid., 1:599).

(88.) "[e]s pues senal conocida, que uno esta hechizado, quando al enfermo se le ha trocado el color natural en pardo, y color de cedro, y tiene los ojos apretados, los humores secos, y al parecer todos sus miembros ligados" (Noydens, 90).

(89.) For a discussion of the medical details used by Cervantes as another model for Don Quixote's madness, see Heiple as well as Comfort's review of Salillas. See also Granjel for general information on Spanish medicine in the Golden Age. Some authors considered most mental disorders and some physical ones, such as epilepsy, to be either possession itself or at least the work of a demon: "it was believed . . . that epileptics, neuraesrhenics, hysterics, and other patients complaining of nervous pains were so afflicted by diabolical influence and action" ([c]refase. . . que los epildpticos, neutastenicos histericos y otros pacientes aquejados de dolencias nerviosas lo estaban por influencia y accion diabolicas) (Ameziua, prologue to Castanega xiv).

(90.) Noydens, 169.

(91.) "[s]uele el demonio en tiempo de los Exorcismos causar en el Energumeno algunos accidentes; de suerte, que parece, que le maltrata, y que le aflige con una inflamacion, hinchazon en la garganta, o cabeza, &c.[;] y es ardid suyo, para obligar al Exorcista, que no passe adelante con el conjuro" (Ibid., 206).

(92.) "el demonio mas atormenta a quien la. . . complexion corporal le es contraria y desfavoresce" (Castanega, 147).

(93.) muchas veces la enfermedad corporal (como la que habemos dicho) es disposicion para que el demonio tenga mas entrada para atormentar aquel cuerpo, asi ma1 dispuesto y enfermo" (Ibid., 146).

(94.) --?[n]o os dije yo, senores, que este castillo era encantado, y que alguna region [he means legion] de demonios debe de habitar en el?" (Cervantes, 1987, 1:544).

(95.) "nos hace creer que tiene el diablo en el cuerpo"; "en concierto con el demonio"; "le dara su alma, que es lo que este universal enemigo pretende" (Ibid., 1:237).

(96.) [h]ermano demonio, que no es posible que dejes de serlo, pues has tenido valor y fuerzas para sujetar las mfas" (Ibid., 1:598).

(97.) James VI of Scodand and I of England, 70.

(98.) "Ciruelo held the chair of Thomistic theology at the University of Alcala. Having served as an Inquisitor in Zaragoza for thirty years, he later became a resident theologian at the cathedral in Salamanca. Ciruelo enjoyed a reputation throughout Spain for being a great theologian, and in this treatise he drew heavily from Saint Augustine and Saint Thomas. He became a supreme authority on questions concerning magic and the supernatural. He pointed out that apparitions are not physical bodies but fantasies, and that possession occurs by demons, not by souls of the defunct. His treatise was addressed primarily to the layman who did not read Latin, and his illustrations were often drawn from the commonplaces with which the ordinary Spaniard would have been familiar.

(99.) Ciruelo, 267.

(100.) "son todos demonios que han tomado cuerpos fantasticos para venir a hacer esto y a ponerme en este estado" (Cervantes, 1987, 1:558).

(101.) "que haremos con la persona endemoniada, que haze maravillas, y [se] le haze pedazos?. . . la encierran, y si fuere menester la aten, como se suele hazer con los locos, porque no acaezca el refran comun, un loco haze ciento, como ha acaecido muchas vezes por curar estas enfermedades" (Noydens, 56).

(102.) "porque te hago saber que los diablos saben mucho . . . Y la razon es que como ellos, dondequiera que estan, traen el infierno consigo, y no pueden recebir genero de alivio alguno de sus tormentos. . ." (Cervantes, 1987,1:558).

(103.) "EI fuego tambien destruye lo malo, lo danino y se prenden fuego para exorcizar lo perverso y rechazar al mal" (Passafari, 141).

(104.) "purificar, quemar o destruir las influencias daninas de brujas, demonios y monstruos . . . . En tiempos de hechiceros y brujas, el hombre destrula los hechizos con fuego" (Ibid., 141-42).

(105.) This night was also traditionally associated with some degree of sexual license and promiscuity. Dances, masks, and special altars set up in honor of Saint John the Baptist gave young people the excuse (or disguise) to mingle at night. For young women, the act of dancing around the bonfire was also believed to lead to marriage within a year (Passafari. 142). In Golden Age Spain, this festival and its concomitant romantic intrigue were made famous through a comedia by Lope de Vega bearing the title La noche de San Juan. It was performed on June 23, 1631 in Madrid in honor of Felipe IV, presented on an outdoor stage erected by the Count-Duke of Olivares in the Prado area, in the contiguous gardens of the Count of Monterrey, the Duke of Maqueda, and the Count of Carpio. This play has been studied by modern scholars in relation to the festival it celebrates: see Alvarez Detrell and Pique Angordans as well as Stoll's edition of Lope de Vega's play. For a description of the Noche de San Juan as it was celebr ated in Madrid in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, see Buezo, 95-98. For ethnographic analyses of the festival as it is celebrated currently in Ribagorza, Sobrarbe, and Somontano, see Bobadilla, 173-82, and Franco de Espes Mantecon. For a description of the feast day as it is still celebrated in Argentina, see Coluccio, 74-76.

(106.) Cervantes 1987, 2:5 13.

(107.) In his edition, Luis Murillo includes a footnote on this phrase: "In the offices of the Elevation and Exaltation of the Holy Cross and in the exorcisms of the church is read: Behold the cross of God; flee, adverse parties. . . " ("En los oficios de la lnvencion [sic] y Exaltacion de a santa Cruz y en los exorcismos de la Iglesia se lee: Ecce crucem Domini, fugite, partes adversae ,..") (Cervantes, 1987, 2:5 13). Similar notes appear in Rodriguez Marfn's and Cortazar and Lerner's editions (1944, 8:144 and 1969, 2:850) and in Avalle-Arce, 1997, 205. Schevill and Bonilla offer a more specific identification for the phrase: "Exorcism which is found in the office: Proprium S. S. Hispanorum, 7 and 8, Exorcismus, Breviarium Romanum, May 3, eptember 14... during the ceremony of exorcism the priest places both hands on the head of the demoniac (energumen) and says: 'Behold the cross of God; flee, adverse parties, the ion of the tribe of Judah has conquered'" (Exorcismo que se halla en el ofcio: Proprium S. S. H ispanorum, 7 y 8, Exorcismus, Breviatrium Romanum, mayo 3, sept. 14 . . . duranete el ceremonial del exorcismo el sacerdote pone ambos manos en la cabeza del endemoniado (energumeno) y dice: 'Ecce crucem Domini; fugite, partes adversae, vicit leo de tribu Juda') 1928, 4:447).

(108.) The barber performed most of the routine medical tasks for any given village.

(109.) Robert, 130.

(110.) Ibid., 132-33.

(111.) "Authore Patre Fratte Didaco Gomez Lodosa, dictionis Ecclesiae, Ordinis Minorum Regularis Observantiae Seraphici Sancti Patris nostri Francisci Praedicatore Evangelico, & huius almae Provinciae Valentiae filio."

(112.) There are other instances from this period of lay people performing exorcisms on one another, and these are not so rare as the accounts of self-exorcism. For example, Mistress Sara Wheelowes in England had been "taken with strange fits" at the sight of the corpse of a woman who had been buried alive. Her father decided to exorcize her and commanded Satan to leave her. This lay exorcism was successful (MacDonald, 216).

(113.) In so doing he would seem to join the tradition of such clerics as the anonymous author of the Libro devoto e fruttuoso a ciascuno fedel christiano chiamato giardino de orationi (Devout and fruitful book to each and every faithful Christian, called Garden of Prayers) (Venice, 1511) (attributed to Niccolo da Osimo [Nicolaus de Auximo]; mentioned in Ginzburg, 631). This author, although less well-educated than Gomez Lodosa, also focused on women and the ignorant: I, unschooled and rough, considering the penury of myself, and that of many other persons, male and female, who have little learning, and cannot understand the literary and scientific books, and nonetheless also they seek to approach God, and for them also is made the kingdom of heaven, and perhaps instead of the proud ones of the great learning, I have thought to compose this work, and this treatise of prayer in the vernacular: so that these illiterate and simple souls can have understanding of this prayer... (io indotto e grosso, considerando la indigentia di me stesso, et de molte altre persone, maschi e femine, le quale banno poca scientia, e non possono intendere li libri litterali e scientifici, e nondimeno anche lor cercano de accostarsi a Dio, e per lor anche e fatto il regno del cielo, e forsi piu tosto che per li superbi delle grande scientie, mi ho pensato di componere quesra opera, er questo trattato de l'oratione in vulgare: accib che queste anime idiote e simplice possano havere intendimento di questa oratione...) (quoted in Ginzburg, 632).

Ginzburg points out several important tendencies at work in this text: "accentuation of interiority, indifference to dogmas and ceremonies, exigency of individual purification" (accentuazione dell'interiorita, indifferenza per i dogmi e Ic cerimonie, esigenza di purificazione individuale) (633).

(114.) "Hermano, o hermana... quando te sentiras en alguna enfermedad, o melancolia, o en el alma, o en el cuerpo" (Gomez Lodosa, 138).

(115.) "Y si no puedes tener Sacerdote que te la lea; te la podras leer tu mismo, y si no sabes leer; te la haras leer de qualquier persona devota" (Ibid., 139).

(116.) Ibid., 139.

(117.) Ibid., 140.

(118.) Ibid., 140.

(119.) At least one other fragment of an exorcism manual used this same Passion according to John. It was published in Barcelona Cc. 1508) by Joan Rosembach, who specialized in liturgical printing. This fragment, unfortunately, survives without its title page; it is described in Norton, 43.

(120.) This democratization of Scripture -- making it available even to the unlearned -- follows the pattern Ginzburg describes of fostering an environment in which "the scriptural texts were less and less the exclusive patrimony of the clerics" (i testi scritrurali fossero sempre meno patrimonio esciusivo dei chierici) (627).

(121.) "Senor mio dulcissimo Iesu Christo ... os ruego, y suplico, como pobre siervo, sierva vuestra, que si este mi cuerpo o alma fuesse molestada, o vexada de espittius inmundos, o de qualesquiera mal del Demonio, y tambien de qualesquiera mal natural, os ruego mi buen lesus, que sea apagado desre mi cuerpo, todo calor, toda frialdad, todo ardor, toda pesre, y toda la virtud de los adversarios infernales, todos los exercicios del Demonio, todos los incursos, todas las fantasmas del enemigo, todos los enredos, imaginaciones fabricadas por arte Diabolica, sean destruidas, y desplanradas, y quitadas, deste mi cuerpo, y alma" (Gomez Lodosa, 140-41). Emphasis mine.

(122.) bendiro Christo ... os ruego, que libreis este mi cuerpo, y esta mi alma de todos los echizos del Demonio arriba dichos, quirando las fuercas a los echizeros, o echizeras, que por arte del Demonjo maltratassen este mi cuerpo" (Ibid., 142).

(123.) "Mi nombre Senor mio lesu Christo es: N. siervo vuestro" (Ibid., 143).

(124.) Ibid., 152.

(125.) Ibid., 153.

(126.) "no atie[n]das a la retorica del lenguaje Castellano; porque mi fin no ha sido mas, que ponerlo con devocion" (Ibid., 160).

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Author:Kallendorf, Hilaire
Publication:Renaissance Quarterly
Article Type:Critical Essay
Date:Mar 22, 2002
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