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The death of Queen Jane: ballad, history, and propaganda.

Two main ballad traditions survive relating to the death of Jane Seymour, the third wife of Henry VIII. One comprises formally composed verse, while the second consists of vernacular ballads that developed through oral tradition. One of the most common themes within these ballads is the suggestion that a caesarean section was employed after a difficult labour, and that this contributed to Jane's death. There has been a great deal of historiographical debate surrounding this topic, which has long been infused with political bias, and the ballads were also influenced by contemporary opinion and ideology. An examination of the historical context reveals that until the early eighteenth century it was commonly accepted that a caesarean section was carried out. However, from the eighteenth century onwards, the prevailing historical view was that the birth had been a natural one and that the rumours of a caesarean section resulted from Catholic propaganda. The surviving historical evidence does not allow us to ascertain with confidence the conditions surrounding Jane's death, but an examination of the ballads in their historical context does provide insights into past understandings of the events and the role of the songs in communicating such ideas.

Numerous ballads relate the story of the death of Queen Jane, with most deriving from two key narrative strands. The Queen Jane in question is Jane Seymour, third wife of Henry VIII and Queen of England between May 1536 and October 1537 (Figure 1). She died in 1537 as a result of giving birth to the future Edward VI, and subsequent rumours suggested that a caesarean section employed to aid in the delivery of the child had caused her death. Numerous contradictory accounts of the circumstances of Jane Seymour's death have been recorded since the sixteenth century, including ballads composed and published as poetical works, and ballads that circulated in oral tradition before being transcribed. The question of the caesarean section has become a particularly contentious, and politically loaded, point of discussion. Examination of the ballads within their historical contexts allows us to gain insights into the origins and credibility of the differing accounts of Jane Seymour's death and, accordingly, a better understanding of the role that the ballad might have played in communicating ideas to the public.

[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]

The early eighteenth-century A Collection of Old Ballads includes a relatively detailed account of the contention surrounding the circumstances of Jane Seymour's death.' Later, Francis James Child's English and Scottish Popular Ballads also makes reference to the debate.2 However, the abridged edition of the English and Scottish Popular Ballads truncates the discussion significantly, merely repeating Child's bald statement: 'Jane Seymour gave birth to Prince Edward [.. .] by a natural process, but, in consequence of imprudent management, died twelve days after. There was a belief that severe surgery had been required, under which the queen sank.'3 The repetition of this sort of statement has resulted in a particular understanding of the historical context of the ballad. It is commonly asserted that Jane Seymour died following a natural childbirth, but that the ballad preserves the mistaken notion of a caesarean section. This idea can be found repeated in numerous sleeve notes, stated during live performances, and printed in various media. However, the historical evidence demonstrates that the possibility of a caesarean section should not be discounted and it is therefore appropriate that the matter should be re-evaluated. The following article will explore three key themes:

i. the use of songs about the death of Jane Seymour as historical sources, which provide insights into past attitudes towards, and understandings of, the events

ii. the use of historical context as a way to increase our understanding of the ballads and the ideas they express

iii. the use of the songs as propaganda, in order to communicate specific ideas about the past.

The legacy of the feudal system, which saw society stratified and dominated by an aristocratic elite, played a pivotal role in shaping British society and it is essential to consider the relationship between the aristocracy and the broader populace if we are to try to understand the lives, and cultural expressions, of people in the past. The influence of the aristocracy would have a profound effect on economic circumstances, access to resources and housing, and, indeed, the very physical nature of the landscape. The way in which the aristocracy was perceived by the common people is a vital component in the understanding of the lives of those people--and one way to attempt to access such perceptions from the past is through folk song. Not only can songs provide examples of the expression of certain attitudes towards the aristocracy, but they can also suggest how those perceptions might have been influenced by songs.

The Ballads

Two main strands of ballad tradition relating the death of Jane Seymour survive, but additional verses on the subject certainly existed outside of the ballad tradition. Among the latter are, for example, two poems, 'A Commemoration of Queene Jane' and An Epitaph on the Death of Queene Jane', in Ulpian Fulwell's The Flower of Fame (1575), part of a sequence of verses on three of Henry VIII's queens; (4) as well as 'The Princely Song of the Six Queens that were married to Henry the Eighth, King of England', included in the 1659 edition of A Crowne-Garland of Golden Roses, ascribed to Richard Johnson (fl. 1592-1622).5 This anthology was first published in 1612 and frequently reprinted, at least up until 1692, with new additions. According to its nineteenth-century editor, William Chappell, Richard Johnson, who compiled the Crowne-Garland, was in all probability also the author, although it certainly contains the work of other writers as well. (6) The Princely Song of the Six Queens' was subsequently reprinted in, for example, A Collection of Old Ballads (1723-25) and Thomas Evans's Old Ballads. (1777 and subsequent editions). (7)

The first strand of the ballad tradition itself appears as a piece of formal composed verse, sophisticated in its style, under the title 'The Wofull Death of Queene Jane, wife to King Henry the Eight: and how King Edward was cut out of his mother's belly', likewise printed in the Crowne-Garland, in this instance in the first, 1612, edition.8 The second, vernacular, strand of the ballad tradition consists of a variety of versions of 'The Death of Queen Jane' (Child 170; Roud 77), which feature common and colloquial language. The earliest surviving copy of this ballad is dated to 1776, sent to Thomas Percy by Thomas Barnard, Dean of Derry, transcribed from the memory of his mother, and is preserved in Percy's papers (Child 170 A). The popularity of the ballad is attested by geographically widespread versions, found in England, Scotland, and the USA.

'The Wofull Death of Queene Jane'

As already noted, 'The Wofull Death of Queene Jane' was first printed in 1612, but Chappell considered that many of the ballads in the Crowne-Garland may have been written as early as c.1592, when Johnson was already active as an author, and may have been printed in broadside form--although there is no surviving trace of a broadside copy of 'The Wofull Death of Queene Jane'.9 Many of the pieces in the Crowne-Garland trace, roughly, the chronological course of the English monarchy. 'The Wofull Death of Queene Jane' takes its place within this sequence. The ballad comprises nine eight-line stanzas and is directed to be sung to the tune of 'The Lamentation for the Lord of Essex'. The Crowne-Garland is quite a reverential and deferential work, which seeks to praise and elevate the monarchy. Criticism is seemingly reserved for the Catholic monarch, Mary Tudor, and Johnson's anti-Catholicism is explicit in other passages of the Crowne-Garland.
When as King Henry rul'd this land,
He had a queene I understand,
Lord Seymour's daughter, faire and bright.
King Henry's comfort and delight:
Yet death, by his remorselesse power,
Did blast the bloome of this sweet flower.

  Oh! mourne, mourne, mourne, faire ladies;
  Jane your queen, the flower of England, dies.

His former queenes being wrapt in lead,
This gallant dame possest his bed:
Where rightly from her wombe did spring
A joyfull comfort to hir king;

A welcome blessing to the land,
Preserv'd by God's most holy hand.

  Oh! mourne, mourne, mourne, faire ladies,
  Jane your queen, the flower of England, dies.

The queen in travell, pained sore
Full thirty woeful daies and more,
And no way could delivered be,
As every lady wisht to see:
Wherefore the king made greater mone
Than ever yet his grace had showne.

  Oh! mourne, mourne, mourne, faire ladies,
  Jane your queen, the flower of England, dies.

Being something eased in his mind,
His eyes a slumbering sleepe did find;
Where dreaming he had lost a rose,
But which he could not well suppose;
A ship he had, a Rose by name;
Oh no! it was his royall Jane.

  Oh! mourne, mourne, mourne, faire ladies,
  Jane your queen, the flower of England, dies.

Being thus perplext with greif and care,
A lady to him did repaire,
And said, '0 king! shew us thy will,
The queene's sweet life to save or spill.
If she cannot delivered be.
Yet save the flower, if not the tree!'

  Oh! mourne, mourne, mourne, faire ladies,
  Jane, your queen, the flower of England dies.

Then down uppon his tender knee,
For help from heaven prayed he:
Meane while into a sleepe they cast
His queene, which ever more did last;
And opening then her tender woomb.
Alive they tooke this budding bloome.

  Oh! mourne, mourne, mourne, faire ladies,
  Jane, your queen, the flower of England dies.

This babe so born, much comfort brought,
And chear'd his father's drooping thought:
Prince Edward he was card by name,
Grac'd with vertue, wit, and fame:

And when his father left this earth.
He rul'd this land by lawfull birth.
  Oh! mourne, mourne, mourne, faire ladies:
  Jane, your queen. the flower of England dies.

But marke the powerfull will of heaven!
We from this joy were soone bereaven.
Six ycares he raigned in this land,
Arid then obeyed God's command,
And left his croune to Mary heare,
Whose five years; raigne cost England dear.
  Oh! mourne, mourne, mourne, faire ladies,
  Jane your queen, the flower of England, dies.

Elizabeth raigned next to her,
Europe's prides and England's starre,
Wonder, world! for such a queen
Under heaven was never scene:
A mayd, a saint, an angell bryght,
In whom all princes took delight.
  Oh! mouine, mourne, mourne, faire Ladies!
  Elizabeth, the flower of England's, dead!


This piece was subsequently reprinted, under the title 'The Doleful Death of Queen Jane' in A Collection of Old Ballads, Evans's Old Ballads, and another chapbook of uncertain date. (10)

Later, a much shorter version of the ballad was given by the celebrated Victorian popular historian Agnes Strickland (1796-1874) in the course of her multi-volume Lives of the Queens of England (1840-48 and subsequent editions):
When as king Henry ruled this land
He had a queen, I understand,
Lord Seymour's daughter, fur and bright;
Yet death, by his remorseless power,
Did blast the bloom of this fair flower.
Oh! mourn, mourn, mourn, fair ladies,
Your queen, the flower of England's dead

The queen in travail pained sore,
Full thirty woeful hours and more;
And no ways could relieved be,
As all her ladies wished to see;
Wherefore the king made greater moan
Than ever yet his grace had done.

Then, being something eased in mind,
His eyes a troubled sleep did find;
Where, dreaming he had lost a rose,
But which he could not well suppose:
A ship he had, a Rose by name,
Oh no, it was his royal Jane!

Being thus perplexed with grief and care,
A lady to him did repair,
And said, '0 King, show us thy will,
The queen's sweet life to save or spill?'
Then, as she cannot saved be,
0, save the flower though not the tree.'
Oh! mourn, mourn, mourn, fair ladies,
Your queen, the flower of England's dead. (11)


Strickland did not identify her source, but suggested that the verses have something of the style of the Tudor writer Thomas Churchyard (1523?-1604) and that the ballad was likely to have been near-contemporary with the events that it describes.

An initial consideration of these two versions might lead to the assumption that the longer was the earlier and the shorter version was a later one, from which stanzas had been lost or removed. However, closer analysis suggests that the shorter version might be the earlier of the two, which was later adapted and extended by Richard Johnston. There are few significant differences between the lines that are shared by both versions. One difference, however, is that the Crowne-Garland version reads 'The queen in travell, pained sore/Full thirty woeful daies and more', whereas Lives of the Queens of England version has 'The queen in travail pained sore,/Full thirty woeful hours and more'. The thirty-hour labour seems much more realistic than thirty days, which is clearly an exaggeration. Although not conclusive, it might be expected that such exaggerations would be introduced over time, taking the description progressively further from a conservative truth. Thirty hours is by far the shortest labour time quoted in any of the extant ballads--other versions cite three days, six days, nine days, six weeks.

The second feature that suggests the shorter version might be the older of the two is a difference in style that can be detected between the stanzas that are present only in the longer ballad (stanzas two, six, seven, eight, nine) and those that are common to both versions. The additional stanzas help tie the ballad into the theme and character of the overall plan of the Crowne-Garland, and include more in the way of jingoistic sentiments and remarks about the characters and the worthiness of other monarchs who feature in the garland. These traits characterize other poems in the garland, which likewise seek to elevate and flatter their subjects. Queen Jane, for example, is described as a 'gallant dame', and Prince Edward (later King Edward VI) as 'Grac'd with vertue, wit, and fame'. The Crowne-Garland also suggests that Edward's survival was due to God's will. The second stanza calls his birth 'A welcome blessing to the land,/Preserv'd by God's most holy hand', and Henry is described praying for help while the surgery is undertaken. There appears to be an emphasis on the divine right of kings, and hence the legitimacy of Edward's rule, which is also reinforced by the later assertion that Edward 'rul'd this land by lawful! birth'. Perhaps even more importantly, though, the implication is that responsibility for Jane Seymour's death lay not with King Henry but in the will of God.

The Lives of the Queens of England version is of a generally higher and more subtle literary quality, whereas the Crowne-Garland features particularly clumsy phrases and clumsy adjectives: 'tender knee', 'tender woombe', 'drooping thought'. The additional stanzas tend toward the crass and melodramatic: 'His former queenes being wrapt in lead,/This gallant dame possest his bed'. A further indication that the ballad might have been adopted into the Crowne-Garland might be found in its verse pattern of six-line stanzas, with two-line refrain, which is not readily paralleled elsewhere in the garland (most of the pieces are in four- or eight-line stanzas, although a few have stanzas of six lines). If the suspicion is correct that 'The Wofull Death of Queene Jane' was adapted specifically for inclusion in the Crowne-Garland, then this would be a conspicuous example of a ballad being employed for the purposes of propaganda.

Conversely, a case can be made that the Lives of the Queens of England version represents a distinctive ballad of a somewhat different character. It is primarily concerned with personal emotions and experiences, and focuses mainly on the unfolding events of the birth, with fewer diversions into extraneous detail and character assessment. It is written entirely in the third person and presents events primarily from the perspective of Henry, rather than of Jane, and records his emotional experience as much as, or more than, Jane's own suffering.

Child was deeply unimpressed with Johnson's ballad, which he called 'a woful ditty'. (12) He makes no mention of the shorter version in the Lives of the Queens of England, of which he may not have been aware. Child does note an entry in the Stationer's Register on 30 November 1560 for a ballad called 'The Lamentation of Quene Jane', (13) although Rollins is minded to relate this entry to ballads on the subject of Lady Jane Grey. (14)

'The Death of Queen Jane' (Child 170)

The descriptions of events within the vernacular ballads are told from the perspective of presenting a human story, rather than simply documenting a royal or political event.
Queen Jane was in labour full six weeks and more,
And the women were weary, and fain would give oer:
'O women, o women, as women ye be,
Rip open my two sides, and save my baby!'

'O royal Queen Jane, that thing may not be;
We'll send for King Henry to come unto thee.
King Henry came to her, and sate on her bed:
What ails my dear lady, her eyes look so red?

'O royal King Henry, do one thing for me:
Rip open my two sides, and save my baby!'

'O royal Queen Jane, that thing will not do;
If I lose your Fair body, I'll lose your baby too.'

She wept and she waild, and she wrung her hands sore;
O the dour of England must flourish no more!
She wept and she waild till she fell in a swoond,
They opend her two sides, and the baby was found.

The baby was christened with joy and much mirth,
Whilst poor Queen Jane's body lay cold under earth:
There was ringing and singing and mourning all day,
The princess Eliz[abeth] went weeping away.

The trumpets in mourning so sadly did sound,
And the pikes and the muskets did trail on the ground.
(Child 170 A)


The focus of the story is the struggle Jane endured, and it is often cast in the first person. Common experiences of childbirth and references to popular, or folk, medicine are fed into the ballads. Several versions mention the provision of a 'caudle', which the Oxford English Dictionary describes as a warm drink consisting of thin gruel, mixed with wine or ale, sweetened and spiced, and given especially to women in childbed.

Many of the key details are shared among the different collected versions (for example, Figure 2). There are, however, fundamental differences between the details of these ballads and those of 'The Wofull Death of Queene Jane'. Given how little the collected versions vary in respect to the key details across time and space, we can suggest that a particular version of the story of Jane's death was current among the common people who engaged with the sung ballad, and that many people believed this version of the story to be more or less true.

[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]

The collected ballads are much harder to date than their written equivalents, but we can assume that their common features are most likely to have been inherited in some manner from a common ancestor. Thus we can begin to form an idea of the key events that are likely to have occurred in the earliest version of the song, sometime between 1537 and 1776.
Table 1

Shared plot features                  Examples of variations

Jane experiences extended labour     Three days six days, nine
                                     days, six weeks

Her women become weary arid
struggle to continue

Jane calls far people to be          Always Henry and often a
brought to her                       doctor/surgeon Sometimes
                                     also Jane's mother

Jane requests the caesarean
procedure

Where a response from Henry
is given, he always objects
to the surgery

Most versions then state that
the procedure did occur, none
state explicitly that it did not

Edward is horn, and is often
christened

Jane dies in labour


Most of the versions suggest that death occurred during labour and that Jane was dead by the time of the birth and/or christening. Some imply that her death took place before or during the caesarean section. Most of the versions suggest that the surgery was undertaken when she was in a swoon, either as a result of taking a caudle or after collapsing.

Some of the detail of this story contrasts with the version of events recorded in the formal ballad of 'The Wofull Death of Queene Jane'. For example, the choice concerning the caesarean procedure, and therefore the responsibility for the queen's death, has been transferred from Henry to Jane. Crucially, however, the caesarean section is still at the heart of the song. In most of the vernacular ballads, Henry explicitly objects, saying either that surgery would kill both mother and child, or that he would rather lose the child than lose his queen, or, in some instances, that surgery would cause the death of the child. The ballads soften, or blur, the circumstances of the procedure, so that the listener is reassured that Jane was unconscious, or perhaps even dead, at the time the surgery was carried out.

There are some similarities of poetic technique between the formal composed verse and the vernacular ballad in terms of metaphorical allusions to trees, branches, and flowers, when referring to Jane and the infant Edward. Both of the formal ballads, and many versions of the vernacular ballad, call Jane the flower of England, symbolizing her beauty. The formal ballad also, somewhat confusingly, refers to Jane as the tree that bore the flower that was Edward. In contrast, the vernacular ballads employ a similar vegetal metaphor for the lineage but avoid reattributing the flower symbol by referring to Edward as the branch. In fact, this metaphor is not found among the versions printed by Child, but it does occur in later versions from England:
'Oh no,' says King Henery, 'that's a thing I'll never do,
If I lose the flower of England, I shall lose the branch, too.' (15)

Then out spoke King Henry, 'That never can be,
I'd rather lose the branches than the top of the tree.' (16)


These similarities of metaphor might suggest a degree of influence of the formal verse on the vernacular ballad, but it is probably more likely that they simply belong to a common English-language stock of metaphor.

Within the vernacular ballad, the historical understanding of events has been deliberately manipulated. Regardless of the true circumstances of Jane's death, it seems clear that a caesarean operation was believed to have occurred, but an impulse to absolve King Henry of the blame was responsible for the development of a specific version of events that found resonance within the popular imagination. This was achieved very cleverly, by shifting responsibility for the surgical intervention to Jane herself, who in consequence is seen to choose the ultimate act of self-sacrifice for the sake of her child. Jane is, of course, the only character upon whom this responsibility could fall without inviting criticism or condemnation. In contrast, she emerges as a figure to be celebrated for her action. Respect can be maintained for all of the story's characters, but the sense of drama and tragedy remains, which is, of course, what makes the song so appealing and enduring. The historical events within the vernacular ballad were, therefore, deliberately manipulated to provide a specific perspective, and thus served a propagandistic function.

The funeral procession

A further, distinctive element within some of the vernacular ballad versions--but one that is not as common as the features described above--is the description of the funeral procession. It is quite possible that a prime reason why this is not found as frequently as other key aspects is simply that it comes at the end of the song and is therefore likely to be absent from versions that are incomplete or were deliberately shortened. So it is uncertain whether it was formerly more widespread than might appear from the historical record.
Prince Edward was christened with joy and with mirth,
But the flower of fair England lies cold in the earth.
O black was King Henry, and black were his men,
And black was the steed that King Henry rode on.

And black were the ladies, and black were their fans,
And black were the gloves that they wore on their hands,
And black were the ribbands they wore on their heads,
And black were the pages, and black were the maids. (Child 170 C)


Black adornments commonly--and predictably--occur in this section, and they provide a repetitive, lyrical device that can be easily adapted, lengthened, or shortened to suit the preference, or the memory, of the singer, without affecting the core narrative. This might readily explain differences of detail within what is basically a common section of the ballad.
Six and six coaches, and six and six more,
And royal King Henry went mourning before;
o two and two gentlemen carried her away,
But royal King Henry went weeping away.

O black were their stockings, and black were their bands,
And black were the weapons they held in their hands;
O black were their mufflers, and black were their shoes,
And black were the cheverons [gloves] they drew on their luves
[hands]. (Child 170 B)


This particular version also quantifies elements of the funeral procession into groups of six, something that is also found in other versions.
So black was the mourning, and white were the wands,
Yellow, yellow the torches they bore in their hands;
The bells they were muffled, and mournful did play,
While the royal Queen Jane she lay cold in the clay.

Six knights and six lords bore her corpse through the grounds,
Six dukes followed after, in black mourning gownds;
The flower of old England was laid in cold clay,
Whilst the royal King Henrie came weeping away. (Child 170 D)


This last version has six dukes within the funeral procession, which is highly significant, because this portion represents one of the most conspicuous collisions between 'The Death of Queen Jane' and 'Six Dukes Went a-Fishing', or 'The Duke of Bedford' (Roud 78). Indeed, the last two stanzas of Child 170 D above are almost identical to the last three stanzas of 'Six Dukes Went a-Fishing' as collected by Percy Grainger from George Gouldthorpe at Brigg, Lincolnshire, in 1906.
Six dukes stood before him,
Twelve raised him from the ground,
Nine lords followed after him,
In their black mourning gown.

Black was their mourning,
And white were the wands,
And so yellow were the flamboys
That they carried in their hands.

Now he lies betwixt two towers.
He now lies in cold clay,
And the Royal Queen of Grantham
Went weeping away. (17)


There are several examples of virtually identical wording between versions of 'The Death of Queen Jane' and of 'Six Dukes Went a-Fishing'; and even where there are variations in wording, there are often still numerous shared elements within the descriptions of the funeral processions. These include: black adornments, multiples of six, lords bearing the corpse, yellow Tomboys' (flambeaux) or torches, white fans or wands, the sounding of trumpets and guns, and the body lying in the clay while a key mourner goes 'weeping away'.

Child, however, was seemingly dismissive of 'Six Dukes Went a-Fishing', referring to it just once, late on in The English and Scottish Popular Ballads, when a ballad fragment concerning the funeral of the Duke of Bedford, printed in Longmans Magazine in 1890, came to his attention's He seems to have thought of it as something in the way of an appendix to Child 170, describing one half of it, which recounts the funeral procession, as a plagiarism from 'The Death of Queen Jane', and the other as 'so trivial that it is not worth the while at present to assign that piece its own place'. Child added: 'I have not attempted to identify this duke of Bedford; any other duke would probably answer as well.'

Although it is beyond the scope of the present discussion to divert into comprehensive analysis of 'Six Dukes Went a-Fishing', which has been examined in some detail by Lucy Broadwood, (19) and by Mary Rowland, (20) it is nonetheless important to consider the possible chronological relationship between this ballad and 'The Death of Queen Jane'. A broadside, The Noble Funeral of the Renowned Champion the Duke of Grafton, dates to c.1690. (21 The most pertinent lines are:
Twelve Lords went before him, six bore him to th' ground
while the Drums and the trumpets did solemnly sound.

in Westminster Abbey its now call'd by name,
the Rare Duke of Grafton was bury'd in Fame,
they sighed and sobbed, and spent their whole day,
while our Gracious Queen Mary came weeping away.
when the rare Duke of Grafton lay deep in the clay,
then his soldiers went wandering every way.


Several of the common elements are present here, such as lords bearing the corpse, trumpets sounding, and the body lying in the clay while Queen Mary comes 'weeping away'; on the other hand, others, such as black adornments and white fans, are absent. They were present, though, in the example of 'Six Dukes Went a-Fishing' known to Child. If, as Child suggested, the shared elements were indeed borrowed from 'The Death of Queen Jane', then The Noble Funeral broadside could be considered as evidence to push back the date for 'The Death of Queen Jane' prior to 1690.

The treatment of the corpse is the paramount theme throughout 'Six Dukes Went a-Fishing', which includes a vivid description of the embalming, so it is not surprising that the final funeral procession and burial should be described in detail. Conversely, however, it is often a quite secondary element in 'The Death of Queen Jane' and in some versions looks to have been appended, rather superfluously, to a narrative that has already been affectingly resolved through the contrast between joy at the birth of Prince Edward and sorrow at the death of Queen Jane. The funeral procession is not, therefore, necessarily integral to 'The Death of Queen Jane'. On the other hand, there are versions of 'Six Dukes Went a-Fishing', collected after Child's time, that dispense with a description of the funeral procession altogether and yet still present a fully coherent narrative, such as one collected by Cecil Sharp from William Atkinson in Marylebone Workhouse in 1908. (22)

A further difficulty in ordering chronologically the two ballad traditions is that the historical subject of 'Six Dukes Went a-Fishing'--if it does indeed derive from a single specific event--is not certain. It is obscured by the wide range of titles given to the leading character--the Duke of Bedford, Grafton, or Grantham--and Broadwood and Rowland have both posited aristocratic funerals from the fifteenth to the eighteenth centuries. Indeed, it is entirely possible that other ballad traditions might also have utilized narrative elements of this kind, and that they became interchangeable 'floating verses'. So, while there is certainly a good deal of commonality between the two ballads, it remains difficult, if not impossible, to disentangle the sources of the different elements and 'Six Dukes Went a-Fishing' does not allow us with confidence to push back the date of 'The Death of Queen Jane' much before 1776.

The Death of Queen Jane in Historical Context

Although discussions of the ballad have tended to dismiss the suggestion of a caesarean section as historically inaccurate, (23) there has been a great deal of historical debate about the exact circumstances of the death of Jane Seymour. It will be useful to present a brief overview, representing a historical consensus, followed by a more detailed examination of some of the conflicting issues.

Jane Seymour was an attendant of Anne Boleyn, and Henry VIII began his affair with Jane while still married to Anne. The king exploited false accusations of infidelity against Anne that resulted in her execution for high treason, after which he and Jane Seymour were immediately married. Within a year of their marriage, Jane was pregnant with the future Edward VI. Henry VIII's preoccupation with bearing a male heir is well known, and his only son prior to this had been the illegitimate Henry Fitzroy, who had died at the age of seventeen of a lung disease, possibly tuberculosis. Although Henry VIII was outlived by his only legitimate son, Edward VI nonetheless died at the age of fifteen, again of a lung disease, which again was probably tuberculosis. A brief timeline of key events relating to the birth of Edward VI and the death of Jane Seymour in 1537 is as follows: (24)

* 9 October. Jane Seymour goes into labour.

* 11 October. The baby has still not been delivered and there is a solemn procession to pray for the queen and for a successful birth. The prolonged labour leads to rumours that a caesarean section has been necessary.

* 12 October. After two days and three nights of labour, Jane gives birth to Prince Edward. Although exhausted, she supervises the preparation of the official announcement of the birth from her bed.

* King Henry is overjoyed and massive celebrations are organized.

* 15 October. The christening takes place, with Jane carried into an anteroom, where she and Henry observe the christening procession and greet guests until midnight. Jane takes no proper rest in the days after the birth and is not attended to appropriately.

* 16 October. The 'churching' ceremony is carried out. This is the blessing customarily given to mothers who have recovered after childbirth, suggesting that Jane was expected to make a full recovery.

* 17 October. Jane has a fever and becomes delirious, and her anxious attendants provide her with whatever food she asks for. Her condition deteriorates to the point that that she is given the last rites.

* Jane begins to show signs of recovery, but then sickens again. By 23 October, her attendants think she is recovering, but she becomes very ill that night, approaching unconsciousness.

* 24 October. Jane's confessor comes to her in the morning and prepares to conduct the last rites. She dies quietly in the night.

* Although rumours circulate that Jane had undergone a caesarean section, it is also widely believed that she died as a result of puerperal fever (known contemporaneously as 'childbed fever'). This would have resulted from infection contracted during labour and, prior to the development of antibiotics and, especially, improvements in standards of hygiene, (25) was responsible for a large proportion of deaths in childbirth.

Historical sources

In order to evaluate the reliability of historical information, it is important to consider the nature of the primary sources that have informed the historical accounts. The available sources vary widely in both character and date. They include letters written by prominent figures in the British state and aristocracy, as well as physicians and clergy who were present during the labour. There are official announcements relating to the birth, as well as contemporary accounts recorded by anonymous individuals. There are records in the archives of institutions, such as the College of Heralds, which was the body responsible for making the funeral arrangements. Finally, there are the ballads and other verses, some of which appear to have been written soon after the event.

Although there are numerous primary sources, it is difficult to gain an accurate and consistent description of the events because the information provided by different sources varies dramatically. It is predictable, therefore, that subsequent histories should contradict one another. Indeed, the editor of A Collection of Old Ballads describes his frustration in trying to understand the historical basis for the ballad of 'The Doleful Death of Queen Jane', when any one of the six historical accounts available to him provided a different account. (26)

At least four different dates are given for the birth of Prince Edward, ranging from 10 to 17 October. (27) Eight different dates are proposed for Jane's death, which ranged between 12 and 28 October. (28) The explanations for Jane's death likewise vary widely, and include: puerperal fever; aggressive stretching of her limbs in order to aid the birth; poor treatment by physicians and midwives, including being given the wrong types of food and contracting pneumonia; exhaustion and subsequent deterioration of her health due to the effects of the long christening ceremony. Finally, there is the suggestion that a caesarean section was employed, and either that she had died during the labour, at which point the surgery was undertaken, or else that the caesarean section took place while she was alive, but that it caused her death. (29)

One of the reasons for so much confusion and variation may well be that, as Strickland states was customary, Jane had entered a long period of confinement, perhaps beginning a month prior to the labour and continuing until after the birth. (30) This would mean that very few people were in regular contact with Jane, and her absence from public life would have helped create an environment of uncertainty about her condition in which misunderstandings and rumours would have flourished. Another reason for the conflicting accounts, however, may lie in the purposeful promotion of a specific agenda, which would be easier to effect within an atmosphere of confusion and contradiction. This is particularly relevant to descriptions of the manner of Jane's death and the disagreement over whether or not a caesarean section was undertaken. This topic has become saturated in propaganda and the suspicion of propaganda, and it needs to be examined in some detail if we are to begin to understand which of the numerous versions of events is related by which of the ballads, and why.

The caesarean section and Henry's choice

The notion of the caesarean section, and of Henry VIII being faced with the decision whether to risk the death of the queen in order to save the life of the child, is one that occurs throughout 'The Death of Queen Jane'. Although the suggestion has often been dismissed, as late as the 1960s histories were being published that suggested that a caesarean section was used. (31) The matter has been examined by numerous specialists in diverse fields, including renaissance historians, (32) and medical practitioners, (33) and there is no definite evidence that such surgery had not--or could not have--taken place.

Catholic and anti-Catholic propaganda

One of main reasons why the notion of a caesarean section has in the past been dismissed lies in an aggressive reaction by writers who attributed the suggestion of a caesarean section to Catholic propaganda intended to discredit Henry VIII, in revenge for his suppression of Catholicism. This argument was readily accepted by many scholars, perpetuated, and eventually taken as fact.

In De origine ac progressu schismatis anglicani (1585), the Catholic apologist Nicholas Sander (or Sanders) wrote one of the earliest surviving historical accounts of Jane Seymour's death. (34) Sander's account is often quoted because it contains the very dramatic claim that, in the midst of the turbulent and dangerous labour, Henry was asked which life should be saved, and that he replied the boy's life, because he could easily find another wife. In 1707, the historian Laurence Echard was the first to refute the idea of a caesarean section. (35) This was quickly followed by the accusations of John Strype, in 1721, that Sander had invented the story of the caesarean section as a malicious attack on Henry, motivated by his Catholic loyalties. (36) It should be noted that both Echard and Strype held posts within the Church of England and, therefore, should not be considered impartial commentators.

The idea of a Catholic conspiracy flourished, and one example of the way the topic was treated in subsequent histories comes from a selection of writings of Edward VI published by the evangelical protestant Religious Tract Society, which also provides a summary of Edward's birth:
  The birth of a prince had been long desired, but the joy with which
  the intelligence was received by the court and the nation, was abated
  by the death of the queen, his mother, on the 24th, twelve days after
  the birth of her son.* Henry was much afflicted, and showed that he
  was not insensible to the loss he had sustained; even the festivities
  of the ensuing Christmas were riot allowed to put aside the outward
  tokens of respect to her memory.

  The care which Henry VIII. evinced for the welfare of his children,
  with his anxiety to place them under the charge of learned and pious
  instructors, are circumstances which prove the character of that
  monarch, with all his faults, to have been very different from the
  representations of those who cannot forgive the part he took in
  freeing this country from the iron bands of popery.

  * Some historians have by mistake stated October the 14th
  as the day of queen Jane's death, the error, probably at first
  unintentional, has been copied from one to another. By this the
  Romanists have strengthened their legend of Henry's desiring that the
  life of the child might be preserved by the death of his mother,
  which they still repeat. (37)


The tone is unashamedly anti-Catholic. However, the real consideration must be whether or not there is any truth in the suggestion that the idea of a caesarean section was indeed created and spread by Catholics, beginning with Sander in 1575.

Earliest accounts of caesarean section

The earliest account of surgery being performed comes from the archives of the Rolls Chapel, which was a repository for documents produced by the medieval high court of Chancery, and also for documents from the royal household and other official papers. The chapel and archive were under the sanction of the state, although not every item deposited would necessarily have been subject to official inspection. An entry in the Rolls Chapel manuscripts, which is likely to date to within a month of Jane's death, states that Henry VIII was given the choice of whether preference should be given to the survival of the queen or of the child, and that he chose the child, after which surgery was performed. (38) This entry predates Sander's account by thirty-eight years and does not come from a Catholic source.

An entry in the Vatican archives, which also appears to be contemporary with the events, likewise suggests that Henry was responsible for Jane's death. This document proposes that either he allowed her limbs to be stretched, in order to aid delivery, or that he allowed surgery to be undertaken. (39)

A third contemporary account is the Chronicle of Heng VIII, which was anonymously authored and appears to have been compiled as an ongoing catalogue of generally current events, rather than a retrospective history. An examination of other sections of the chronicle demonstrates that it was highly sympathetic towards Catholicism. In spite of this, when it describes Jane's death, it states simply that, after three days' illness, the baby was born, but on the second day it was rumoured that the mother had died. It also states: 'It was said that the mother had to be sacrificed for the child. I do not affirm this to be true, only that it was rumoured.' (40) So here is an example of an opportunity for a contemporary pro-Catholic account to cast a slur on Henry that was not taken.

A further source that might pre-date Sander's history lies in one or more of the ballads, such as 'The Wofull Death of Queene Jane'. Almost all of the ballads describe a caesarean section, or imply that it occurred, and most describe Henry being faced with the dilemma of whether to save the mother or the child. The idea, therefore, may well have been circulating in the public domain soon after Jane's death. If we accept Strickland's suggestions concerning authorship, it would seem that the more formal poetic verses were composed, and/or subsequently embellished, by writers of protestant sympathies. (41) Yet both of them described Henry choosing the baby over the queen, and suggest that caesarean surgery was employed. Indeed, it is pertinent to bear in mind the full title of the ballad published in the 1612 Crowne-Garland: 'The Wofull Death of Queene Jane, wife to King Henry the Eight: and how King Edward was cut out of his mother's belly'.

In fact, until Echard's work of 1707, many historians of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries repeated the story that a caesarean section had been employed, including writers with Anglican sympathies such as Speed, Camden, and Bishop Godwin. (42) Some seventeenth-century historians, however, were beginning to question the evidence for surgery, beginning with Thomas Fuller in 1655. (43) 'The Princely Song of the Six Queens' in the 1659 edition of Johnson's Crowne-Garland, which follows the appearance of Fuller's history and conceivably reflects the shift in perception among some historians, simply states: 'In child-bed she dy'd we hear, /Of Royal King Edward.'

Not only, then, was the idea of caesarean surgery not invented by Catholics, but it was not perpetuated solely by Catholics either, and it was not necessarily pursued particularly vigorously or sensationally by those Catholic writers who did discuss it. Indeed, the enduring idea that the historical events were manipulated in the interests of Catholic propaganda during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries seems largely to have been a construct of anti-Catholic propaganda in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Instead, it seems most likely that the belief that Jane Seymour died following a caesarean section was in wide and general circulation during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

Caesarean section in the late medieval context

A second reason why the possibility of a caesarean section has often been dismissed is the view that such surgery was not used during the medieval period. The caesarean operation was certainly well known long before the medieval period, and is mentioned by classical Roman and Greek writers in the centuries BC. (44) However, most early caesarean sections were carried out on mothers who had already died, (45) and it is this that has led to the idea that, during the medieval period, the operation was not undertaken on living women. (46) Again, this is not true and although, up until the nineteenth century, the operation was catastrophically unsuccessful in Britain, with no known successes on living mothers, it had nonetheless been attempted. (47)

The sixteenth-century French doctor Ambroise Pare criticized attempts to undertake surgery on living mothers because he thought that it could not succeed, after which the practice became increasingly taboo across Europe. (48) It was also widely considered to be immoral, and superstition held it to be a bad omen that could bring curses upon those who employed it. (49) But it did occur, and it is documented that as early as 1500, thirty-seven years before the birth of Prince Edward, the operation was undertaken successfully by a Swiss piggelder on his own wife. (50) A sixteenth-century surgeon in Bruges is also reported to have performed the operation seven times, again on his wife. (51)

Although early caesarean surgery may have been particularly unsuccessful in Britain, this does not rule out its having been attempted in the case of Jane Seymour. The eponymous heroine of another ballad, 'Fair Mary of Wallington' (Child 91), first known in the late eighteenth century, is the object of a caesarean section following a difficult labour, and although she is described as being dead, with the 'shears in her side', it is not entirely clear whether she died before, during, or after the operation, and some versions at least seem to imply that she was alive when the surgery was undertaken.

The perceived impossibility of mothers surviving caesarean surgery in the late medieval period has fuelled the debate about the precise dates of Prince Edward's birth and Queen Jane's death. A gap of twelve days has been cited as proof that, since she had survived the birth, then surgery could not have been employed. (52) However, if death were the result of infection, then such a gap would be quite plausible. Indeed, it has been suggested that the gap between the birth and the onset of sickness might have corresponded with the first change of dressings and wrappings, and the subsequent introduction of infection, causing septic peritonitis. (53)

The early histories, prior to Echard, did not recognize this long gap between Prince Edward's birth and Queen Jane's death, and all of the ballads, both formal and vernacular, would seem to confirm that the gap did not form part of the public understanding of the events. Instead, the ballads all imply that death occurred during labour.

Historical evidence against caesarean section

Not all of the writers who have dismissed the caesarean section have necessarily been motivated by a propagandistic agenda. It is, therefore, important to examine the positive historical evidence that has been used to support such accounts.

Several contemporary documents exist that do not mention surgery, two of which were written immediately after Jane Seymour's death. A great deal of weight has been placed on a letter written by Thomas Cromwell, chief minister to the king. This was written immediately after the queen's death and was sent to English ambassadors at the French court, describing how she had died as a result of poor food and a great cold, which is probably to be taken as indicating pneumonia. (54) However, the content of this letter was specifically intended to be passed to the French king, Francis I. Within days of Jane's death, Cromwell had begun proceedings, on Henry's instructions, to find him another wife, and one of the women under consideration was Francis I's daughter. (55) It would, therefore be extremely unlikely that Cromwell would inform Francis I that Henry had allowed his wife to die in order to facilitate the birth of his son. This letter tells us more about the workings of late medieval diplomacy than about childbirth and the circumstances of Queen Jane's death.

Another early source is a note in the manuscripts of the College of Heralds, written on 12 November, which states simply that she had died in childbed. The College of Heralds was responsible for the funeral arrangements and provides information as to when she died and was buried. (56) The records of the embalming of her body, however, make no mention of an abdominal incision--and the embalming procedure itself would have necessitated such an incision. A Further contemporary source is a letter signed by the queen announcing the birth of Prince Edward, which makes no mention of surgery. This has also been used as evidence that the death was natural, although the letter follows a generic pattern for such announcements and would have been unlikely to include that kind of detail. (57) It also appears that it was prepared and sent out in advance of the birth: one acknowledgement of receipt was written five days before Edward was actually born. Another letter, written by the Earl of Rudand to the Privy Council on the morning of the day of Jane's death, and signed by six men including three physicians and a priest, gives details of her declining health but makes no mention of surgical intervention. (58) However, this letter was written twelve days after the birth and was a record of her state of health at that time, rather than an account of its cause.

Conclusion

It is certainly not possible to demonstrate conclusively the cause of Jane Seymour's death, except that it occurred as a result of childbirth and is most likely to have been the result either of infection following caesarean surgery or of puerperal fever. The certainty of a causal link between the birth of Prince Edward and Jane's death is reinforced by the epitaph inscribed on her tomb at Windsor:
Here a Phoenix lieth, whose death
To another Phoenix gave breath:
It is to be lamented much,
The World at once ne'er knew two such.


This theme was reinforced when Jane's brother was allowed to adopt the phoenix as his crest, in recognition of her death and in honour of her role in producing a male heir to the throne. (59)

The ballads largely reflect the public understanding of the cause of Jane's death prior to the early eighteenth century, when the suspicions about Catholic propaganda took hold. There are similarities in the ballads to many accounts that were either contemporary with, or written slightly later than, the actual events, including the dilemma with which Henry was faced, the surgical intervention, and the immediacy of Jane's consequent death. However, both the formal and vernacular ballad strands feature manipulations or embellishments of the events as they were known during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, both as methods of increasing the dramatic tension of the narratives and also as deliberate attempts to present subjective perspectives on the protagonists.

Richard Johnson presented the formal verse ballad as part of a platform promoting the grandeur of the monarchy in general, with an anti-Catholic slant, and therefore employed the ballad as a piece of quite explicit propaganda. The vernacular ballad, too, presents a particular slant on history, since the idea that Jane requested surgical intervention seems to have no historical basis and to have been invented purely for the purpose of this ballad. The ballad offers a favourable slant on the part Henry VIII played in Jane's death, at a time before the assertion about a Catholic plot started to discredit the whole notion of surgical intervention. Only one or two versions offer a relatively harsh view of Henry's treatment of Jane, in that he orders the surgery should not take place because it might lead to the death of the child--suggesting, at best, a pragmatic attitude towards his continued lineage.

Numerous versions circulated and the ballad form of the story might well have been the only account of these events that many people would have encountered. When Cecil Sharp was collecting songs in the Appalachians he took down 'The Death of Queen Jane' from Kate Thomas, of St. Helen's, Lee County, Kentucky, and when she had finished singing he told her that the ballad was founded on historical fact, at which she exclaimed: 'There now, I always said it must be true because it is so beautiful.' (60)

Note on the tunes for 'The Death of Queen Jane'

The date and circumstances of the origin of the vernacular ballad are unclear. However, the similarity between two of the melodies used for 'The Death of Queen Jane' and two tunes that were sung to the children's game of 'Green Gravel' was noted by A. G. Gilchrist. (61) Gilchrist suggested the possibility that 'Queen Jane' was modelled on and sung to the tune of an earlier ballad relating to the death of a young girl, since she thought the game of 'Green Gravel' might have originally represented a burial.

One particularly popular tune to which 'The Death of Queen Jane' is currently sung, and which is often assumed to be traditional, was in fact composed during the 1970s by the Derry-born guitarist Daithi Sproule, and subsequently recorded by The Bothy Band in 1979. Indeed, a version using Sproule's melody can be found in the Tobar an Dualchais archive of Scottish oral history, sung by Maureen Jelks in 1986. (62)

Notes

(1.) A Collection of Old Ballads, corrected from the best and most ancient copies extant, with introductions historical and critical, 3 vols (London: J. Roberts, D. Leach, and J. Batley, 1723-25), 11,115-18.

(2.) The English and Scottish Popular Ballads, ed. by Francis James Child, 5 vols (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1882-98), in, 372-73.

(3.) English and Scottish Popular Ballads, ed. from the collection of Francis James Child by Helen Child Sargent and George Lyman Kittredge (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1904), p.418.

(4.) Ulpian Fulwell, The Flovver of Fame, containing the bright renowne, er most fortunate raigne of king Hemy the viii (London: William Hoskins, 1575), pp. 42-45.

(5.) Richard Johnson, The Crown Garland of Golden Roses, consisting of Ballads and Songs, ed. by W. Chappell, 2 pts (London: Percy Society, 1842-45), n, 55-60.

(6.) The Crown Garland of Golden Roses, ed. by Chappell, 1, v; Richard Proudfoot, 'Johnson, Richard (fl. 1592-1622)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, 2004 <http://www.oxforddnb.com/ view/article/14909> [accessed 23 February 2012].

(7.) A Collection of Old Ballads, in, 67-75; Old Ballads, Historical and Narrative, with some of modern date, now first collected, and reprinted from rare copies, with notes, 2 vols ([London]: T Evans, 1777), 11, 58-64.

(8.) The Crown Garland of Golden Roses, ed. by Chappell, 1,29-32.

(9.) The Crown Garland of Golden Roses, ed. by Chappell, 1, v.

(10.) A Collection of Old Ballads, II, 115-20; Old Ballads, Historical and Narrative, II, 54-57; The Garland of Garlands, compos'd of three excellent new songs: I. The Penitent Criminals; or, A Melancholy Hymn upon the Execution of Two Offenders; II. The Dolefid Death of Queen Jane, Wife to King Henry Eighth, and how King Edward was cut out of his mother's belly; III. The Lady's Council; or, A Ward of Kind Advice to the Fair and Beautifid Virgins of London and Westminster ([London]: William Nicholson, [17--?]).

(11.) Agnes Strickland, Lives of the Queens of Englaned, from the Norman Conquest, now first published from official records & other authentic documents, private as well as public, 4th edn, 8 vols (London: Henry Colburn, 1854), in, 16-17.

(12.) English and Scottish Ballads, ed. by Francis James Child, 8 vols

(Boston: Little, Brown, 1860), vu, 74.

(13.) A Transcript of the Registers of the Company of Stationers of London; 1554-1640 A.D., ed. by Edward Arber, 5 vols (London and Birmingham, 1875-94), 1,152.

(14.) Hyder E. Rollins, An Analytical Index to the Balla-Entries (1557-1709) in the Registers of the Company of Stationers of London (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1924), p. 127.

(15.) London, EFDSS Archive, Hammond Collection, 1-IAM/5/33/7, collected from Marina Russell, Upwey, Devon, January/February 1907.

(16.) London, EFDSS Archive, Sabine Baring-Gould Folk Music Collection, Personal Copy, vol. 3, SBG/1/3/6, collected from Sam Fone, Mary Tavy, Devon, 28 March 1893.

(17.) IFSS, 3.3 (no. 12) (1908), 170-71; The Penguin Book of English Folk Songs, ed. by R. Vaughan Williams and A. L. Lloyd (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1959), p. 97.

(18.) The English and Scottish Popular Ballads, v, 298. The source is Longman 's Magazine, 17 (no. 98) (December 1890), 217-18.

(19.) JFSS, 3.3 (no. 12) (1908), 174-79.

(20.) Mary Rowland, 'Which Noble Duke?', FMJ, 1.1(1965), 25-37.

(21.) The Noble Funeral of the Renowned Champion the Duke of Grafton, who was slain at the Siege of Cork, and royally interred in Westminster Abb[e]y ([London]: Charles Bates, [1690]); JFSS, 3.3 (no. 12) (1908), 179.

(22.) JFSS, 5.1 (no. 18), 79-80.

(23.) S. Baring-Gould, Further Reminiscences, 1864-1894 (London: John Lane, 1925), p. 188; English and Scottish Popular Ballads, ed. by Sargent and Kittredge, p. 418.

(24.) Elizabeth Norton, Jane Seymour: Henry VIIl's True Love (Stroud: Amberley Publishing, 2009).

(25.) Dr E. C. Cawte, personal communication.

(26.) A Collection of Old Ballads, ii, 115-16.

(27.) R. L. DeMolen, 'The Birth of Edward VI and the Death of Queen Jane: The Arguments for and against Caesarian Section', Renaissance Studies, 4 (1990), 359-91 (p. 363).

(28.) DeMolen, pp. 379-83.

(26.) DeMolen, pp. 377-78.

(30.) Strickland, Lives of the Queens of England, III, 16.

(31.) J. J. Scarisbrick, Henry VIII (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode; Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968), p. 353.

(32.) DeMolen, pp. 359-91.

(33.) Francis J. Hayden, 'Maternal Mortality in History and Today', Medical Journal of Australia, 1 (1970), 100-09; repr. in Obstetrical and Gynecological Survey, 25 (1970), 666-69; S. D. Clippingdale, 'The Accouchement of Queen Jane Seymour', Journal of Obstetrics and Gynaecology, 28 (1921), 109-16.

(34.) Nicholas Sander, Rise and Growth of the Anglican Schism, published A. D. 1585, with a continuation of the history by Edward Rishton, trans. and ed. by David Lewis (London: Burns and Oates, 1877).

(35.) Laurence Echard, The History of England, from the first entrance offulius Cesar and the Romans, to the end of the reign of King James the First, containing the space of 1678 years (London: Jacob Tonson, 1707), p. 695.

(36.) John Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, relating chiefly to religion, and the reformation of it, and the emergencies of the Church of England, under King Henry VIII, King Edward VI, and Queen Mary I, 3 vols in 6 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1822), ii, pt 1, p. 11.

(37.) Writings of Edward the Sixth, William Hugh, Queen Catherine Parr, Anne Askew, Lady Jane Grey, Hamilton, and Ba/naves (London: Religious Tract Society, 1831), p. 1.

(38.) J. A. Froude, History of England from the Fall of Wolsey to the Death of Elizabeth, 2nd edn, 12 vols (London: John W. Parker and Son, 1858-70), III, 260-62.

(39.) DeMolen, pp. 359-60.

(40.) Chronicle of King Henry VIII of England, being a contemporary record of some of the principal events of the reigns of Henry VIII and Edward VI, ed. by M. A. Sharp Hume (London: G. Bell and Sons, 1889), p. 73.

(41.) Strickland, in, 16-17.

(42.) DeMolen, p. 374.

(43.) DeMolen, P. 374.

(44.) Clippingdale, p. 109.

(45.) Hayden (repr.), p. 666.

(46.) DeMolen, p. 387.

(47.) S. Cooper, A Dictionary of Practical Surge?), (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1836), pp. 215-20.

(48.) DeMolen, p. 387.

(49.) DeMolen, pp. 389-91.

(50.) DeMolen, p. 386.

(51.) Clippingdale, p. 109.

(52.) Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, p. 11; Writings of Edward the Sixth, p. 1.

(53.) Clippingclale, p. 113.

(54.) Scarisbrick, p. 353; DeMolen, p. 360.

(55.) DeMolen, pp. 369-70.

(56.) Strype, pp. 11-12; DeMolen, p. 383.

(57.) DeMolen, pp. 362-63.

(58.) DeMolen, p. 378.

(59.) DeMolen, p. 375.

(60.) A. H. Fox Strangways, in collaboration with Maud Karpeles, Cecil Sharp (London: Oxford University Press, 1933), p. 177.

(61.) JFSS, 3.2 (no. 11) (1907), 68.

(62.) <http://www.tobarandua1chais.co.uk/fullrecordJ85268/1> [accessed 13 July 20121.
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