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The birth and evolution of Swiss Anabaptism (1520-1530).


Anabaptism in Appenzell continued following the suppression of Anabaptism in St. Gallen and the arrest and execution of Johannes Krusi. The village of Teufen, where Krusi had been active, continued to be a center of activity, with some 2,200 Anabaptists reported to have been meeting there in 1526--although the number was probably exaggerated. Local authorities had decided not to move against Anabaptism in Appenzell, with the result that it became the destination of choice for Anabaptist meetings and refugees. (470) This situation changed, at least overtly, after October 10, 1529, and the public disputation held in Teufen between local Reformed pastors and local Anabaptists. The records for this disputation no longer exist, but apparently the Anabaptists were not defeated soundly enough, for a subsequent synod was called to meet in Frauenfeld in December 13, 1529, with Zwingli presiding. The conclusion drawn by this synod was that the pastors were in the right, and the Anabaptists in the wrong. (471) The articles debated by the Teufen disputants and at the later synod were:

1. Whether the authorities are established by God, and whether obedience is owed to them in all that is not against God.

2. Whether a Christian may be a magistrate.

3. Whether oaths may be sworn.

4. Infant baptism.

5. Whether those who are cleansed by Christ's blood are without sin, holy and blameless.

6. Attendance at churches and listening to preachers. (472)

In and of themselves, the topics for discussion are not exceptional and mirror disputation topics elsewhere. Even the fifth topic, raising the question of "sinlessness," was on Zwingli's agenda already in 1525, specifically in reference to comments made by Felix Mantz. Unfortunately the documentation from Appenzell is too sparse, and no conclusion can be reached on whether or not the Schleitheim Articles formed the backdrop to either the questions posed or the answers given by the disputants at the Teufen and Frauenfeld discussions in 1529. (473)

A contemporary chronicler states that after this synod, the majority of the people joined the Reformed church. (474) Nevertheless, Heinold Fast has drawn a different conclusion from the evidence. Although outward obedience to council mandates outlawing Anabaptism apparently was quick and thorough in the city of St. Gallen, former Anabaptists and Anabaptist sympathizers were numerous, and subsequently colored the reformation there. (475) This would explain the attitude of benign neglect by officialdom in and around St. Gallen with regard to the Anabaptism that continued in their midst. The Anabaptist presence was even more stubborn and widespread in the rural territory around St. Gallen, and especially in Appenzell, with some early members of the movement still active as late as the 1560s. Gallus Berlin, for example, a member of the St. Gallen council who abjured Anabaptism, was exiled in 1539 for refusing to swear an oath. He returned in 1543 promising no longer to attend Anabaptist meetings in Teufen in Appenzell. As late as 1560, George Blaurock's widow is listed as residing in the village of Urnasch in Appenzell. (476)

As Heinold Fast notes, St. Gallen and the area around it was unique in sixteenth-century Switzerland in its policy of "looking the other way" in the presence of Anabaptism. This did not mean that Anabaptists experienced absolute religious toleration and freedom there, but at least they were permitted to live relatively undisturbed. Under these conditions Anabaptist communities survived, but certainly did not flourish to the extent of becoming a serious threat to the official Reformation. Local authorities restricted Anabaptist meetings to ten people or fewer, for example, and local Anabaptists did what they could to abide by the rules. The Swiss Anabaptist communities in this area also were open to interaction with other Anabaptist currents, particularly from the South German Marpeckite stream, as the pastoral presence of Jorg Maler in the 1540s demonstrates. (477)

Swiss Anabaptism in the Empire and Moravia, 1526-1530

As Swiss Anabaptism spread into the territories of the Holy Roman Empire and the imperial cities of southern Germany and Bavaria, it encountered communities that interpreted the baptism of adults in unique ways. This last section of our study necessarily encroaches somewhat on the story of South German Anabaptism. This is unavoidable, for the years 1526-1530 witnessed an intense interaction between baptizers in the empire and especially in Moravian territories. This interaction eventually helped define Swiss Anabaptists as "Swiss Brethren," over against other streams of baptizers, and clarified the identity of those other baptizers as well.


Until the mass arrests in April 1528, Augsburg was an important Anabaptist center in southern Germany. Pre-Reformation Augsburg was a city with a particularly strong tradition of lay piety and interest in mystical Christianity. Its active print shops had published many Bibles and religious works by the turn of the century. By 1524, several local reform pamphlets had been printed there; Hans Hut peddled Thomas Muntzer's writings in the city in that same year. (478) Around September 1525, Hans Denck came to Augsburg as a teacher of Latin and Greek. It does not appear that Denck was yet baptized, for the issue of baptism did not emerge in Augsburg until 1526, and may have been brought by Balthasar Hubmaier. In any case, by May 20, 1526, Hans Denck had accepted baptism, for on that date he baptized Hans Hut in Augsburg. By late summer, all three leaders had moved on, although Denck and Hut would return: Denck went to Strasbourg for a time, Hut began his missionary journeys and Hubmaier continued on to Nikolsburg.

We know little about the early Anabaptist community in Augsburg, but early in 1527 Hans Hut returned and baptized a large group of important local leaders: the patrician Eitelhans Langenmantel, the former clergymen Jakob Dachser and Sigmund Salminger, the weavers Gall Fischer and Peter Scheppach, and many others. (479) At about the same time (ca. February 1527) the Swiss Anabaptist leader and refugee Jakob Gross arrived in the city, and began baptizing as well. Rather than evidence suggesting contrary "Anabaptisms" colliding at this point in Augsburg, the records show that Hut established a rudimentary church organization among the Augsburg Anabaptists that featured a common chest for poor relief, and that integrated Jakob Gross into the leadership structure: Sigmund Salminger was chosen "first minister" by lot, with Jakob Gross and Jakob Dachser as his assistants. (480)

The evidence from Augsburg suggests strongly that Hans Hut was working (in some places at least) for a broader Anabaptist movement without overtly linking Anabaptist baptism to his particular chronology of "end times" events or his related understanding of the sword. The appointment of the Swiss Brethren pacifist Jakob Gross to a leadership position suggests as much. The broad typological distinctions that have been used to distinguish Swiss Brethren and South German movements (biblicist vs. mystical/nonapocalyptic vs. apocalyptic) were more permeable than the labels would suggest. From the start, South German Anabaptism was not united on the apocalyptic question, promoted strongly as it was by Hans Hut, and more or less ignored by Hans Denck, Melchior Rinck and some of those baptized by Hut. In May of 1527, Hubmaier would oppose Hut from a Swiss perspective; in August of that same year, in Augsburg, Hut encountered opposition from within the South German movement itself.

The "Martyrs' Synod" took place in Augsburg from August 20 to 24, 1527, so called because many of its participants would shortly suffer martyrdom. (481) There were at least twenty-two Anabaptist missionaries from outside the city in attendance at three successive meetings; the first and the last meetings had more than sixty people present. Hut and his end times agenda dominated the meetings, and Hut was forced to agree that he would be less forward in presenting his convictions and predictions. (482) Among those who opposed him was Jakob Dachser of Augsburg, who had been baptized by Hut. (483) Once the contentious apocalyptic question had been settled by means of compromise, the assembled brethren also commissioned apostles and missioners to various areas; they were drawn from both the Swiss and South German streams, although the South German Anabaptists present at these meetings far outnumbered the Swiss. (484)

Shortly afterward a series of arrests, beginning in August 1527, devastated the Augsburg Anabaptist group* The Lutheran clergy, led by Urban Rhegius, collaborated with the city council to rid the city of Anabaptists. (485) Those who would not recant were banished; the leaders were left in prison indefinitely. On October 11, 1527, a mandate was promulgated outlawing Anabaptist practice, and promising severe punishment for non-compliance, but by 1528 new leaders had baptized more followers, and there was a resurgence of the movement in the city. This came to an end in April 1528, on Easter morning, with the mass arrest of about ninety people who had gathered for worship. Hans Leupold, the leader of this group, was executed on April 15, 1528. Augsburg virtually emptied of Anabaptists at this point, with many refugees fleeing to Strasbourg, Esslingen and Moravia. In the 1540s, Pilgram Marpeck made his home in Augsburg, and may have led a small congregation that managed to stay out of harm's way, but Anabaptism never again gained a significant numerical following in the city. (486)


The Reformation in the imperial city of Esslingen was slow in developing, with a strong reforming preacher not appointed by the city council until 1531. By December of that year Ambrosius Blarer had managed to institute basic Protestant reforms, along Zwinglian lines. In the meantime, local Anabaptism seems to have functioned as an alternative anti-Catholic reforming option. Perhaps this explains the strong rooting of Anabaptism in Esslingen and its territories, which saw the underground but vigorous survival of Anabaptism there throughout the sixteenth century and into the seventeenth, at least until the beginning of the Thirty Years' War. (487) In the sixteenth century, the Esslingen authorities vacillated in their policy toward the Anabaptists, with brief periods of harsh repression, interposed between longer periods of benign neglect. (488)

When Michael Sattler was arrested in Horb, Wilhelm Reublin's wife and child were also arrested. Reublin soon surfaced in Esslingen, where his sister lived. He introduced Anabaptism to the city in the spring of 1527 and was active there into 1528; some refugees from his congregations in Rottenburg and Horb also made their way there. (489) After a failed experiment with community of goods in Moravia, Reublin was back in Swabia in 1531 and met with some 300 Anabaptists near Esslingen, probably in the Esslinger forest, which was a favorite Anabaptist meeting place. John Oyer concludes that "Reublin's influence on the new congregation was undoubtedly more formative than that of any other Anabaptist minister," (490) leading one to suspect a strong Swiss Anabaptist orientation. Nevetheless, the Esslingen congregation also was influenced from the start by South German Anabaptist refugees and preachers of Hans Hut's persuasion.

The Anabaptists of Esslingen, at least as much as those of Augsburg, seem to personify a blending of the Swiss and South German currents of Anabaptism. (491) Christoph Freisleben, a convert and follower of Hans Hut, was preaching and baptizing in Esslingen in late 1527, and worked as a colleague with Reublin. There was no evident friction between these Swiss and South German Anabaptist leaders, probably because Freisleben did not champion Hut's apocalyptic calendar; as Oyer notes, Freisleben and his converts "did not play Hut's themes" very strongly. (492) Along with Reublin and Freisleben, another South German leader, Hans Leupold, worked as a ministering colleague in Esslingen for five weeks in December 1527 and into 1528, after being exiled from Augsburg. He baptized several persons in Esslingen before returning to Augsburg, where he was rearrested, tried in April 1528 and executed. In his testimony he reported on church assemblies of 100 or more participants in Esslingen. (493)

John Oyer has noted an impressive unity of belief for the early Esslingen congregation. He attributes this to the absence of a direct influence from either Hut or Denck, and the evident concern of Freisleben and Leupold with a more "Swiss" emphasis on ethics. That is, the Esslingen Anabaptists did not appropriate the apocalypticism and spiritualism of Hut, or the mysticism of Denck. At the same time, while some of Schleitheim's themes were adopted by the Esslingen Anabaptists, separatism was downplayed to fit the local situation, rather than adhered to rigidly. In fact the Esslingen Anabaptists were interested in reaching an accommodation with local officials that would allow them to continue living in their home territory.

Esslingen teaching on baptism, the ban and the Lord's Supper all reflect a basic Swiss Anabaptist orientation, and some Schleitheim themes are visible. The first impulse of these Anabaptists, for example, was to refuse to swear oaths, as they had been taught by their early leaders. Nevertheless many Esslingen Anabaptists did swear oaths when forced to do so--to prevent the chopping off of two fingers from their right hands, for example (494)--but then would renege on what they had sworn to do. There are so many examples of the retraction of recantations that Oyer concludes that the Esslingen Anabaptists had simply adopted a policy of accommodation to the point of Nicodemism. Esslingen Anabaptists "separated from the world," but they did so in secret, often attending public preaching and services after arrest and recantation, while continuing to meet secretly with Anabaptist believers for their "real" worship. Needless to say, this was not the spirit or intent of Schleitheim--but then, Schleitheim was drafted in expectation of Christ's imminent return, not as a constitution for a church struggling to survive long-term in an imperial city in the heart of the Holy Roman Empire.

Likewise with the teaching on the sword: Esslingen Anabaptists virtually always opposed the use of weapons; most opposed doing guard duty, even unarmed; still, some did guard duty, and a few carried weapons when performing that duty on the city's walls. (495) They did not intend to use them, but for some the price of staying in the territory was at least the appearance of such intent and some minimal cooperation with government in defense of the city. The congregation accommodated this variety of conviction and practice with surprising ease.

The choosing and ordaining of pastors from the congregation seems to have been abandoned after the disastrous persecutions of 1528 and the recantation of five local leaders. (496) Instead of ordaining new leaders, as Schleitheim outlined in article 5, the Esslingen Anabaptists continued as a congregation with informal lay leaders performing the tasks needed. The authorities could not quash the movement by exiling or executing the leaders, because none had been chosen and identified as such. Oyer concludes that the Esslingen Anabaptists were simply protecting their leaders by adopting the practice of informal lay leadership. (497)

There is testimony from the Esslingen Anabaptists that speaks of the use of the ban for the admonition and correction of those who sinned. After a careful study of the documentation, Oyer doubts that the ban was actually applied in the Esslingen congregation with any rigor. There was a flexibility and acceptance of certain "weak" members that manifested itself in continued fellowship with those who had recanted, sworn oaths, carried weapons and attended preaching services in the state church. (498) This broad acceptance of diverse practice contrasts with the harsh banning practices of some other Swiss congregations who followed the separatist spirit of Schleitheim more closely.

In short, although Esslingen Anabaptists displayed a stubborn commitment to their beliefs throughout the sixteenth century, they did not fit the pattern of a visibly and militantly "separated" congregation that one associates with adoption of the Schleitheim Articles. They manifested their "separateness" primarily by avoiding communion in the state church and celebrating the Lord's Supper together. (499) Living in a territory whose rulers were not committed to their eradication, but who demanded some minimum requirements for the sake of appearances, these Anabaptists found that they could bend and not be broken. In some measure, all Swiss Anabaptist groups that survived in hostile territory would have to do the same. Strict sectarian boundaries were possible only where toleration was offered, typically by local lords who were willing to accept refugee Anabaptist communities for economic reasons.


By far the best possiblities of refuge for Anabaptists on the run between 1526 and 1528 lay in the city of Nikolsburg, under the lordship of Leonard von Liechtenstein. By the time Balthasar Hubmaier sought refuge there (ca. July 1526) Nikolsburg had already moved in a Zwinglian evangelical direction thanks to the efforts of local pastors Hans Spittelmaier and Oswald Glaidt. (500) Although evangelical refugees knew about the freedom to be found in Moravia, the first Anabaptist contact apparently was established by Hubmaier. (501) Within a few months Hubmaier had managed to turn Nikolsburg in an officially Anabaptist direction, baptizing Spittlemaier and Glaidt, as well as the city's lord, Leonhard von Liechtenstein. Within a short time the city had become an Anabaptist center, with the initial number of baptized members estimated at around 2,000. (502) Bergsten notes that although many Anabaptists with "differing shades of belief" from Switzerland, Germany and Austria came to Nikolsburg, nevertheless there was no initial trouble in the fall and winter of 1526-1527, such as would develop in the spring of 1527. (503) The basic ecclesial direction was set by Hubmaier, along the lines he had tested briefly in Waldshut; in other words, Nikolsburg Anabaptism was supported by political power, but was nevertheless Swiss Anabaptist in its essentials.

There is indirect evidence that there were underlying tensions, as one might expect, between the Anabaptist followers of Hubmaier and more radically-minded separatist Anabaptist refugees. (504) From later events, it appears that a separatist faction was led by "the one-eyed Swabian," Jacob Wiedemann, who gathered his followers in the village of Bergen, outside the city walls. (505) Into this mix came the apocalyptically-minded South German Anabaptist leader Hans Hut in May 1527, who won support not only among the more radical faction, but also among some important supporters of Hubmaier in the city. (506) The central point of contention seems to have been Hut's end times calendar and preaching; some teaching on community of goods may have been involved as well, but this is not well documented.

Following a private meeting between Hut and Hubmaier, a public disputation was held between them (the Nikolsburg Disputation of 1527) in the church of the city, which was followed in turn by a private disputation at the castle, before Lord Leonard. The main points of contention appear to have been Hut's end times calculations, opposed by Hubmaier, and Hut's accusation of laxity on Hubmaier's part for allowing too many unprepared people into the church. (507) Hut was thrown into prison by Lord Leonard, himself a baptized member of the Anabaptist community, and in spite of Hut's successful escape from prison and departure from the city, the division of the Anabaptist community in Moravia was a foregone conclusion. Having Hut and some of his supporters leave Nikolsburg eased immediate tensions in the city, but there remained the issue of the sword of government, and the two contrasting Swiss Anabaptist views concerning government.

On June 24, 1527, Hubmaier published his last work, On the Sword, composed perhaps with a view to establish his "orthodoxy" in matters political, but nevertheless directed against Schleitheim's Article 6 specifically and the separatist interpretation of Anabaptism more generally. (508) The remarkable fact is not that open controversy among the Anabaptists in Nikolsburg emerged on this question, but rather that "sword bearing" and "staff bearing" Swiss Anabaptists managed to coexist for so long in Nikolsburg without first resolving this difference. The immediate objects of Hubmaier's pamphlet probably were the brethren gathered around Jakob Wiedemann in the village of Bergen.

In the Schleitheim Articles, Michael Sattler had argued that there are two opposed kingdoms, and that the Christian belongs under the lordship of Christ. Hubmaier argued in On the Sword that Christians are not Christ: "Christ alone can say in truth 'My kingdom is not of this world.'" As far as Christ's followers and disciples are concerned, "we are stuck in [this world] right up to our ears, and we will not be able to be free from it here on earth." (509) Here Hubmaler sounded the same note as in his earliest Anabaptist writing, when he emphasized human limitation and the need for God's grace, over against optimistic claims of "sinlessness," attributed, not without reason, to Felix Mantz. (510)

The other side of Hubmaier's argument was pneumatological, even if unstated at this place: Hubmaier had less confidence in the power of the Spirit to regenerate human beings. Hubmaier was less optimistic in both his anthropology and pneumatology, and this turned his ecclesiology away from perfectionist separatism toward a broader, more inclusive understanding of the church. Hubmaier's ecclesiology, while thoroughly Anabaptist and so also, of necessity, regenerationist, nevertheless expected the church to be made up of those who were still "stuck in this world up to their ears," both personally and corporately.

Hubmaier's second argument against Schleitheim's view maintained that the example of Christ's life was unique and could not be universally binding on all persons in every conceivable social station or "office." Everyone, concluded Hubmaier, should thus continue in their proper stations and offices in this life, performing the duties appropriate to those offices: "Just as Christ wanted to do justice to his office on earth, likewise we should fulfill our office and calling, be it in government or in obedience." (511) To these arguments Hubmaier added a third: God, said Hubmaier, did not "ordain" two opposed kingdoms, but rather intended a harmony to exist between church and government. The proper way of harmonizing the command not to kill (Matthew 5) and the divine "ordering" of the sword of government (Romans 13), Hubmaier said, is to see the personal focus of the first command (which calls even more fundamentally for a lack of hate or anger on the part of individual Christians), and the social focus of the second, which establishes government which "does not kill out of anger ... but by the order of God ..." (512) Against an ethic based exclusively on the measure of Christ's life (a "Lordship of Christ" ethic), Hubmaier insisted on "the Lordship of God," who ordained both personal nonresistance and the "legitimate" use of force, each in its proper sphere.

A fundamental ecclesiological tension already was discernible among Swiss Anabaptists in 1525. The essential building blocks of the later Schleitheim position were being utilized by Felix Mantz in 1525, including a strong Christocentric focus, an emphasis on rebirth and a call for blameless living on the strength of that rebirth. Against the ecclesiological implications of this position Hubmaier presented, in essence, the same anthropological and pneumatological arguments in July 1525 as he would repeat later in On the Sword: human beings remain human, even after spiritual rebirth, and continue to require God's grace at every step. Hubmaier's position was Anabaptist, even if it was not leading in a separatist and sectarian direction. Even separatist Anabaptists would have to face the question of the limits of regeneration and the ability of the regenerate to live without sin. Sometimes their answers echo Hubmaier's appeal to God's necessary grace for holy living, but even so with more optimism than Hubmaier could muster. (513)

Just one month after the publication of On the Sword, Hubmaier was arrested by Austrian authorities, and subsequently burned at the stake in Vienna on March 10, 1528; his wife, Elsbeth, was drowned three days later in the Danube. (514) Back in Nikolsburg, the Jakob Wiedemann group continued its separatist opposition to Lord Liechtenstein's Anabaptist majoritarian church, now led by Hans Spittelmaier. Early in 1528 a debate was held in Bergen between Spittelmaier on the one side, and Wiedemann and Philip Jager on the other. The Wiedemann group insisted on nonresistance in the manner of the Swiss followers of Schleitheim; Wiedemann and Jager also seem to have incorporated some of Hut's end times teaching--although obviously not Hut's views on the sword. Lord Leonard eventually asked the dissidents to leave, which they did in late winter, 1528. This particular crisis seems to have been precipitated because Liechtenstein had mobilized armed defense in the face of a threat by the Austrian provost. (515) The "staff-bearing" group of more than 200 refugees from Nikolsburg found a political space in the Moravian city of Austerlitz, where the local lords promised them freedom of worship. In the course of their journey there they did establish a common purse, based upon a seven-point constitution that established community of goods in an eschatalogical context. It was to this group that Jacob Hutter came in 1529 from the Tyrol.

Hubmaier's state-affirming Anabaptism and the separatist Anabaptism of Schleitheim grew out of the same Swiss Anabaptist roots, but divergent anthropological and regenerationist principles eventually bore fruit in significantly different ecclesiologies, under the pressure of changing social and political circumstances. The story is one of evolution, not one of differing points of origin. Furthermore, it is often suggested (implicitly if not explicitly) that Schleitheim marked an immediate and thorough consolidation in Swiss Anabaptism, and that Schleitheim thus represents the essence of mature Swiss Anabaptism. We have seen that in Anabaptist communities in Switzerland and elsewhere, however, Schleitheim did not immediately define the parameters of the baptizing communities, nor did its seven articles exhaust the issues deemed important by all Anabaptist leaders.

The pacifist brethren in Nikolsburg also were still working out the full implications of the "two kingdoms" Schleitheim position. The problem for the nonresistant Anabaptists in Nikolsburg was unique, in that an Anabaptist ruler had granted them asylum and was protecting them with his own sword against their mutual enemies. As a territorial lord who was born to his office and station in life, had Leonard not been "ordained of God" to punish evil and protect the good with the sword? Separatist ecclesiology did not function well in this shade of gray; it worked best in a context of unrelenting conflict and persecution, where it was beyond question that the magistrates were ravenous wolves and that not a one of them was inside the "perfection of Christ." In the end, the clash between "faithfulness to Christ in nonresistance" (Matthew 5) and "responsible governance as ordained by God" (Romans 13) could not be avoided by Anabaptists in Nikolsburg, in spite of an extended period of coexistence.

The political openings that allowed a legitimist, majoritarian Anabaptism to come into being in Waldshut and Nikolsburg would soon disappear, leaving the baptizers facing a polarized world of black and white, good and evil, church and world, Christ and Belial. In such a setting, to accept Hubmaier's arguments for a majoritarian church of the baptized was to move toward recantation of Anabaptism, for no Anabaptist majoritarian church would again be possible in sixteenth-century Europe. Sixteenth-century Anabaptism had to become separatist or invisible (or both), or face eradication. This, however, was the result of external historical developments, not the result of an inevitable separatist ecclesial logic within original Anabaptist principles themselves.

It is important to note that the various Anabaptist tendencies that met at Nikolsburg did not emerge unchanged from that setting. The pacifist "staff bearers" who formed communal settlements in other parts of Moravia underwent a fusion of Schleitheim's teaching of absolute separatist nonresistance with Hans Hut's apocalyptic expectations, to which eventually was added the ecclesiological distinctive of a legislated sharing of goods. This was a further refinement of the Anabaptist position that had not existed exactly in this form before, either in Hubmaier, in the Schleitheim Swiss Anabaptists or in Hut. (516)

Hubmaier's majoritarian Anabaptism did not long outlive him, since the requisite political support soon disappeared; Hut's apocalyptic excitement waned quickly following his death in 1527. Nevertheless, the contributions of both leaders to the baptizing movement were immense. Hubmaier's overall contribution to Anabaptism should not be measured solely on the scale of the success or failure of his vision for a politically-legitimate Anabaptist church--an ecclesiological vision that failed totally in the sixteenth century. Beyond that failure, however, Hubmaier not only managed to define the biblical bases for the baptism of adults, but he also was the first to establish the essential shape of Anabaptist ecclesiology, placing it on solid biblical and theological foundations. It was Hubmaier who first articulated the theological relationships between repentance, regeneration, faith, baptism, church discipline and the Lord's Supper, all of which were to lead to a new life lived in community. The essential shape of this ecclesiology, marked by the visible "ceremonies" of baptism and the Lord's Supper, continued to define Anabaptist churches, even after "separation" was added to the basic ecclesial definition by ever more Anabaptists.

Likewise, Hans Hut's contribution should not be measured primarily on the basis of his failed apocalyptic calendar. Hut's apocalyptic "mood" survived in the Hutterite zeal to gather together the elect into their communities "in these dangerous last days." (517)

While Hut's contributions were not as broadly theological as Hubmaier's, he and other South German Anabaptist leaders, such as Hans Denck, did introduce a deep mystical current to Anabaptism that found its theological expression in the teaching of Gelassenheit--yieldedness to God in rebirth--and that later would be given ecclesial expression in the teaching on community of goods--yieldedness of all of ones possessions to the body of Christ. (518) The heightened pneumatological expectation of Hans Hut contrasts with Hubmaier's more pessimistic expectations for the regenerate, and led to a fundamental ecclesial difference separating the two Anabaptist reformers and the baptizing movements they informed and influenced. Gelassenheit provided the basis for the unnatural yielding of one's concrete claims to property. Hubmaier's theology had no room for such a level of regeneration, or such a separatist ecclesiology: one shared with the needy, of course, but remained an imperfect steward of God's possessions. The diminished pneumatology of the Swiss Anabaptists generally, Hubmaier included, and their heightened emphasis on the "rule of life" provided by written Scripture, led more naturally to the retention of private property whose use was to be governed by broader scriptural norms.

The separatist, but noncommunitarian, Anabaptism of the Swiss Anabaptists who generally followed Schleitheim (those who came to be called "Swiss Brethren") and the separatist, communitarian Anabaptism that emerged from the Nikolsburg experience (later the Hutterian Brethren) were interpretations and expressions of Anabaptism that would survive to the end of the sixteenth century and beyond. Both had important common roots in communitarian Swiss Anabaptism, but each was shaped by distinct theological currents.


The beginnings of Anabaptism in Strasbourg can no longer be identified in the sources, although it appears that there were small groups of Anabaptists in the city already by late summer of 1525; with the fall of Waldshut in December and increased persecution in Zurich and elsewhere, refugees began to arrive in earnest. Among the first to be noted in the record was Wilhelm Reublin. Reublin stayed in the home of Jorg Ziegler, a tailor whose house would remain an important meeting place for Anabaptists; Reublin was not the originator of this small group, but rather came to visit a group already functioning. (519)

Although there was a report in July 1526 that preachers were subjected to insults when they baptized infants. (520) The preachers were hopeful that the Anabaptist movement was on the wane, but in November 1526 Hans Denck arrived, followed by Ludwig Hatzer, Jacob Gross and Michael Sattler in quick succession. Of these, Hans Denck was the most active, and disturbed the city's preachers the most. Hatzer had consorted with Anabaptists in Zurich and been expelled; he would work closely with Hans Denck later in Worms on a translation of the Old Testament prophets. He was Capito's house guest for about a month in December 1526, but he disavowed any connections with the Anabaptists and left the city voluntarily early in 1527. Jacob Gross worked primarily among small conventicles in the city; Michael Sattler appears to have done no proselytizing or baptizing in the city. Hans Denck, to the contrary, quickly gained a significant gathering in the city to the point that the reformers felt directly threatened. Following a private disputation in Capito's home with Cellarius, a public disputation was held on December 22, 1526, with the city's clergy, in front of 400 interested citizens. Martin Bucer carried the debate for the Strasbourg preachers; Denck was characteristically irenic and evasive. The end result was that Denck was banished from the city and departed on December 25. (521)

Likely as a result of the public disputation, the civic authorities rounded up a group of Anabaptists: Jacob Gross, the itinerant Anabaptist evangelist from Waldshut; Jorg Tucher from Weissenburg, Switzerland; Mathias Hiller, a furrier from St. Gallen, who was baptized by Gross in Strasbourg; Wilhelm Echsel, a cobbler from Valois, who was baptized in Zurich; and Jorg Ziegler, the Strasbourg tailor who had given lodging to Reublin earlier. (522) Their testimony is particularly important, for it is one of the few glimpses we have of the emerging Anabaptist and radical conventicles in Strasbourg in late 1526 and early 1527.

The persons arrested testified to teachings that would later be associated with the Swiss Brethren, with some interesting details and variations. Tucher described their worship as follows: "They began with prayer asking for patience in cross and suffering. Then each one explicated Scripture to the best of his ability. Thereby they strengthened their intention to do nothing contrary to God's will and to practice love of neighbor." (523)

On the question of the sword, Tucher clarified that although three or four of their group had been in Zurich, nevertheless they were not agreed on whether or not they were bound to render military service if called to do so by the authorities. Furthermore, they practiced a kind of community of goods, sharing their possessions with those in need. Besides emphasis on the obedience to the letter of Scripture and the admonition to live a new life (love of neighbor), Tucher's mention of a rudimentary teaching of community of goods and his comments about the sword both reflected the uncertain ecclesiastical definition of Swiss Anabaptism at this time.

The emphasis on a new life was underscored by Wilhelm Echsel, who said that when they gathered together "they admonished each other to desist from sin and scandal." (524) He also insisted on the basis of Mark 16:16 that one must first believe, and then be baptized. Echsel clearly was one of those "from Zurich," for he had been imprisoned with Grebel, Mantz, Blaurock and others, and had escaped prison with them; he was re-arrested and then expelled from the canton in April of 1526. (525)

Jacob Gross, who emerged as the primary spokesman for the group, was not inclined to reticence: he attacked the ministers for the "lack of fruit" of their preaching in Strasbourg, suggesting that they would have more success if they didn't proceed to imprison those with whom they disagreed. He argued for adult baptism on the basis of 1 Peter 3:21 and Matthew 28:19, and said that he would obey government "in all that was not against God"; he stated clearly that killing was against God's command, and argued besides that no Christian may swear an oath, citing Matthew 5:34. He admitted to having baptized Mathias Hiller and an unnamed potter while in Strasbourg. (526)

At about this same time Michael Sattler appeared in Strasbourg, held conversations with Capito and Bucer, and then pleaded in writing for the release of Gross and the other prisoners. Sattler related to the Swiss Anabaptists in Strasbourg, as is clear from his connections to the individuals involved both before and after the arrest of Gross and his compatriots. Gross and Sattler both missionized in Lahr, across the Rhine from Strasbourg, and both baptized converts there--Gross prior to coming to Strasbourg, and Sattler after having been in Strasbourg; whether they worked in Lahr concurrently is no longer clear from the sources. (527) When Sattler was arrested in Horb, Wilhelm Reublin, who had had earlier connections with Jorg Ziegler in Strasbourg, was present with the group. Mathias Hiller, baptized by Gross in Strasbourg and one of the prisoners for whom Sattler appealed, was arrested with Sattler and was executed with him in Rottenburg. (528) What, if any, Sattler's contacts were with the "Denckian" group in Strasbourg is no longer clear, but Ludwig Hatzer's negative comment concerning Sattler--that Sattler was "a sly evil lurker ... of whom we expected better things"--suggests an underlying tension with Hatzer at least, if not with Denck. (529)

There were, then, emerging Swiss Anabaptist groups in Strasbourg just prior to the composition of the Schleitheim Articles on February 24, 1527. They operated primarily among the craftsmen of the city, namely furriers, tailors, tanners, coopers, weavers and cobblers. There were, in addition, persons who had associated more closely with Hans Denck and Ludwig Hatzer, such as the notary Fridolin Meyger, who continued to organize meetings in the city; and finally, local grassroots reformers like Clemens Ziegler continued their activity. (530) But the lines of division between the grass roots radicals still were not firmly established. Clemens Ziegler (who never became an Anabaptist) was present at one Anabaptist meeting where a baptism took place, and he continued to host Anabaptist meetings; (531) Jorg Ziegler claimed that he had been asked by Capito as well as by Hans Denck to lodge Anabaptists. One would have to agree with Musing's observation that "the boundaries between the various groups were fluid" and probably not clearly visible to the participants themselves in early 1527. (532) Likewise the clergy were not of one mind as to how to deal with the various dissenting groups and individuals; Capito's vacillation and Bucer's growing determination point to either end of the spectrum.

The Strasbourg city council, while not yet declaring itself on doctrinal questions, was particularly concerned with preserving peace and order. On July 27, 1527, half a year after Zurich had drowned Felix Mantz for Anabaptism, the Strasbourg authorities promulgated their first decree against any who might reject a Christian government and destroy the unity of the community. With characteristic leniency, the penalties for disobedience to the mandate were not specified, but were to be applied in each particular case. (533) In light of increasingly harsh measures being taken elsewhere, this mandate encouraged, rather than discouraged, the arrival of religious refugees. (534)

The definition and the actual functioning of dissenting conventicles in Strasbourg are hidden from view for the years 1526 and 1527, but two facts are indisputable: Capito and Bucer knew and conversed with both Hans Denck and Michael Sattler; and, they were as unanimous in condemning Denck's "heretical" and "dangerous" views as they were in praising Sattler as a "dear friend of God." At the end of May 1527, after Sattler's martyrdom, Capito wrote to the authorities in Horb pleading for the release of Sattler's compatriots, in prison there; he also wrote to the prisoners themselves. Capito said that although Sattler "did hold to some errors regarding the Word," nevertheless "he demonstrated at all times an excellent zeal for the honor of God and the church of Christ." (535) Martin Bucer, in his Getrewe Warnung of July 2, 1527, called Sattler "a dear friend of God" and "a martyr of Christ." (536) At what points did Sattler and Denck agree and disagree, and what did Bucer and Capito mean by praising Sattler over Denck?

It is a commonplace to begin by indicating the differences between Denck and Sattler with regard to Scripture: for Hans Denck the primary "Word" was the inner Word, to which the written outer Word of Scripture provided a witness; for Sattler, the outer Word (particularly the New Testament) was authoritative and called for obedience in the manner of a rule of life. But Denck's spirit/letter distinction pointed to more fundamental positions: Denck's Christology and his anthropology both placed more importance on the incarnate Word within believers than they did on the incarnate Christ of history. Thus the satisfaction or atonement of Christ on the cross was not the central feature of Denck's soteriology; rather, salvation was attained when the incarnate Word worked within believers. There had to be cooperation between human beings and the divine, and salvation was thus "a gradual deification process in man." (537) But, said Denck, because believers were ruled by the Spirit of Christ, they would manifest a new life of love, in conformity with Christ's life on earth as witnessed to in Scripture.

Given Denck's mystical worldview and his individualistic emphasis, his Anabaptist ecclesiology was of secondary concern. For a time in 1526 and 1527 Denck said that the outer manifestations of love would include water baptism, the ban, and the Supper, but at the end of his life he repented of having insisting on the outward ceremonies: they had led to division, disagreement and schism in Christendom at large and within Anabaptism in particular. (538)

It is not difficult to see why these teachings, as they came to light in debate, would be opposed by the evangelical reformers. Denck's Christology and devaluation of the historical sacrifice and atonement of Christ could not be reconciled with the reformers' stress on salvation by faith and traditional understandings of atonement. Again, Denck's optimistic anthropology (the inner Word in all human beings; cooperation with the Word; and progressive deification) collided head-on with the evangelical stress on universal human depravity, and salvation by faith received as a free gift of God in which no human work (or cooperation) could play a part. What came to light in all of this was Denck's spiritualist or mystical interpretation of written Scripture, which also ran counter to the Reformation stress on Scripture alone.

In what ways did Sattler's views not agree with Denck's? Martin Bucer's statement is often cited: "concerning the satisfaction (or atonement: erlosung) of Christ, on which all depends, we have found no error in this Michael Sattler as we did with Denck." (539) In fact, in articles 1 and 3 of the letter that Sattler wrote to Bucer and Capito, Sattler underscored (perhaps with Denck in mind?) the centrality of Christ's sacrifice and the necessity of faith for salvation: "Christ came to save all those who would believe in Him alone.... Faith in Jesus Christ reconciles us with the Father and gives us access to Him." (540) All this has led some to argue that Sattler and the mainline reformers were in essential agreement on Christology and soteriology, with Sattler standing with the reformers against Denck. Such a conclusion, however, is imprecise and overdrawn.

Although there were significant dogmatic differences--Sattler did not share Denck's Christology of the "immanent Word" or Denck's Neoplatonist anthropology--nevertheless in describing what is required for salvation, Denck and Sattler stood very close together indeed, against the evangelical reformers. Sattler would emphasize (as Denck might not) that salvation is granted only to those who have faith in Christ's historical sacrifice, but Sattler's letter to Bucer and Capito immediately insisted on further steps that recall Denck's Anabaptism:
   Baptism incorporates all believers into the body of Christ, of
   which He is the head. Christ is the head of His body, i.e. of the
   believers or the congregation. As the head is minded, so must its
   members also be. The foreknown and called believers shall be
   conformed to the image of Christ. (541)

This "conforming to the image of Christ" Sattler explains later by saying that "the true Christians are those who do Christ's teaching with works (mitt wercken)." (542)

The crucial soteriological point that salvation depends on conformity between inner Christ-mindedness and outer Christ-like works was shared by both Denck and Sattler; without such conformity of faith and works there was no true inner faith, and no salvation. This the reformers could never accept. Of course, Denck explained such "conformity" as being the result of yielding to the power of the inner Word residing in all; for Sattler, the "elect" would receive grace that would enable obedience. Sattler never defined his anthropology, but it is clear that he expected the Spirit of Christ to enable believers to "do Christ's teaching with works," and in this optimism (both pneumatic and anthropological) he stood close to Denck, and at some distance from Bucer and Capito.

An anonymous Swiss Brethren tract, bound in one volume with Schleitheim and other writings by Sattler, makes the point clearly:
   How then has Christ worked satisfaction for our sins? Answer: Not
   alone for our own, but for the sins of the whole world, insofar as
   the world believes in Him, and follows after Him according to the
   requirement of faith.... Yea, he as the head of His church, has
   done enough; yet He will nevertheless day by day again d enough in
   His members and for them, until the end of the world.... (543)

Was Bucer aware of the fact that Sattler's soteriological requirement for an "obedience of faith" was in essence the same critique of evangelical soteriology as was Denck's, namely that Christ's satisfaction for sin would only be efficacious for one who "follows after Christ" in obedience? Was Bucer aware of the fact that Sattler also was calling for "cooperation" with grace?

No doubt he was, but following the notorious execution of Sattler by Roman Catholic authorities in Rottenburg, Bucer probably was inclined to be charitable, and to leave some things unsaid. In Bucer's refutation of Jacob Kautz's seven articles (written under Denck's influence and posted at Worms in the summer of 1527), Bucer attacked Kautz's statement on Christ's atonement by labeling Kautz a follower of Denck and one of "Muntzer's children," who have no true faith in Christ. But Kautz's statement was unexeptional from any Anabaptist perspective; in fact Kautz simply restates the same point we have cited above from a published Swiss Anabaptist tract. Kautz wrote: "Jesus of Nazareth in no way suffered for us or made satisfaction [for our sins], unless we follow in his footsteps and walk the path that he walked before and follow the command of the Father as did the Son, each one in his own manner." (544) Bucer's description of Denck's view (which Bucer says he had heard often from Denck himself in Strasbourg) agrees with what Kautz wrote: "that all the elect, after they are members of Christ's body, must be conformed to the example (ebenbildt) of Christ through the Spirit of God...." Although Bucer was not inclined to include Sattler among "Muntzer's children," he well knew that Sattler had made precisely the same point in Strasbourg, for Sattler made the point in his letter to Bucer and to Wolfgang Capito. (545)

Capito's letter to the government in Horb following Sattler's execution is more direct: "We were not in agreement with him," said Capito of Sattler, "as he wished to make Christians righteous by their acceptance of articles and an outward commitment. This we thought to be the beginning of a new monasticism." (546) Capito urged instead reliance on Christ's merits, offered to sinners "out of pure grace." Or, as Capito stated later in his letter: "Their foundation is truly that we must hear Christ the Son of God and that he who believes in Him has eternal life. This foundation stands fast against the gates of hell. On it, however, they build wood, hay, and stubble...." (547) But it was precisely the "wood, hay, and stubble" of a visible life of conformity to Christ and the commands of Scripture that Sattler insisted was an integral part of "salvation by faith," as Capito (and doubtless Bucer too) knew well. Capito says: "It is true that, if they believe baptism upon confession to be necessary for salvation, they are in error." (548) Capito knew that Sattler and his followers believed just that, for Sattler said so explicitly in his letter to the Strasbourg reformers, citing Mark 16:16. If in fact, as Capito noted in a letter to Zwingli, Denck's "heresy" was that he minimized "the sufficiency of Christ's redemptive work," (549) the same had to be said (from the evangelical reformers' perspective) of Sattler's insistence on "the obedience of faith." The Anabaptists (Denck and Sattler alike) did hold that "Christ had done enough," but the crucial soteriological point for them was that Christ would continue doing enough in his members.

In soteriology, Sattler and Denck stood essentially united against the Protestant soteriological foundation of salvation by grace through faith alone. Nevertheless, the theological differences between Denck and Sattler also were real, and led to different ecclesiological conclusions that would bear fruit later, in the spiritualist and Anabaptist controversies. Insofar as Denck and the later spiritualists focused on the workings of the Spirit within as the only true essence, they saw external works as potentially expendable. Insofar as Sattler and later ecclesial Anabaptists focused on the life of Christ and the commands of Scripture as the unfailing rule for the living of a spiritual life, they saw extemal works as primary and in no way expendable. Sattler and Denck (to the extent that they knew each other) probably were aware of those differences. Hatzer's dismissal of Sattler is partly clarified by Hatzer's subsequent comment that praised the Strasbourg reformers for "leaving baptism free." (550) Hatzer's critique of Sattler was the spiritualist reproach that Sattler was making an "outward observance" salvifically necessary, rather than optional.

The tension in early Anabaptism between spirit and letter, and contrasting understandings of the church as either essentially spiritual or essentially physical, were divergent directions in early Anabaptism well represented by Denck and Sattler respectively; the early cooperation between Anabaptists of both tendencies is explained by the fact that early Anabaptists could agree that both poles were to be held together. The differences between Denck and Sattler that came to light in Strasbourg in 1526 and 1527 would remain to be worked out later in Anabaptist and spiritualist soteriology and ecclesiology.

In September 1528, Pilgram Marpeck, a former mining magistrate from Rattenberg in the Tyrol and an Anabaptist refugee, became a citizen of Strasbourg through the purchase of citizenship. He stood in the South German Anabaptist line of Denck and Hut, but was not as spiritualist as Denck or as apocalyptic as Hut. His Anabaptist convictions and concerns for social justice led him to associate with Fridolin Meyger and Lukas Hackfurt in Strasbourg, the latter of whom was responsible for poor relief. (551) These interests led to Marpeck's arrest in October 1528 for having allowed a meeting of Anabaptists in his house; arrested along with him were Meyger, Reublin and Kautz, the latter two of whom had returned to Strasbourg in spite of having been banned earlier. (552) Meyger recanted and swore an oath at this time; Reublin and Kautz would not, and remained in prison; the record is silent concerning Marpeck's fate. Perhaps he was pardoned, for in his defense he argued that the meeting had taken place in order to help the many poor refugees that were to be found in the city, and there is no record of further hearings with him concerning this arrest. In any case he soon was in the employ of the city, supervising the purchase of forest land, the cutting of trees and the construction of dams to transport the wood to Strasbourg. (553)

The arrest of Reublin and Kautz sheds some interesting light on how these two Anabaptists, representing "Swiss" and "Denckian" streams respectively, understood each other in late 1528. Although Reublin said that he did not agree with all of Kautz's points, nevertheless in January 1529 they composed a joint confession, written in the first person plural. (554) They considered themselves members of the same group, and agreed on essential teachings, including the existence of an inner or spiritual church called directly of God, which became the outer or visible church, recognizable through obedience to the commands of Christ and the practices of the apostles, particularly through water baptism. (555)

It would not be long, however, until the lines of division between the more ecclesial Anabaptists and the more spiritualist baptizers--implicit already in Sattler and Denck, and visible, though not divisive, in Reublin and Kautz--would be drawn clearly in Strasbourg. The year 1529 saw the arrival of Hans Bunderlin, Christian Entfelder, Sebastian Franck and Caspar Schwenckfeld, all of whom were, or soon became, defenders of a more militantly "spiritual" (and nonecclesial) Christianity. Both Bunderlin and Entfelder were Anabaptists in the South German line of Denck and Hut, but clearly more influenced by Denck's spiritualism. Bunderlin had led the Anabaptist congregation in Linz, but fled to Strasbourg in early 1529. He published four books there before being expelled later in the same year. The third of these, Explanation through Study of the Biblical Writings, was directed against the Anabaptist practice of water baptism and celebration of the Supper. Bunderlin had moved to a purely spiritualist position. (556)

Christian Entfelder likewise had solid Anabaptist credentials, serving as elder of an Anabaptist congregation in Eibenschitz, Moravia. He also fled to Strasbourg in 1529 and, although there is no documentation of contact with Bunderlin, the first of Entfelder's three books, On the Many Divisions in the Faith, is very close in spirit and content to Bunderlin's Explanation. In this writing Entfelder distanced himself from all the disagreeing Reformation groups, including the Anabaptists, and called for an internal (and invisible) spiritual unity instead. (557)

Much as had Hans Denck's repudiation of "external ceremonies" in his last writing in Basel, the move away from Anabaptism to spiritualism by Bunderlin and Entfelder, both erstwhile Anabaptist leaders of some repute, brought to light a fundamental tension present in the sacramental position of Anabaptism: why should mere "ceremonies" be observed, since the essential work is spiritual and the ceremonies only serve to divide believers from one another? To this challenge Pilgram Marpeck responded with two booklets written in 1531: A Clear Refutation and A Clear and Useful Instruction. (558) Lending weight to these spiritualist defections from Anabaptism in Strasbourg were Sebastian Franck and Caspar Schwenckfeld, both of whom were influential spiritualist evangelicals and prolific writers. The spiritualist option was presented in a variety of appealing ways in 1529 and following; it was made all the more attractive by unrelenting persecution, growing division within Anabaptism and the spiritualist root at the heart of Anabaptism itself.

It was into this rich and volatile setting that Melchior Hoffman came in the summer of 1529. Hoffman developed yet a third expression of Anabaptism that, although it incorporated adult baptism, the ban and a memorial Supper, nevertheless placed these ecclesiological ordinances in a visionary, apocalyptic context. Hoffman was influenced strongly by the spiritualists he encountered in Strasbourg, as can be seen in the spiritualized Christology he apparently borrowed from the spiritualist Caspar Schwenckfeld and modified to fit his brand of Anabaptism. From Hoffman would originate a third variety of Anabaptism, namely the Melchiorite Anabaptism that flourished in North Germany and the Netherlands.

The Philipite strand of the Swiss Anabaptist story, while developing most visibly in Moravia, has its roots in Strasbourg and so can logically be told here. Philip Plener, the founder and bishop of the communal Moravian group called the Philipites, was a weaver from a small town near Strasbourg. (559) Historical records do not say when he became an Anabaptist, but Werner Packull suggests a likely date of 1526 or 1527. He may have been in Nikolsburg as early as 1527 or 1528. (560) Although it is impossible to sort out an unambiguous line of influence from a particular Anabaptist leader or direction, there are Swiss Anabaptist connections throughout Plener's known biography, and his teachings, including his conception of a voluntary community of goods, correspond closely to Swiss Anabaptist teachings elsewhere. (561) The Philipite community established in Moravia, with Philip Plener at its head, lived in community and shared goods together. Of course, voluntary communal sharing of goods went a step beyond what took place (or was able to take place) in Swiss territories; but Swiss Anabaptist refugees from the Palatinate, Neckar River valley and Wurttemberg appear to have had no trouble adapting their Anabaptism to Philipite communal life in Moravia.

Clearly, public communal living was possible in Moravia only because of the forbearance of the Moravian lords. The case of the Philipites suggests that the strong emphasis on Christian sharing and mutual aid in early Swiss Anabaptism could develop easily into a full communal life, when the external circumstances permitted such a development. Community of goods was not the exclusive product of Hutian South German Anabaptism; neither can Swiss Anabaptism up to 1530 be characterized as opposing community of goods on principle. The process of accepting life in community also worked in reverse for the Philipites, when circumstances dictated. When the Philipites were exiled from Moravia in 1535, they fled back to their homelands and reintegrated quickly back into the noncommunal Swiss Anabaptism of the upper Rhine, the Palatinate and Wurttemberg, contributing their hymnody to form the core of the Ausbund, the Swiss Brethren hymnal. (562) It was not until a legislated community of goods became a divisive marker between Hutterites and all other Anabaptists that the label "Swiss Brethren" came to designate those Anabaptists who held to separated communities and mutual aid, but on a voluntary basis, without the giving up of private property. (563)

By 1533 the Strasbourg council and preachers set out to define their reformation in the face of the varied challenges posed by the religious dissidents in their midst. The end result of several synodal sessions in 1533 was the emergence of Martin Bucer as the preeminent pastor in Strasbourg--"the bishop of our church" in the words of Capito--and the firm establishment of the Reformation in the city. The council now had the mandate to regulate not only law and order in the city, but also matters of church doctrine and discipline. Strasbourg remained a tolerant city, and remained an Anabaptist center important especially to small numbers of Swiss Brethren in the 1540s, after Bucer managed to win over the Melchiorite leaders Georg Schnabel and Peter Tasch, and most of their following, in 1538 and 1539. (564)


A virtual truism in Anabaptist historiography has been that Schleitheim Anabaptism found quick and wide acceptance among Swiss Anabaptists. As we have seen, however, the acceptance of the articles in Swiss Anabaptist communities was uneven--not sudden and universally defining--and depended very much on local political conditions and local Anabaptist leadership. Careful examination of local records cautions against too facile an acceptance of the generalization of the triumph of Schleitheim in a time of crisis. There were degrees of "separation" put into practice among Swiss Anabaptists after 1527, with the sources suggesting that accommodation with amenable political authorities was the preferred Anabaptist option for those who wished to remain in their home territories--an option that could only be exercised when such political authorities were in place. Whether militant Schleitheim separatism in fact served migrating Anabaptist refugee communities better than it did indigenous communities who were attempting to survive underground bears further examination. The evidence from 1525 to 1530 reviewed here suggests that this may be so. Widespread appeals for religious toleration in the last quarter of the sixteenth century in Swiss territories suggest not the victory of militant Schleitheim sectarianism in Swiss territories, but rather the attempt to find accommodation with local authorities and to create a minimal political space for the practice of Anabaptist Christianity.

Reviewing the evidence for Swiss Anabaptism from 1525 to 1530 underlines the early appearance and stubborn survival of social and economic issues that remain hidden when one focuses exclusively on the Schleitheim Articles as the defining template for both early and late Swiss Anabaptism. The contentious issue of income from tithes and interest was an important biblical and economic issue even before baptism began, and continued to be debated in Swiss Anabaptist testimonies and disputations with the Reformed. The issue cannot be brushed aside as insignificant, as if it were the concern of only those who were "half-Anabaptists." The refusal of Swiss Anabaptists to accept the biblical legitimacy of tithe and interest income and their persistent criticism of those who lived from such income is a continuation of a crucial early theme in their disagreement with Zwingli and the Zurich authorities. It points to a stubborn anticlerical current continuing in later "separated" Anabaptist communities, for those who lived from such incomes were none other than the Reformed clergy in Swiss territories and the newly-reformed imperial cities. That Swiss Anabaptists quickly agreed to pay such taxes (as ordered by legitimate governments) meant little, when they simultaneously preached in the countryside that people who collected and were supported by such incomes were sub-Christian. The question of tithes and interest income continued to be, for later Anabaptists, a biblically-argued issue that critiqued social, economic and political realities at the same time. It is not surprising, given the historical dissatisfaction of the peasantry, that political authorities continued to place the topic of tithe and interest income on the agenda for debate with Anabaptists.

The conclusion that economic sharing was a biblical requirement for membership in the Body of Christ appears in the very first records from Zollikon, the day after the first baptisms in Zurich, and thus marks an ecclesiological teaching more fundamental than the ban, the latter of which was still invisible in the establishment of Zollikon Anabaptism. Given the centrality of economic sharing among the brethren as a sign of regeneration and commitment to living a new life--cemented by the celebration of the Lord's Supper--perhaps Schleitheim did not include a separate article on the subject simply because it was assumed, much as there are no separate articles on repentance, conversion and regeneration in the Schleitheim Articles, although that process is assumed prior to baptism. In short, the Schleitheim Articles provide a handy summary for those who put together anthologies of Reformation texts, but when the articles are considered the final word on Swiss Anabaptism, they are incomplete and misleading.

The spread of Swiss Anabaptism into the Empire and Moravia resulted in a fruitful interaction of Swiss Anabaptists with baptizers of more apocalyptic and spiritualist bent. That Swiss Anabaptism provided a creative impulse in these interactions is demonstrable, as can be seen in the migration and influence of Blaurock, Hubmaier, Reublin, Gross and Plener, and the continued influence of the Swiss Order and the Schleitheim Articles outside Switzerland. There was surprising collaboration among Swiss and South German Anabaptists in Augsburg, initially in Nikolsburg, Strasbourg and Esslingen, and later in Appenzell. At the same time, the beginnings of permanently divisive fissures among Anabaptists begin to appear in this period as well.

The division between spiritualist Anabaptists and ecclesial Anabaptists, a division visible already in comparing Denck and Sattler in 1526 and 1527, developed into a full-blown crisis and separation in Strasbourg in 1529 and following, when Bunderlin and Entfelder appealed to Anabaptists to leave behind all visible "ceremonies."

On the matter of sharing material goods, the early Swiss Anabaptist emphasis did, in one instance at least, develop into a full, voluntary community of goods in the Moravian context. However, neither Philip Plener nor the majority of his followers could agree with the Hutterite conclusion that the community of the faithful is necessarily limited to those who submit to a legislated community of goods, as their return to the Swiss Anabaptists demonstrated. This fissure, like the spiritualist one, came to light in the 1530s and became permanent.

The appearance of Melchior Hoffman in Strasbourg in 1529 marked the beginning of a third Anabaptist stream, which had more in common with apocalyptic and spiritualist South German Anabaptism than it did with ecclesial Swiss Anabaptism. The repudiation by Swiss Anabaptist spokesmen of Hoffman's "celestial flesh" Christology, and their denial that Hoffman was a "brother" at the Bern Disputation of 1538 point to a real division between Melchiorite and Swiss Anabaptists--one that was gradually overcome only later in the century as Mennonites from the north began to exert an influence on the Swiss.

Swiss Anabaptists from 1525 to 1530 began experiencing a pattern of life that would remain a reality for the movement for centuries, namely the need to negotiate a dangerous and hostile political landscape. It became necessary for them to flee territories where the authorities were determined to extirpate the movement; under such conditions, even an underground existence was not viable. Mass recantations are not unusual in this period, as the costs of insisting on Anabaptist belief and practice became too high for many. At the same time, in places such as Esslingen and Appenzell, where the authorities were not inclined to look very carefully, an underground existence was still possible, and continued for decades. The reality for many determined Swiss Anabaptists, however, was the need to flee elsewhere. A wide underground network of Anabaptist contacts sprang up across Switzerland, the Empire and Moravia that offered help to Anabaptists on the run, and suggested locations where some political space and employment might be available.

Numerically speaking, these refugee communities would become the most prosperous and viable in the long run, especially after the disastrous Thirty Years' War raised the stock of any available agriculturalists and craftsmen. It was from such a refugee community at the end of the seventeenth century that the Swiss Anabaptist reformer Jacob Amman insisted on a strict "separation from the world" according to Schleitheim principles, criticizing the "lax" Swiss Anabaptists who had managed to survive in Swiss territories for a century and a half through accommodation and compromise. The roots of the later Amish division can be seen developing, in nucleo, in the Swiss Anabaptist communities of 1525 to 1530.

(1.) Hans-Jurgen Goertz, Religiose Bewegungen in der Fruhen Neuzeit (Munich: Oldenbourg Verlag, 1993), 79.

(2.) For a critical and thorough review (as of 1975), see James Stayer, Werner Packull and Klaus Deppermann, "From Monogenesis to Polygenesis: The Historical Discussion of Anabaptist Origins," MQR 49 (Apr. 1975), 83-122. A later "revisionist" perspective is found in Goertz, Religiose Bewegungen, 75-89. For a recent overview, see John D. Roth, "Recent Currents in the Historiography of the Radical Reformation," Church History 71:3 (Sept. 2002), 523-535.

(3.) Andrea Strubind, Eifriger als Zwingli: Die fruhe Tauferbewegung in der Schweiz (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 2003). See the review by James M. Stayer, and Strubind's response, in MQR (Apr. 2004), 297-313.

(4.) James M. Stayer, Anabaptists and the Sword (Lawrence, KS: Coronado, 1972); James Stayer, "Die Anfange des schweizerischen Taufertums im reformierten Kongregationalismus," in Hans-Jurgen Goertz, ed. Umstrittenes Taufertum (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1977), 19-49; Martin Haas, "Der Weg der Taufer in die Absonderung," in Goertz, Umstrittenes Taufertum, 50-78. The classic "revisionist" article is Stayer, Packull and Deppermann, "From Monogenesis ...." noted above. See also Hans-Jurgen Goertz, "History and Theology: A Major Problem of Anabaptist Research Today," MQR 53 (July 1979), 177-188; idem., Pfaffenhass und Gross Geschrei (Munich, 1987); Hans-Jurgen Goertz, The Anabaptists (London: Routledge, 1996) for arguments "de-theologizing" Anabaptist history and arguing for socio-historical causes. James Stayer and Werner Packull have both softened the initial "genetic" division between Swiss and South German Anabaptist groups in recent publications. See James M. Stayer, The German Peasants" War and Anabaptist Community of Goods (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1991); Werner O. Packull, Hutterite Beginnings (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1995).

(5.) The date is established by Fritz Blanke, Brothers in Christ, trans. J. Nordelhaug (Scottdale, PA: Mennonite Publishing House, 1966), 20.

(6.) The Chronicle of the Hutterian Brethren, Known as Das grosse Geschichtbuch der Hutterischen Bruder (Rifton, N.Y. : Plough Pub. House, 1987), 45.

(7.) Ulrich Gabler, Huldrych Zwingli: His Life and Work, trans. Ruth C. L. Gritsch (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1986), 45-49.

(8.) See the "excursus" in Strubind, Eifriger, 131-147.

(9.) Strubind, Eifriger, 135-136.

(10.) Documentation on the Castelberger group is scanty. It is first mentioned in May 1522. The court record of testimonies of participants is undated, but probably dates from midsummer, 1523. See Leland Harder, ed. The Sources of Swiss Anabaptism (Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1985), 647, n. 2. See the excellent summary by Werner Packull, "The Origins of Swiss Anabaptism in the Context of the Reformation of the Common Man," Journal of Mennonite Studies 3 (1985), 38-41. Andrea Strubind argues for continuity between the elitist Zurich study group and the more humble lay "reading groups."--Strubind, Eifriger, 141. See also J. F. Gerhard Goeters, "Die Vorgeschichte des Taufertums in Zurich," in ed. L. Abramowski and J. F. G. Goeters, Studien zur Geschichte und Theologie der Reformation. Festschrift fur Ernst Bizer (Neukirch: Neukirchener Verlag, 1969), 254-255.

(11.) Hans of Wyl, one of the members of Castelberger's group, claimed that "Andreas's teaching agreed with Master Huldrych's to a tittle."--Harder, Sources, 206.

(12.) Goeters, "Vorgeschichte," 255; also Arnold Snyder, "Word and Power in Reformation Zurich," Archiv fur Reformationsgeschichte 81 (1990), 263-285, esp. 266-271.

(13.) Robert C. Walton, Zwingli's Theocracy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1967), 59-62; 69. This thesis was first proposed in 1895 by R. Staehelin, as noted by Strubind, Eifriger, 122, n. 6.

(14.) Strubind, Eifriger, 126.

(15.) In agreement with Stayer, "Anfange," 27, n. 25, and Andrea Strubind, Eifriger, 128.

(16.) Gabler, Zwingli, 55.

(17.) See Heinold Fast, "Reformation durch Provokation," in Goertz, Umstrittenes Taufertum, 79-110.

(18.) Three of these four had been agitating for reform in May. Heini Aberli, Claus Hottinger and most probably Conrad Grebel planned a mass "welcome home" party for Zwingli's return from the baths, likely as a public demonstration of support for Zwingli. The council got wind of it and brought it to a halt. See Harder, Sources, 166-171 for a discussion and the relevant document; also Harder, Sources, 172-177 for two central documents.

(19.) Against Walton's conclusion in Theocracy, 62-65, that a "radical party" was already in action.

(20.) Gabler, Zwingli, 56; Harder, Sources, 175.

(21.) In the Apologeticus Archeteles, Zwingli's published response to the bishop of Constance (Aug. 1522), he wrote, "It is not the function of one or two to expound passages of Scripture, but of all who believe in Christ."--Harder, Sources, 185. A month later, in Of the Clarity and Certainty of the Word of God, Zwingli maintained that the simple are more disposed to receive God's truth than are the so-called wise. George W. Bromiley, trans, and ed., Zwingli and Bullinger (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1953), 80-81; 89 [Huldreich Zwinglis samtliche Werke, 14 vols., Corpus Reformatorum (Leipzig, Berlin, Zurich, 1905-), 1: 367-368; 377-378. Hereafter cited as Z].

(22.) Zwingli's Apologeticus Archeteles concluded with a bombastic postscript written by Conrad Grebel.--Harder, Sources, 180-186.

(23.) Zwingli noted "every diligent reader, in so far as he approaches with humble heart, will decide by means of the Scriptures, taught by the Spirit of God, until he attains the truth." Samuel M. Jackson, trans, and ed., Selected Works of Huldreich Zwingli (Philadelphia: Heidelberg Press, 1901), 106.--Z 1: 561; Harder, Sources, 202. See also Zwingli's comments in his Exposition and Basis of the Conclusions or Articles, esp. in articles 15 and 32.--Z, 2: 74-76, 286-291. In the latter, Zwingli chides the bishop, noting that God's teaching has often come through "a poor woman or through unlearned, simple men." Edward J. Furcha, trans, and ed., Selected Writings of Huldrych Zwingli, vol. 1 (Allison Park, Pa.: Pickwick Publications, 1984), 236.--Z 2: 289.

(24.) As translated in Harder, Sources, 198.

(25.) Gabler, Zwingli, 71-72. In just one of Zwingli's writings from 1523, the Catholic clergy were called "windbags," "distorters of the Word of God," "bellies," "unbelievers," "godless," "false priests" and "dishonest babblers."--"Von gottlicher und menschlicher Gerechtigkeit," in: Z 2:471-525. English translation, "Divine and Human Righteousness" in Wayne Pipkin, ed. and trans., Selected Writings of Holdrych Zwingli, vol. 2 (Allison Park, Pa.: Pickwick Publications, 1984), 1-41.

(26.) Details in Christian Dietrich, Die Stadt Zurich und ihre Landgemeinden Wahrend der Bauernunruhen von 1489 bis 1525, (Frankfurt; Bern; New York: Peter Lang, 1985). See also Peter Kamber, "Die Reformation auf der Zurcher Landschaft am Beispiel des Dorfes Marthalen. Fallstudie zur Struktur bauerlicher Reformation," in Peter Blickle, ed., Zugange zur bauerlichen Reformation (Zurich: Chronos, 1987), 85-125; Kurt Maeder, "Die Bedeutung der Landschaft fur den Verlauf des reformatorischen Prozesses in Zurich (1522-1532)," in Bernd Moeller, ed., Stadt und Kirche im 16. Jahrhundert (Gutersloh: Gerd Mohn, 1978), 91-98.

(27.) Goeters, "Vorgeschichte," 243-244; 246. Also Stayer, "Anfange," 29-30.

(28.) Peter Blickle, Communal Reformation: The Quest for Salvation in Sixteenth-Century Germany, trans. Thomas Dunlap (Highlands, N.J.: Humanities Press, 1992), 14-15. Documentation on the cases of Kloten and Witikon (Mar.-May, 1523) in Emil Egli, Aktensammlung zur Geschichte der Zurcher Reformation (Zurich, 1879), #351, 354, 359, 360. See also the extended treatment of events in the village of Marthalen in Kamber, "Reformation auf der Zurcher Landschaft," and Dietrich, "Stadt Zurich," 160.

(29.) Goeters, "Vorgeschichte," 247; 255-256. See also James Stayer, "Reublin and Brotli: The Revolutionary Beginnings of Swiss Anabaptism," in Marc Lienhard, ed., The Origins and Characteristics of Anabaptism (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1977), 83-102; also James M. Stayer, "Wilhelm Reublin: A Picaresque Journey Through Early Anabaptism," in Hans-Jurgen Goertz, ed., Profiles of Radical Reformers (Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1982), 107-117.

(30.) Egli, Aktensammlung, #368; Dietrich, "Stadt Zurich," 164-165; Stayer, "Anfange," 30.

(31.) The council decreed that "die Gemeinden den Zelmten wie von alterher.., geben sollen."--Egli, Aktensammlung, #368. On the Chapter reform, see Egli, Aktensammlung, #426 (Sept. 29, 1523).

(32.) Quellen zur Geschichte der Taufer in der Schweiz, I: Zurich, LeoiLhard von Muralt and Walter Schmid, eds. (Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 1952) [hereafter QGTS, I], #397, 385-386. Translation of a key descriptive document in Harder, Sources, 204-6.

(33.) QGTS, I, #397, 386. See QGTS, I, #398, 387-388 for corroborating testimonies.

(34.) George R. Potter, Zwingli (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 162; Gabler, Zwingli, 50-51. See also "Auslegen und Grunde des Schlussreden," Z, 2:14-457. "Concerning tithes, imposed by sanctuaries or churches, I intend to respond, whether one is bound to pay these on the basis of divine or human rights."--Z 2:454-455; emphasis mine. Translation from "Exposition and Basis of the Conclusions or Articles Published by H. Zwingli, Zurich, 29 January, 1523," in Furcha, Selected Writings of Zwingli, vol. 1: In Defense of the Reformed Faith, 371.

(35.) June 22, 1523. See Harder, Sources, 208-10 for an English translation of the document found in Egli, Aktensammlung, #368.

(36.) "Von gottlicher und menschlicher Gerechtigkeit," Z, 2: 471-525. Translation from Harder, Sources, 213; 218.

(37.) "From this principle Zwingli never wavered: if you were certain that a government order was contrary to God's word then disobedience was necessary, even if this carried the death penalty."--Potter, Zwingli, 119. Potter notes Zwingli's constant reference to Acts 5:29 in this connection, Potter, Zwingli, 199, n. 3.

(38.) Dietrich, "Stadt Zurich," 167. Zwingli had long hinted at this solution. See, for example, the argumentation in articles 35-38 in the "Auslegen und Grunde," Z 2: 304-323; translation in Furcha, "Exposition," 247-262.

(39.) Ibid., 220.

(40.) See Martin Haas, Huldrych Zwingli und seine Zeit: Leben und Werk der Zurcher Reformators (Zurich: Zwingli Verlag, 1969), 125-133; Dietrich, "Stadt Zurich," 172ff.; Potter, Zwingli, 129-131.

(41.) Goeters, "Vorgeschichte," 261 comments that the question of images was "not a particularly Zwinglian theme," and suggests it had its origins with Karlstadt's writings on the matter.

(42.) Relevant documents translated in Harder, Sources, 234-243.

(43.) The city council's mandate, published after the disputation ended, decreed concerning the mass that "it shall remain as it is now," and concerning images, that no one was to add or remove images, unless one was removing one's own donated image. In any case, all "disorderliness" was to be avoided.

(44.) Harder, Sources, 242.

(45.) Torsten Bergsten, Balthasar Hubmaier, Anabaptist Theologian and Martyr, trans. I. J. Barnes and W. R. Estep, ed. W. R. Estep (Valley Forge, Pa.: Judson Press, 1978), 68.

(46.) Bergsten, Hubmaier, 73-78.

(47.) It is likely that it was Hubmaier who raised questions about infant baptism while in St. Gallen; the issue was on his mind.

(48.) Bergsten, Hubmaier, 80-81.

(49.) According to Ludwig Hatzer, Hubmaier spoke five times during the disputation, three times at length. He spoke against the un-scriptural errors and abuses that had crept into the church.--Ibid., 83.

(50.) Ibid., 96-97.

(51.) Hubmaier's eighth thesis reads: "Since every Christian believes and is baptized for himself, every one should see and should judge by Scripture, whether he is being rightly fed and watered by his shepherd."--H. Wayne Pipkin and John H. Yoder, ed. and trans. Balthasar Hubmaier: Theologian of Anabaptism (Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1989), 33.

(52.) Bergsten, Hubmaier, 87.

(53.) Bruce Gordon, The Swiss Reformation (Manchester: Manchester Univ. Press., 2002), 23.

(54.) Ibid., 125.

(55.) ibid., 127-128.

(56.) Details of the process in Werner Naf, Vadian und seine Stadt St. Gallen, vol. 1 (St. Gallen: Fehr'sche Buchhandlung, 1944), 1:21-63. See also Potter, Zwingli, 271-274.

(57.) "Dass es nicht nur um Geistlich-Kirchliches, sondern wesentlich um Politisches ging, ist unverkennbar."--Werner Naf, Vadian und seine Stadt St. Gallen, vol. 2 (St. Gallen: Fehr'sche Buchhandlung, 1955), 2:51.

(58.) Emil Egli, Die St. Galler Taufer (Zurich: Schulthess, 1887), 5-6. St. Gallen did not have full confederate status, although its representatives were usually summoned to the Confederate Diets. In 1454 "the citizens of St. Gallen were accepted as perpetual confederates (ewiger Eidgenossen) by Zurich, Berne, Lucerne, Schwyz, Zug and Glarus."--Potter, Zwingli, 272.

(59.) Potter, Zwingli, 277.

(60.) The standard biographical study is the two-volume work by Werner Naf, already cited. See also Egli, St. Galler Taufer, 8-10; Harold S. Bender, "St. Gall," ME 4:401-2.

(61.) Naf, Vadian, 2:52.

(62.) Both pastors were installed in 1519. See Naf, Vadian, 2:129. Burgauer was only 25 years of age at the time of his appointment, and was patronizingly called the "pfaffelin," or "wee pastor." Burgauer held to a Lutheran understanding of the Supper, which resulted in his having to leave St. Gallen for Schaffhausen in 1528.--Egli, St. Galler Taufer, 11-12; also 12, nn. 2, 3, 4; Quellen zur Geschichte der Taufer in der Schweiz, II: Ostschweiz, ed. Heinold Fast (Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 1973) [hereafter QGTS, II], #403, n. 1, 330. Emil Egli diplomatically said of Wetter that he was "not so intellectual or outstanding a man that another couldn't have bested him."--Egli, St. Galler Taufer, 11.

(63.) Egli, St. Galler Taufer, 5-8; also Naf, Vadian, 2:183-184.

(64.) Naf, Vadian, 2:133-180 for the development of ideas in Vadian's writings.

(65.) See the reports of the chroniclers Kessler and Sicher, QGTS, II, 590-591; 586; QGTS, I, 194.

(66.) QGTS, II, 340, n. 24.

(67.) QGTS, II, 591-593.

(68.) QGTS, II, 593-595.

(69.) QGTS, II, 333

(70.) QGTS, II, #406, 334-335.

(71.) QGTS, II, #408, 337-338.

(72.) QGTS, II, #409, 338-340.

(73.) These appear as documents 13 and 24 in Tom Scott and Bob Scribner, ed. and trans., The German Peasants" War: A History in Documents (Highlands, N. J.: Humanities Press, 1991), 100-101 and 120-121.

(74.) On the dating of the documentation and various discussions of the meaning of the contents, see Strubind, Eifriger, 166-175; John H. Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation in Switzerland (Kitchener, Ont.: Pandora Press, 2004), 18-21.

(75.) The most extensive comments come from In catabaptistarum strophas elenchus (July 31, 1527); key passages translated in Harder, Sources, 278-79; earlier testimonies date from the summer and fall of 1525, after Zwingli's struggles with the early Anabaptists. See discussion in Stayer, Sword, 98ff.

(76.) QGTS, I, 120-121.

(77.) QGTS, I, 121-122, passim. The same basic charges had been laid by Zwingli in May, 1525, in his writing on baptism, dedicated to the city of St Gallen. See relevant sections in Harder, Sources, 363-367. The basic charge is the breaking of Christian peace by the desire to establish a "special church" that was without sin; some were said to be teaching community of goods.

(78.) Translation from Harder, Sources, 278.

(79.) Harold S. Bender, Conrad Grebel (Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1950), 105.

(80.) Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 18-19.

(81.) Stayer, "Anfange," 31; Stayer, Sword, 100-101.

(82.) Goertz, Anabaptists, 11. Also James Stayer, "The Swiss Brethren: An Exercise in Historical Definition," Church History, 47 (June, 1978), 183.

(83.) Strubind, Eifriger, 167; 170. See 166-75 for the detailed argumentation.

(84.) Harder, Sources, 276.

(85.) QGTS, I, #11, 10-11.

(86.) QGTS, I #12, 11. See James Stayer, "Reublen and Brotli', 83-102; also James Stayer, "Wilhelm Reublin," in Goertz, Profiles of Radical Reformers, 107-117.

(87.) Harder, Sources, 291. Translation of the letter in ibid., 284-294. Those signing the letter were Conrad Grebel, Andreas Castelberger, Felix Mantz, Hans Ockenfuss, Bartlime Pur, Heini Aberli "and others." In the postscript the names of Hans Brotli and Hans Hujiuff are also noted.--Ibid., 292; 294.

(88.) See Strubind's discussion, in Eifriger, 219-221.

(89.) Grebel and friends mention the "senseless, blasphemous form of infant baptism" of Luther, Leo Jud, Osiander and "the Strasbourgers."--Harder, Sources, 291.

(90.) For the following I am indebted to Strubind's thorough discussion of baptism in the Letter to Muntzer and its possible influences, in Eifriger, 255-279.

(91.) Strubind, Eifriger, 263-267. Strubind argues persuasively that Luther's baptismal writings are not reflected in the Letter to Muntzer.--Ibid., 260-261.

(92.) Muntzer wrote in his "Protestation," "... only adults were admitted [into the church], and after a lengthy period of instruction...."--Peter Matheson, trans, and ed., The Collected Works of Thomas Muntzer (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1988), 191.

(93.) This is assuming that Karlstadt was the author of the anonymously-published Dialog von der Taufe der Kinder (Worms: Peter Schoffer d. J., 1527). The case for its being Karlstadt's "lost" writing on baptism, dating from 1524, is made by Alejandro Zorzin, "Karlstadts 'Dialogus vom Tauft der Kinder' in einem anonymen Wormser Druck aus dem Jahr 1527," Archiv fur Reformationsgeschichte 79 (1988), 27-58. Zorzin also documents other statements by Karlstadt, opposing infant baptism.--Ibid., 52-53. See Strubind, Eifriger, 296-299 for a discussion.

(94.) Rollin Stely Armour, Anabaptist Baptism: A Representative Study (Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1966), 19-22.

(95.) Eifriger, 263. See John Oyer, "The Influence of Jacob Strauss on the Anabaptists. A Problem in Historical Methodology," in Lienhard, ed., Origins and Characteristics of Anabaptism, 62-82.

(96.) Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 20.

(97.) "Der Muntzerbrief kann daher als ein theologisches Konsenspapier verstanden werden, das die Grundpositionen der radikalen Krafte zusammenfasste."--Strubind, Eifriger, 215. For a contrasting interpretation, see Hans-Jurgen Goertz, "'A common future conversation': a revisionist interpretation of the September 1524 Grebel Letters to Thomas Muntzer," in W. O. Packui1 and G. L. Dipple, ed., Radical Reformation Studies: Essays Presented to James M. Stayer (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999), 73-90.

(98.) Noted by Strubind, Eifriger, 219; 254.

(99.) During the disputation, Grebel presented a long list of "biblical" concerns, such as the proper hour for the celebration of the Supper, the vestments to be worn, whether the bread should be unleavened or not, etc.

(100.) Harder, Sources, 290.

(101.) Pipkin and Yoder, Hubmaier, 58-66, place the date of publication in September or October of 1524. On the parallels, see especially articles 3, 4, 5, 21, 22, 23 and 24.

(102.) Although the essential sentiments are the same--namely that those who are not convinced by preaching are to be "left alone"--there is no overt borrowing of texts or prose. The letter bases its summary argument on the fraternal admonitions of Matthew 18; Hubmaier ranges more widely, and does not cite Matthew 18.

(103.) Harder, Sources, 290.

(104.) The most striking passages in the letter are repetitions of Muntzer's prose in the two tracts to which Grebel refers. Grebel writes: "True believing Christians are sheep among wolves, sheep for the slaughter. They must be baptized in anguish and tribulation, persecution, suffering, and death, tried in fire, and must reach the fatherland of eternal rest not by slaying the physical but the spiritual." Muntzer had written in On Counterfeit Faith, "Christ ... has shown no more winsome love to his elect than this: that he has labored to make them as sheep for the slaughter...."--Matheson, Collected Works of Muntzer, 221. In the Protestation Muntzer had written (among many other things alluded to by Grebel) "what you must do is endure patiently, and learn how God himself will root out your weeds, thistles and thorns from the rich soil which is your heart."--Ibid., 299. See Matheson, Collected Works of Muntzer, 188-224 for the text of these two tracts.

(105.) Harder, Sources, 293.

(106.) This information and what follows is taken from Bergsten, Hubmaier, 107-120.

(107.) On the second day of debate, "Partially armed, the women of the town advanced on the Council House and demanded an assurance that Hubmaier would remain in Waldshut. As a result, eight of the twelve priests had to leave town...."--Bergsten, Hubmaier, 100.

(108.) Bergsten, Hubmaier, 110.

(109.) Ibid., 118.

(110.) At the October 13 Confederation Diet at Frauenfeld, imperial delegates claimed that there were 140 mercenaries from Zurich in Waldshut, and that Zurich had promised 6,000 troops in support. Zurich replied that the volunteers were there without pay, and so were not mercenaries; the city also denied promising troops to support Waldshut.--Bergsten, Hubmaier, 120.

(111.) Ibid., 153.

(112.) Ibid., 144-145.

(113.) Ibid., 145-146.

(114.) "Thanks to the help given by the Swiss allies, Hubmaier and his fellow citizens felt free to implement ecclesiastical reform which had been anticipated for some time."--Ibid., 149.

(115.) Ibid., 148.

(116.) Ibid., 172.

(117.) Ibid., 153-54.

(118.) These included the so-called "Tuesday discussions" that included Grebel, Mantz and Ludwig Hatzer.--See Bender, Conrad Grebel, 127-29; Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 22-25.

(119.) Dated between December 13 and 28, 1524.--Translation in Harder, Sources, 311-15. Calvin Pater, argues that Mantz's "Protestation" was based on an unprinted writing by Karlstadt on baptism, since lost.--Pater, Karlstadt as the Father of the Baptist Movements: The Emergence of Lay Protestantism (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984), 163-167. Zorzin's contention that the "Dialogus" is in fact Karlstadt's lost writing contradicts Pater's thesis, since there is no textual borrowing or modeling of Mantz's "Protestation" on the "Dialogus."--Zorzin, "Dialogus," 40, n. 44.

(120.) Harder, Sources, 313.

(121.) Agreeing with the essence of Yoder's statement that by this time "for the people around Grebel, baptism already was what it would later remain for the Anabaptists."--Yoder, Reformation and Anabaptism, 23.

(122.) Relevant passages translated in Harder, Sources, 319-320.

(123.) Ibid., 331-332.

(124.) "... the very young should by no means receive baptism."--Pipkin and Yoder, Hubmaier, 70; for the entire letter, 67-72.

(125.) These are translated in Harder, Sources, 333-335; originals in Bullinger's Reformationsgeschichte, ed. J. J. Hottinger and H. H. Vogeli (Frauenfeld: Ch. Beyel, 1838), 238-239.

(126.) Harder, Sources, 335.

(127.) Documented in Scott and Scribner, German Peasants' War, #12, 97-100; described in Potter, Zwingli, 143-149.

(128.) Harder, Sources, 336.

(129.) Well summarized by Packull, "Origins," 36-37.

(130.) Goeters's work was published in 1969, and subsequently was supported by Martin Haas, James Stayer, Werner Packull and Hans-Jurgen Goertz.

(131.) See Strubind, Eifriger, 157-165.

(132.) Strubind claims to be wishing to correct an overemphasis on social and political factors, not denying their importance as such.--Ibid., 164.

(133.) Agreeing with Strubind (Eifriger, 192), but only insofar as "radical biblicism" is not seen as the exclusive motive force in play.

(134.) Strubind does not support John Howard Yoder's contention that the Zurich radicals learned their radical biblicism from Zwingli, but that Zwingli then changed his mind.

(135.) In agreement with Goertz's central point, that the issue at this time was not so much "free church" vs. "territorial church," but rather in whose bands would rest the reform of entire communities.

(136.) Bergsten, Hubmaier, 153.

(137.) Translation from Harder, Sources, 335; original in Bullinger, Reformationsgeschichte, I:238-239 (incorrectly cited as 258-259 in Harder).

(138.) Harder, Sources, 427-428 provides Grebel's scriptural references only. For the full impact of the argument the original must be consulted, in QGTS, II:265-273.

(139.) Blaurock's exact date of arrival in Zurich is not known; if he was at the January 17 disputation on baptism he must not have spoken, for he was not banished with the other noncitizens. He did play a prominent role in the first baptism on January 21, 1525 and subsequently in converting and baptizing Anabaptists in Zollikon.--ME, 1:354-59.

(140.) Blanke, Brothers in Christ..

(141.) Based on figures provided in Paul Guyer, Die Bevolkerung Zollikons im Mittelalter und in der Neuzeit (Zurich: Schulthess, 1946), 27; 45.

(142.) A. Nuesch and H. Bruppacher, Das alte Zollikon (Zurich: Zurcher u. Furrer, 1899), 19; 21.

(143.) Guyer, Die Bevolkerung Zollikons, 40.

(144.) A good translation of the Twelve Articles is found in Peter Blickle, The Revolution of 1525, trans., Thomas A. Brady and H. C. Erik Midelfort (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981), 195-201.

(145.) See Thomas Scharli, "Die bewegten letzten zwei Jahre im Leben des Niklaus Hottinger, Schuhmacher, von Zollikon, enthauptet zu Luzern 1524," in ed. Emil Walder, et al., Zolliker Jahrhefl (Zollikon: Baumann, 1984).

(146.) Jacob could read and write. Hans Bichter names him as one of the primary "readers" in Zollikon, along with Rutsch Hottinger, the tailor Ockenfuss and "all who knew how to read."--QGTS, I., #56, (Mar. 16-25, 1525), 64; 66. Jacob Hottinger's two extant letters are found in STAZ, EI, 7.2, nrs. 44 and 45; printed in QGTS, I, #103 and #113.

(147.) See the translation of testimony from Claus Hottinger in Harder, Sources, 170-171; Egli, Aktensammlung, #246. On Claus Hottinger, see Scharli, "Die bewegten letzten zwei Jahre."

(148.) When the Badenschenki was forbidden by the council, Heinrich Aberli and Claus Hottinger made threats outside the chamber, which they later had to explain. Claus said, "Yes, some years ago they wanted to forbid the country people from taking part in parties and other such gatherings." Aberli had answered him, "Yes, and they had their heads cut off."--Egli, Aktensammlung, 83-84. Harder's translation dulls the obvious threat. Aberli's retort was "Ja, man hatte ihnen den Kopf abgehauen...."--Scharli, "Die bewegten," 32. For more instances, Scharli, "Die bewegten," 33-4; Egli, Aktensammlung, #252, 85-86.

(149.) Egli, Aktensammlung, #369, 133-134. Other instances in Egli, Aktensammlung, #438, 176; Egli, Aktensammlung, #495, 216 (Feb. 6, 1524).

(150.) Egli, Aktensammlung, #421, 164; #442, 178.

(151.) Documented in Bullinger, Reformationsgeschichte, 1:150.

(152.) Ibid., 150-151.

(153.) Some Zollikon youth broke into the church, hauled out the "Palm donkey" (complete with a mounted Christ figure), chopped at it a few times with daggers and swords, took it down to the lakeshore, weighted it with stones and threw it into Lake Zurich.--Nuesch/Bruppacher, Zollikon, 52. Documentation in Egli, Aktensammlung, #462, 189-190.

(154.) In December, 1524, the Zurich council adjudicated a conflict between the appointed and beneficed chaplain at Zollikon (Billeter) and Brotli because of the words they had spoken against each other in the Zollikon church.--QGTS, I, #19, 31. Stayer, "Reublin and Brotli," 86; Blanke, Brothers, 21-22.

(155.) Described in Blanke, Brothers, 21-22; QGTS, I, #31, 41-42. The baptism by Brotli on January 22 suggests strongly that he was present at the first baptism with Grebel and Mantz. The same argument can be made for Wilhelm Reublin's being present, given Reublin's immediate activity in Zollikon.

(156.) No doubt the "reading circles" played a role here, as Strubind argues, but the "quick" development of a "community consciousness" in Zollikon had a long history of social-religious grievance and agitation that also played a role. Strubind reviews the evidence from Zollikon in Eifriger, 363-384. Strubind's analysis of the actual "ecclesiological structure" of Zollikon Anabaptism, however, is not adequate.

(157.) Blanke, Brothers, 41.

(158.) Andrea Strubind must grant that Zollikon Anabaptism did not display the "free church" characteristics that would emerge later, but was rather a "spontaneous" movement.--Strubind, Eifriger, 404.

(159.) Blanke, Brothers, 32-34; the eight women baptized on February 26 also came weeping, requesting baptism.--Ibid., 51.

(160.) Blanke, Brothers, 35-36; C. Arnold Snyder, Following in the Footsteps of Christ: The Anabaptist Tradition (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis, 2004), chap. 1.

(161.) See Blanke, Brothers, 23ff. Heinrich Aberli, for example, celebrated the Supper with George Blaurock and Jacob Hottinger two days before his baptism.--Ibid., 49-51. The celebration of the Supper in several documented cases with no necessary theological or ecclesiological connection to a previous commitment of adult baptism points to a strikingly "inclusive" practice in light of both the foregoing Letter to Muntzer and the later Schleitheim Articles. This supports Haas' view, against Strubind's, Eifriger, 371.

(162.) QGTS, I, #29 (Jan. 30 or Feb. 6, 1525), 38.

(163.) QGTS, I, #42a, (ca. Feb. 18, 1525), 50.

(164.) QGTS, 1, #31, 40-42.

(165.) QGTS, I, #32, 43.

(166.) Strubind agrees: "Das Koinonia-Verstandnis der Mahlfeiem tritt ebenfalls aus dem Schreiben deutlich hervor."--Eifriger, 381.

(167.) QGTS, I, #58, 66 (Mar. 16-25, 1525). This is the only testimony from Zollikon explicitly referring to the ban, although both Grebel and Blaurock testified that they had taught that open sinners should be excluded from the church. See QGTS, I, #122, 124-125 (Nov. 9-Mar. 7, 1525), and QGTS, I, #200, 217. There is testimony from 1525 from Hallau (perhaps under Reublin's influence?) that describes the exact procedure outlined in Matt. 18:18.--QGTS, I, #391,382.

(168.) Cf. QGTS, I, #212, 234-239; #247, 271-272; #249, 272-273; #391,382.

(169.) Against Strubind (Eifriger, 296-335; esp. 331-335), the biblical argumentation in Mantz's "Protestation" does not coincide with that of the Muntzer letter. No Zollikon witnesses mention the teaching in connection with their baptisms by Mantz. Johannes Brotli, though he also signed the Muntzer letter, neglected to put the ban into effect when he began baptizing.

(170.) QGTS, I, #42a, 49-50

(171.) QGTS, I, #120 (Nov. 9-Mar. 7, 1525), 121-122. Conrad Grebel denied knowing anything about the Bernese teaching concerning community of goods.--Ibid., #122, 124.

(172.) QGTS, I, #39, 48 (after Feb. 8, 1525). Blanke doubts the reliability of this testimony, Brothers, 40-41.

(173.) Harder, Sources, 345.

(174.) Mantz's testimony in QGTS, I, #200, 216, Blaurock's in QGTS, I, #200, 217, and Hubmaier's in QGTS, I, #147, 148, agree in underlining radical sharing with those in need.

(175.) Valentin Gredig, baptized with the early Zollikon group, said in answer to the direct question of whether a Christian may use the sword or not, that God chose some to use the sword, but that one may not take the sword for oneself. QGTS, I, #60, 68.

(176.) QGTS, I, #101, 103. On September 5, 1525, Anthony Roggenacher simply denied preaching against civil authority, but did not elaborate a position of nonresistance.--QGTS, I, #106, 108. An undatable fragment (but most likely from 1525 or 1526) says simply "Hottinger says that a Christian may also be a magistrate."--QGTS, #390, 382. All this stands in stark contrast to Felix Mantz's testimony (in repeated locations in the sources) that a Christian is not allowed to use the sword. See, for instance, QGTS, I, #200, 216: "It had always been his [Mantz's] opinion, and still was, that no Christian could be a magistrate nor condemn one with the sword or kill or punish anyone...." Or again, Mantz said concerning authority, that "no Christian may kill with the sword nor resist those who are eviI."--QGTS, I, #124, 128.

(177.) QGTS, I, #98, 101 (Aug. 19, 1525).

(178.) Blanke, Brothers, 51.

(179.) QGTS, I, #110, 111. Evidence summarized in Arnold Snyder, "Zollikon Anabaptism and the Sword," MQR 64 (Apr., 1995), 205-225.

(180.) Zurich's military census of 1529 lists 150 men from Zollikon liable for military duty. See STAZ, A 29.1, nr. 42. (Verzeichnis der Mannschaft zu Statt und Land 1529.) During full muster in 1529, Zollikon armed and fielded sixty men.--Johannes Hane, Militarisches aus dem Alten Zurichkrieg (Zurich: Arnold Bopp, 1928), 143-144.

(181.) Zwingli remained unconvinced that the Anabaptists were truly committed to nonresistance. See Leland Harder, "Zwingli's Reaction to the Schleitheim Confession of Faith of the Anabaptists," Sixteenth Century Journal 11 (Winter 1980), 62-63.

(182.) The frequent meetings for scriptural study, communion and sharing correspond closely to what we know of the first Anabaptist congregation in Zollikon. The "Order" does call for church discipline according to Matthew 18, corresponding with the interests of Grebel and Jacob Hottinger, but going beyond documented early Zollikon practice. See the detailed discussion in Packull, Hutterite Beginnings, 37-46. Translation of the "Order" in John H. Yoder, The Legacy of Michael Sattler (Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1973), 4445.

(183.) The thesis that Anabaptist baptism was essentially a manifestation of anticlericalism is not sustained by evidence from Zollikon.

(184.) Typical of early Zollikon testimonies is affirmation of obedience to the authorities, unless there was a "higher call" from God. See QGTS, I, #64, 73 (Jacob Hottinger and Blaurock); QGTS, I, #84, 89-90 (Conrad Grebel); QGTS, I, #170, 176 (Hans Ockenfuss).

(185.) Strubind's observation about the essentially charismatic underpinning of the Zollikon movement is well taken.--Eifriger, 380-381.

(186.) In the second Kappel War of 1531, in which Zwingli lost his life, local opposition to Zwingli and that war led to Zurich fielding only 2,000 men against 8,000 from the five Catholic Cantons. The number of eligible men in arms for Zurich in 1529 was tallied as no less than 12,338 men. More were added to the list in June 1529, when war did break out. Johannes Hane, "Der Zurcherische Kriegsrodel des Ersten Kappelerkriegs," Sonderdruck aus Nova Turicensia (Sept. 1911), 171. See also Johannes Hane, "Zurcher Militar und Politik im zweiten Kappelerkrieg," Jahrbuch fur Schweizerische Geschichte, 38 (1913), 1-72; and Potter, Zwingli, 412. For a detailed study, see Emil Egli, Die Schlacht von Cappel, 1531 (Zurich, 1873).

(187.) Subjects of St. Blasien monastery also made demands, and the peasants of Hallau submitted their grievances to Schaffhausen.--Scott and Scribner, German Peasants' War, 21; see Hallau grievances in ibid., doc. #5, 81. In November the Klettgau peasants rebelled against their lord.--Bergsten, Hubmaier, 173; documentation in Scott and Scribner, German Peasants' War, #124, 251-252 (Mar. 25, 1525); #155, 320-321 (Nov. 1, 1525). Thomas Muntzer was in Klettgau and Hegau for eight weeks beginning in November, 1524. Summary in Stayer, "Reublin and Brotli," 90, n. 43; Muntzer's confession in Scott and Scribner, German Peasants' War, #112d, 239-240.

(188.) This was most likely "Heim Merger's son," Uli Merger. Heini denied being baptized as of February 18, 1525.---QGTS, I, #41, 48-49, although he was fined for resisting infant baptism. His son, later identified as Uli, was listed among those who had allowed themselves to be baptized.--QGTS, I, #31, 41; note the greeting from Gabriel Giger to Uli--QGTS, I, #66, 75.

(189.) QGTS, I, #36, 45. Brotli reported the meeting in a letter to Fridli Schumacher.

(190.) Bergsten, Hubmaier, 188-89.

(191.) On February 1, 1525, Waldshut replied to a letter from Zurich that had alerted the Waldshut authorities to be on the lookout for those expelled from Zurich. Waldshut replied that the people had been with Hubmaier, had caused no trouble, and had left Waldshut already on January 31.--Bergsten, Hubmaier, 189; Hubmaier's "A Public Challenge" in Pipkin and Yoder, Hubmaier, 80, dated February 2, 1525. Bergsten concludes that this writing demonstrates "that the Waldshut reformer stood close to the Zurich Anabaptists."--Bergsten, Hubmaier, 191.

(192.) According to Hubmaier's letter to Oecolampadius, January 16, 1525.--Pipkin and Yoder, Hubmaier, 72.

(193.) Stayer, "Reublin and Brotli," 90-92.

(194.) Weil summarized in Stayer, "Reublin and Brotli," 91-92. In a letter written to Hubmaier in February, 1525, Hofmeister wrote that Zwingli was wrong in saying that infants were to be baptized, that he had not been able to bring himself to baptize his own child, and that he had "spoken the truth" about baptism to the city council.--QGTS, II, #11, 13-14; Bergsten, Hubmaier, 200-202.

(195.) Bergsten, Hubmaier, 259-261.

(196.) QGTS, I, #36, 46.

(197.) Scott and Scribner, German Peasants' War, #25, 121 (July 14, 1524).

(198.) The 1524 demands reproduced in Scott and Scribner, German Peasants' War, #5, 81; the 1525 demands are summarized in Stayer, "Reublin and Brotli," 94-95.

(199.) Sometime before Apr. of 1525, the resident pastor had been dismissed.--Stayer, "Reublin and Brotli," 93.

(200.) In 1529, Christian Kranz, at that time pastor in Hallau, reported to Zwingli that Reublin had baptized "nearly all" the people there, and that many still followed him, although most had since recanted. Heini Aberli confessed that his brother-in-law was baptized in the church at Hallau.--QGTS, I, #157, 162.

(201.) Stayer, "Reublin and Brotli," 95-98.

(202.) Brotli had declared in 1523 that he opposed violence personally and in his congregational teaching, and also that he had signed the letter to Muntzer.--QGTS, II, #682, 558-61. If he was nonresistant, it was a limited, personal nonresistance that Brotli still did not apply as an ecclesial rule of conduct.

(203.) It seems an overstatement to describe Anabaptism in Hallau as "revolutionary." "Opportunistic" is a better word to describe this early Anabaptist community, vis-a-vis political events, but Stayer is correct in emphasizing that this early Anabaptism was not "purely religious" in the sense of being separated or isolated from the social, political and economic events that surrounded it. Stayer, "Reublin and Brotli," 102.

(204.) The articles that the Klettgau peasants drew up in January 1525, appealing to "godly justice" as the only norm for a Christian society, are among the first to explicitly link grievances to the "Word of God."--Scott and Scribner, German Peasants' War, 251. The famous "Twelve Articles" of the peasants, with their explicit appeal to Scripture, was composed by the end of February, 1525. See Scott and Scribner, German Peasants' War, #125, 252-57 for a recent translation.

(205.) Nevertheless, when the Klettgau peasants marched into Waldshut on January 29, they carried a banner with the blue and white colors of Zurich.--Scott and Scribner, German Peasants' War, 25.

(206.) According to a contemporary chronicle (Valerius Anshelm of Bern), in their negotiations with count Rudolf von Sulz, the Klettgauers "turned for consolation to their Swiss neighbors and especially to those of Zurich, who had promised protection and aid. Yes, [the Zurichers replied,] they were willing [to aid] the Word of God but not rebellion, which overturned the same Word of God and was not to be tolerated."--Scott and Scribner, German Peasants' War, #142, 302.

(207.) Bergsten, Hubmaier, 176; 230.

(208.) Ibid., 269.

(209.) Bergsten concludes that Hubmaier's reluctance to introduce baptism in Waldshut between Jan. and Apr. 1525 was his desire not to antagonize Zurich.--Ibid., 192.

(210.) C. Arnold Snyder, The Life and Thought of Michael Sattler (Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1984), 61-65. In response to Strubind's critique (Eifriger, 548-550), there is no reason to pass over in silence what few facts are known about Sattler and the spread of early Anabaptism into the Black Forest, even if the conclusions remain hypothetical.

(211.) Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 133.

(212.) Strubind, Eifriger, 287-291, critiques the use of the terms Freikirche and Volkskirche in the historical literature. The key point to be made is that among the Zurich radicals ("Letter to Muntzer") and later for Hubmaier, a majoritarian church of baptized believers was conceived that nevertheless did not follow the coercive pattern seen in Zurich, in which all citizens were made to conform to the state-sanctioned church.

(213.) See the documentation and discussion in Bergsten, Hubmaier, 267-269.

(214.) Hubmaier had expressly written against coercion in matters of faith in 1524. There is no evidence that he changed his mind as the Anabaptist pastor of Waldshut. See On Heretics and Those who Burn Them (September, 1524), in Pipkin and Yoder, Hubmaier, 58-66. The one hostile report, from the Abbot of St. Blasien monastery, that reports religious coercion is contradicted on all sides by ample evidence.

(215.) On Heretics, Pipkin and Yoder, Hubmaier, 60.

(216.) John H. Yoder, "Balthasar Hubmaier and the Beginnings of Swiss Anabaptism," MQR 33 (Jan. 1959), 5-17 is a pointed argument marginalizing Hubmaier from the Zurich Anabaptists. As a central point of difference, Yoder states that unlike the "true" Anabaptists, Hubmaier allowed the state to interfere with the reform of the church. This goes contrary to Hubmaier's own stated position and the evidence from both Waldshut and Nicholsburg.

(217.) Bender suggests, by way of a rhetorical question, that Grebel was "disappointed" at how Hubmaier turned out.--Bender, Grebel, 147-148. In a note commenting on Sebastian Franck's Chronica, Bender places Hubmaier in a list of "South German semi-Anabaptists."--Ibid., 22, n. 15.

(218.) See Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 39; 40; 133. Yoder says that Hubmaier was "counted among the Anabaptists without fully agreeing with the way and essence of the community as it was expressed at Schleitheim." Hubmaier's lack of agreement with Schleitheim's teaching on the sword is certainly true, but the suggestion that Schleitheim teachings were, from the start, the measure of true Anabaptism, is anachronistic. By this measure, most of Swiss Anabaptism in 1525 and 1526 would have failed the test.

(219.) Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 133. Hubmaier's experience of human "weakness" in the face of torture, however, was shared by many other baptizers, not all of whom had the strength to become martyrs. Lack of courage may have made baptizing recanters "weak Anabaptists," but it did not make them "non-Anabaptists."

(220.) Bergsten, Hubmaier, 206-207.

(221.) Stayer described Hubmaier's view as a "Zwinglian" realpolitical position and accepted Grebel's "nonresistant separatist" position essentially as defined in the previous historiography. See the discussion in Stayer, Sword, 95-113.

(222.) In arguing for an unbroken separatist believers church lineage, Strubind does painstaking analysis of Grebel's "Letter to Muntzer" and Mantz's "Protestation" but then ignores the significant historical and theological development of Swiss Anabaptism north of Zurich. This critical omission leads to distorted conclusions.

(223.) Stayer, Sword, 103.

(224.) At least once, between February 1 and March 20, 1525.--Bergsten, Hubmaier, 229. According to Kessler, Grebel was responsible for convincing Hubmaier to accept rebaptism, although it was Reublin who later did the baptizing.

(225.) See Jacob Hottinger's letter to the Zurich Council, excusing his actions, in QGTS, I, #113, 113 (before mid-October, 1525), and Hubmaier's own testimony concerning the visit, ibid. #179, 194. Jacob Hottinger made yet another trip to Waldshut with Anthony Roggenacher, as Hubmaier testified later, before the November disputation of 1525, and Heini Aberli and Uli Hottinger of Zollikon had also visited and talked with him. QGTS, I, #179, 194. When Hubmaier had to flee Waldshut, he was given refuge in Zurich by Aberli.

(226.) Hubmaier testified later regarding the "Zollikoners" that they had spoken together only about baptism, and besides baptism he knew of no other "league" (or "covenant': verpuntnuss).--QGTS, I, 196.

(227.) Bergsten dates the visit between Easter, 1525 and the end of July.--Bergsten, Hubmaier , 242.

(228.) Against Yoder's conclusion that "even after his turning to Anabaptism, we hear little of Hubmaier's relationship to the other Anabaptist leaders."--Anabaptism and Reformation, 41.

(229.) Pipkin and Yoder, Hubmaier, 81-89. Oddly, Yoder omits mention of this writing and reports that Hubmaier's "first contribution to the dialogue" was On the Christian Baptism of Believers.--Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 41.

(230.) Ibid., 84.

(231.) "Through such words of comfort the sinner is enlivened again, comes to himself, becomes joyful, and henceforth surrenders himself entirely to the physician."--ibid.

(232.) Ibid., 85.

(233.) Ibid.

(234.) Ibid., 85-86.

(235.) Ibid., 86.

(236.) Ibid.

(237.) Ibid., 88.

(238.) Potter, Zwingli, 190-92. English translation (abridged) in "Of Baptism," ed. and trans. G. W. Bromiley, in Zwingli and Bullinger, 129-175. Some sections untranslated in Bromiley are available in Harder, Sources, 362-374.

(239.) Pipkin and Yoder, Hubmaier, 93-149.

(240.) Even supporters acknowledge that Zwingli's writing is scattered and exegetically thin, and that it fails to demonstrate the need for infant baptism. See Bromiley, Zwingli and Bullinger, 125-126; Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 43. Zwingli undertook a printed refutation of Hubmaier in November, 1525 entitled "A True and Well-Grounded Answer to Doctor Balthasar's Booklet on Baptism"; Hubmaier responded with "A Dialogue on Zwingli's Baptism Booklet."--Bergsten, Hubmaier, 264.

(241.) Bergsten, Hubmaier, 262; the chronicler Johannes Stumpf noted that the treatise "enjoyed quick and wide distribution."--Pipkin and Yoder, Hubmaier, 96. Zwingli received his copy in October from Oecolampadius (Basel) and Oecolampadius reported that others had it long before he did.--Bergsten, Hubmaier, 261-262. Berchtold Haller in Bern reported that "Balthasar's clear exposition of Scripture is misleading many."--Cited in Yoder, "Balthasar Hubmaier," 11.

(242.) See the discussion in Stayer, Sword, 104-107.

(243.) Historians sometimes point to Jakob Gross's refusal of the sword as the product of his being won for Anabaptism by Grebel; such suggestions leave unmentioned that he was actually baptized by Hubmaier, in Waldshut. The suggestion that Grebel was responsible for Gross's "pacifism" is simply reading back from the assumption that Grebel was militantly nonresistant. See QGTS, I, #107, 108-09, for testimony concerning Gross and Teck. There is no evidence that they were expelled from the Waldshut church; their expulsion appears to have been a strictly civil matter.

(244.) The November 1525 accusations and court testimonies in Zurich are revealing. Grebel is accused of saying that government should be abolished--an accusation he denies--but Mantz is accused of teaching that no Christian may use the sword--an accusation he affirms. Grebel is not accused of teaching nonresistance by either Zwingli or Hofmeister, the latter of whom distinguishes clearly between the subjects Grebel and Mantz addressed when they spoke with him in Schaffhausen. It was Mantz, said Hofmeister, who held to nonresistance and denied that Christians could be in government. See QGTS, I, #120, 121, 122, 124, pp. 122-128, passim; translation of relevant passages in Harder, Sources, 436-442.

(245.) Balthasar Hubmaier, On the Christian Baptism of Believers, in Pipkin and Yoder, Hubmaier, 98.

(246.) Emil Egli, Die St. Galler Taufer (Zurich: Schulthess, 1887), 10.

(247.) Egli, St. Galler Taufer, 8-10.

(248.) Egli, St. Galler Taufer, 7-11.

(249.) QGTS, II, #417, 354; QGTS, II, #418, 354; and Kessler's account, ibid., 594-595.

(250.) QGTS, II, #424, 359.

(251.) QGTS, II, 596.

(252.) See QGTS, II, #430, 364-365 for rumors reaching the council concerning the lay reading in the marketplace. The decision to move the reading into the church of St. Lawrence is dated Feb. 3, 1525; QGTS, II, #432, 367-368.

(253.) Kessler, Sabbata, QGTS, II, 597.

(254.) Already on July 21, 1523, Benedict Burgauer had written to Conrad Grebel from St. Gallen that he was having to struggle against people who were saying "that infants who have no faith of their own should not be baptized."--Harder, Sources, 223; QGTS, II, #403, 330, and n. 4.

(255.) Egli, St. Galler Taufer, 17; translation in Harder, Sources, 297-298. See also Heinold Fast, "Die Sonderstellung der Taufer in St. Gallen und Appenzell," Zwingliana 11 (1960), 223-240.

(256.) See Packull, "Origins of Swiss Anabaptism," 36-59; Goeters, "Vorgeschichte." Kessler attributed Hochrutiner's opposition to infant baptism in 1524 to his being a "zealous disciple" of Conrad Grebel.--Harder, Sources, 297.

(257.) Both the city preacher, Benedict Burgauer, and Vadian's cousin and council member, Georg von Watt, leaned in Luther's direction in the interpretation of the Supper.--Egli, St. Galler Taufer, 10.

(258.) See Harder, Sources, for the full collection of fifty-six extant letters written by Grebel to Vadian.

(259.) Grebel disavowed Zwingli as a "true shepherd" already in December 18, 1523, in a letter to Vadian. See Harder, Sources, #59, 276. His letters to Vadian from September and October, 1524 continue to depict Zwingli negatively.--Harder, Sources, #62, 282-84; ibid., #65, 294-296. Vadian wrote to Grebel on November 23, 1524, sending along a "booklet" (no longer extant) which appears to have defended infant baptism.--Harder, Sources, #66, 298-299. In Grebel's reply of December 23, 1524, he is still attempting to turn Vadian against Zwingli.--Harder, Sources, #67, 301-303; see also Vadian's response of December 23, in which he counsels Grebel to patience and an attitude of "humble propriety" towards Zwingli and the preachers.--Harder, Sources, #67D, 321-322

(260.) See Zwingli's letters to Vadian in Harder, Sources, #68D, 336-37 (Jan. 19, 1525) and #68M, 356 (March 31, 1525). In this latter writing Zwingli exhorts Vadian to "strengthen yourself, lest you be seduced by his [Grebel's] opinion."--Harder, Sources, 356.

(261.) QGTS, I, #41, 49 (testimony dated Feb. 18, 1525).

(262.) Bender, Grebel, 143.

(263.) QGTS, II, 604 (Mar. 18, 1525).

(264.) Egli, St. Galler Taufer, 23.

(265.) QGTS, Il, 604 (March 18, 1525).

(266.) Kessler's account translated in Harder, Sources, 361; QGTS, Il, 605.

(267.) QGTS, II, 606; translation from Harder, Sources, 377. Historians have generally followed Kessler, who inverted Eberli's names. Most of the literature speaks of "Eberli Bolt," when in fact his given name "Bolt" was a shortened form of Hypolitus; his family name was Eberli. See Harder, Sources, #69E, 376.

(268.) Ibid.

(269.) QGTS, II, #444, 378-380 (Apr. 25-26, 1525).

(270.) See QGTS, #437, 372; #436, 371-372; #439, 373-375; #440, 375-376, Apr. 7 and 10, 1525.

(271.) Hubmaier was well-known in St. Gallen. Vadian reported some years later that "more than once I tried to divert Balthasar Hubmaier from the madness of my friend Grebel." These efforts would have taken place after April 1525 and indicate correspondence and/or personal contact between Vadian and Hubmaier.--Harder, Sources, 525.

(272.) QGTS, II, 610; Harder, Sources, 383.

(273.) QGTS, II, #457, 389-390 (June 6, 1525).

(274.) Grebel wrote "If you do not want to stand with the brethren, at least do not resist them...."--Harder, Sources, 379.

(275.) QGTS, II, #474, 401-402 (Sept. 11, 1525). The prohibition against giving shelter to strangers may have been connected to the presence and activity of Hans Denck in St. Gallen at this time. See QGTS, II, #476, 402-403; esp. 403, n. 5.

(276.) QGTS, II, #485, 408-409 (Feb. 9, 1526).

(277.) Text of the "Abschied" in QGTS, II, 1-7 (Aug. 14 and Sept. 9, 1527).

(278.) QGTS, II, #349, 251-253.

(279.) Krusi's biography is found in Heinold Fast, "Hans Krusis Buchlein uber Glauben und Taufe," in ed. Comelius J. Dyck, A Legacy of Faith (Newton, Kan.: Faith and Life Press, 1962), 213-222. See also Stayer, Sword, 110-111.

(280.) This was the "Concordance" on Faith and Baptism. See the case made for Grebel's authorship by Fast, "Hans Krusis Buchlein," 228ff.

(281.) Fast mentions Rotmonten, Tablat, Straubenzell and Bernhardzell as representative of even more communities.--Fast, "Hans Krusis Buchlein," 217.

(282.) From Krusi's confession in Luzern, QGTS, II, #354, 262-265; trans, in Harder, Sources, 424.

(283.) Fast, "Hans Krusis Buchlein," 218. See Krusi's confession, QGTS, II, #354, 262-265.

(284.) Cited in Fast, "Hans Krusis Buchlein," 221; original from Rutiner's "Diarium," QGTS, II, 583.

(285.) QGTS, II, #351, 256-257.

(286.) Harder, Sources, #70E, 411, introduction.

(287.) Hottinger's letter of apology is found in Harder, Sources, #70E, 411-412.

(288.) Bender, Grebel, 148-149.

(289.) On the question of the tithe unrest and its relationship to later Anabaptism, see Matthias Hui, "Von Bauernaufstand zur Tauferbewegung," Mennonitische Geschichtsblatter 46 (1989), 113-144; on the Ruti episode and political background, 117-119. See also James Stayer, "Anabaptists and Future Anabaptists in the Peasants' War," MQR 62 (1988), 99-135, esp. 114-116 for Gruningen.

(290.) Bender, Grebel, 148.

(291.) Harder, Sources, #70F (3), 415; see 732, n.15 for a brief summary of the tithe issue in Gruningen.

(292.) Stayer, "Anabaptists and Future Anabaptists," 116.

(293.) See the translated documentation in Harder, Sources, 412-422; 429-431.

(294.) Harder, Sources, #71C, 420.

(295.) Bender, Grebel, 149-50; Harder, Sources, #71; 71A, 416-417.

(296.) Bender, Grebel, 152; QGTS, I, 108-109.

(297.) Bergsten, Hubmaier, 264. When Zwingli wrote to Vadian, October 11, 1525, he noted Grebel's arrest, but also noted that he needed to write in opposition to Hubmaier's writing on baptism.--Harder, Sources, #71I, 431.

(298.) For example, Harder, Sources, #71C, 420.

(299.) Harder, Sources, #71H, 429-431.

(300.) A good summary is found in Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 48-56.

(301.) Harder, Sources, 434.

(302.) The primary documentation is a letter from the Zurich council to Gruningen magistrates, QGTS, I, #129, 131-33, and recollections by Bullinger. See QGTS, I, #139, 141142 for a summary of Bullinger's report. Partial translations in Harder, Sources, #71J, 432-436.

(303.) Translation in Harder, Sources, 435.

(304.) Documentation in QGTS, I, #120-124; #133-134. Conrad Grebel, Felix Mantz, George Blaurock and Margret Hottinger all refused to recant and were locked away in the Wellenberg tower "until it pleases milords"; Ulrich Teck of Waldshut, Martin Link of Schaffhausen and Michael Sattler were all released after swearing oaths.

(305.) QGTS, I, #136-139, 138-142.

(306.) QGTS, I, #150, 151-153; #167, 171-172; summary in Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 55-56.

(307.) Bender, Grebel, 149.

(308.) Bender, Grebel, 153-154; Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 56.

(309.) Hui, "Von Bauernaufstand," 120-121. Others who similarly participated in both movements were Hans Vontobel (or Golpacher), "bad" Uli Seiler, and Hans Maag.--Ibid., 121-23.

(310.) Hui, "Von Bauernaufstand," 131. Italics his.

(311.) Hui, "Von Bauernaufstand," 137; translation mine.

(312.) Stayer, "Anabaptists and Future Anabaptists," 99-135; Hans-Jurgen Goertz, "Aufstandische Bauern und Taufer in der Schweiz," Mennonitische Geschichtsblatter 46 (1989), 108; Goertz, The Anabaptists, 10-11.

(313.) Strubind, Eifriger, 15.

(314.) Strubind says only that "Because of geographical and chronological restrictions, the independent influence (eigenstandige Pragung) of Balthasar Hubmaier, and of the Anabaptism influenced by him, must be excluded [from this study]."--Eifriger, 17; translation mine. There really are no good "chronological" or "geographical" reasons for excluding Hubmaier from a study of early Swiss Anabaptism. To call his influence "independent" simply accepts uncritically the marginalization of Hubmaier from the rest of Anabaptism. The sources demonstrate otherwise.

(315.) Strubind concludes, at the end of her study, that Anabaptist separatist theology and practice in 1527 finds "analogies" in early Swiss writings. This states a truism, but does not qualify as a "revision of the revisionists." Early Swiss writings contained an equal potential for establishing majoritarian believers' churches, as events in 1525 demonstrate. The majoritarian churches happened first; the separatist ones happened later; both grew out of the same Zurich roots.

(316.) Strubind's conclusion (p. 581) that a "congregational and separatist ecclesiology," visible already in the reading circles, proved to be the "identity-granting, theological center of early Anabaptism" (indentitatsstiftende theologische Mitte des fruhen Taufertums) is half right. Congregationalism certainly was at the center; separatism was not.

(317.) Goertz's observation is correct: "Use of the 'Rule of Christ' does not ... necessarily imply the existence of a free church."--The Anabaptists, 88. See his useful discussion of the "Letter to Muntzer," in The Anabaptists, 87ff., and more recently, "'A common future conversation': a revisionist interpretation of the September 1524 Grebel Letters to Thomas Muntzer," Packull and Dipple, Radical Reformation Studies, 73-90.

(318.) The fact that those in the Grebel circle were writing from Zurich, and were facing imminent legal sanctions, may well have occasioned their reflections on separatism. See Goertz, "A common future conversation," 86-87.

(319.) Stayer, "Anabaptists and Future Anabaptists," 135.

(320.) In agreement with Heinold Fast, who wrote that "Anabaptism was not a political movement, but it was a movement that had political relevance."--Fast, "Sonderstellung," 224; translation mine.

(321.) In spite of some details having been superceded, a balanced post-polygenesis assessment remains James Stayer, "The Swiss Brethren: An Exercise in Historical Definition," Church History 47 (June 1978), 174-195. While not accepting Swiss Anabaptism as the sole source of all pre-Melchiorite Anabaptism, Stayer concludes that it is undeniable that "the legacy of early Swiss Anabaptism spread far beyond the limits of the Swiss Brethren sect."--Ibid., 195.

(322.) For this and the following outline, see Bergsten, Hubmaier, 300-311; key documents for his time in Zurich are found in QGTS, I, #147 (recantation statement), #156-157, #170, #179, #402; see ibid., 160, n. 5 for details of Hubmaier's movements.

(323.) Translation in Pipkin and Yoder, Hubmaier, 151-153. For relevant texts from this period, see ibid., 151-165.

(324.) Compare Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 56-64, esp. 59-60, with Bergsten, Hubmaier, 302-304.

(325.) Bergsten notes that Hubmaier recanted in three Zurich churches, Apr. 13-15, 1526, and subsequently in Gossau in the Gruningen district.--Hubmaier, 307.

(326.) QGTS, I, #170a, 178; translation of relevant documents in Harder, Sources, #71K, 71L, 71M, 436-48.

(327.) See the testimony concerning the escape in QGTS, I, #178, 191-93; translation in Harder, Sources, 710, 450-52.

(328.) The mandate announcing the penalty of death by drowning is in QGTS, I, #172, 180-81; the mandate was expanded to include those who preach, teach and hold meetings, on November 19, 1526. QGTS, I, #192, 210-11. Documentation of 1526 recantations in QGTS, I, #173, 181-183 and passim.

(329.) His place and cause of death area matter of speculation. The relevant documents are translated in Harder, Sources, #71Q and 71R, 454-56.

(330.) See Arnold Snyder, "Konrad Winckler: An Early Swiss Anabaptist Missionary, Pastor and Martyr," MQR 64 (Oct. 1990), 352-361.

(331.) Martin Weninger (Lincki) had recanted along with Michael Sattler in November, 1525. See QGTS, I, #133, 136; discussion in Snyder, Life and Thought, 79ff. Weninger's stature as a Swiss leader is clear at the Zofingen Disputation of 1532, where he led the Anabaptist contingent. See Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 102-106 and Quellen zur Geschichte der Taufer in der Schweiz, IV: Drei Taufergesprache, ed. Martin Haas (Zurich: Zwingli, 1974) [hereafter QGTS, W] for the Zofingen disputation. See also Weninger's important writing explaining Anabaptist non-attendance at Reformed churches in QGTS, II, #141, 108-13; trans. J.C. Wenger in MQR 22 (July 1948), 180-187. Notice of Weninger's recantation in QGTS, II, #160, 125 (Dec. 8, 1535).

(332.) Details in Snyder, Life and Thought, 83-86.

(333.) QGTS, I, #195, 212-13.

(334.) Testimony concerning Mantz and Blaurock and the sentence, in QGTS, I, #198, #199, #200, #204, #205, pp. 214-218; 224-228. For further executions by Zurich, see ibid., 290-291 (Falk and Reimann from Gruningen), ibid., 332-334 (Konrad Winckler, who worked around Bulach), ibid., 363-364 (Karpfis and Herzog), and QGTS, II, 290-291 (Konrad Wick). Potter states that Mantz's martyrdom was followed by only three others (Zwingli, 188), which is incorrect. Fierce repression began again in Zurich in the seventeenth century. An appendix to the Ausbund, for example, chronicles forty more martyrs from the Zurich district from 1635 to 1645; see "Ein wahrhaftiger Bericht von den Brudern in Schweitzerland in dem Zurcher Gebiet," Ausbund, das ist: Etliche schone Christliche Lieder (Lancaster, 1868), part 3, 1-52.

(335.) The evidence is reviewed in Snyder, Life and Thought, 97-100.

(336.) "The most idiosyncratic part of the Schleitheim Confession was article 4 on Separation. Most of the other articles were, to one degree or another, logically subordinated to it."--Stayer, "The Swiss Brethren," 191.

(337.) "Christ is the Head of His body; i.e., of the believers or the congregation. As the Head is minded, so must its members also be. The foreknown and called believers shall be conformed to the image of Christ."--Sattler to the Strasbourg reformers, in Yoder, Legacy, 22.

(338.) These emphases become visible in the Schleitheim Articles 6 and 7. See Yoder, Legacy, 34-43; critical edition of the articles in QGTS, II, 26-35.

(339.) Sattler to the Strasbourg reformers, in Yoder, Legacy, 22-23.

(340.) As affirmed by Andrea Strubind, Eifriger, 555; 558.

(341.) Only in a limited way--as a suggestive reappearance of ideas--can one agree with Strubind that "analogies" from the Muntzer letter can also be seen at Schleitheim.

(342.) Evidence collected in Snyder, Life and Thought, 100-103. See Stayer "Reublin," in Goertz, Profiles, 107-117.

(343.) The trial took place in Rottenburg on the Neckar, May 17 and 18, 1527.--Snyder, Life and Thought, 103-104.

(344.) For the historical development of the martyrologies, and their importance in establishing Anabaptist identity, see Gregory, Salvation at Stake: Christian Martyrdom in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999).

(345.) Arnold Snyder, "The Influence of the Schleitheim Articles on the Anabaptist Movement: An Historical Evaluation," MQR 63 (Oct. 1989), 323-344. The apocalyptic undertones of Sattler's polar world view are explicit in his farewell letter to the congregation at Horb.--Snyder, Life and Thought, 125-126; text of the letter in Yoder, Legacy, 55-65.

(346.) QGTS, I, #305; QGTS, III, #856-858.

(347.) QGTS, I, #246; #247; #249; #281; #287; #295; #291.

(348.) QGTS, I, #295, 313.

(349.) QGTS, I, #281, 297.

(350.) See Snyder, "Konrad Winkler," for details.

(351.) QGTS, I, #294, 311. Eventually Appollonia did recant, at an unknown date, after Winckler's death; she then named him as the one who had baptized her.

(352.) QGTS, I, 321, 324, 325, 326.

(353.) On Hans Herzog, see QGTS, I, 305, 306, 361, 361, 363-364.

(354.) Recounted in Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 72-76; see 73 for details on the legal questions.

(355.) QGTS, I, #219, 247-248; Uli's comment on 248.

(356.) Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 73; text in QGTS, I, #212 (before June 4, 1527), 234-238; translation in Harder, Sources, 512-518.

(357.) QGTS, I, #273, 290-291; translation in Harder, Sources, 518-519.

(358.) QGTS, I, #274, 291-292.

(359.) Packull, Hutterite Beginnings, 181-186; ME, 1:358.

(360.) Egli, St. Galler Taufer, 49-50.

(361.) The following is taken from C. Arnold Snyder and Linda Hubert Hecht, eds. Profiles of Anabaptist Women. Sixteenth-Century Reforming Pioneers (Waterloo, Ont.: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1996), 43-53.

(362.) Sentenced on November 18 were Conrad Grebel, Felix Mantz, George Blaurock, Michael Sattler, Ulrich Teck, Martin Linck and Margret Hottinger.--QGTS, I, #133, 136.

(363.) QGTS, I, #170, 177.

(364.) QGTS, I, #170a, 178.

(365.) QGTS, I, #173, 183.

(366.) See the selection of Kessler's Sabbata in QGTS, II, 618; translation from Harder, Sources, 548, with minor changes.

(367.) See QGTS, II, 618-622. Kessler's hostility is clear, but he cannot on that account be discredited completely as a historical source, as John Horsch attempted to do. See "An Inquiry into the Truth of Accusations of Fanaticism and Crime Against the Early Swiss Brethren," MQR 8 (Jan. 1934), 18-31.

(368.) See QGTS, II, 618-619.

(369.) QGTS, II, 619, n. 135.

(370.) Bartlomee Schompperlin was exiled from St. Gallen for a year and a day for "unseemly and unchristian actions" he took with Frena Guldin on Apr. 10, 1526.--QGTS, II, #499, 419. See ibid., #492, #493, #498, #500 for more documentation from the city records. Heinold Fast agrees that, in spite of Kessler's obvious polemic intent, the evidence is convincing that St. Gallen Anabaptism did "go off the rails."--Fast, "Sonderstellung," 235.

(371.) See QGTS, III, #844, #845, #846; #350.

(372.) For examples, see "Mysticism and the Shape of Anabaptist Spirituality," in C. Arnold Snyder, ed., Commoners and Community: Essays in Honour of Werner O. Packull (Kitchener, Ont.: Pandora Press, 2002).

(373.) Yoder, Legacy, 35.

(374.) In QGTS, II, 578-580, Johannes Rufiner reports on a conversation (in 1537) with Felix Hottinger, in which Felix describes the death of his father (Jacob) and sister (Margret). In QGTS, II, 586-587, Fridolin Sicher recounts the executions at Waldsee in 1530. According to one account, Margret "was graciously pulled out of the water and asked again to recant, but in no way did she wish to do that. Rather she said: 'Why did you pull me out? The flesh was almost defeated." With that the judgment was carried out [i.e., she was drowned]."--QGTS, II, 587.

(375.) Three other disputants are known: a tailor, a printer, and a proofreader. See Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 43-48; see Hanspeter Jecker, Ketzer-Rebellen-Heilige. Das Basler TAufertum von 1580-1700 (Liestal: Verlag des Kantons Basel-Landschaft, 1998), 40-44 for an overview of Basel's anti-Anabaptist measures to 1530, and for the existence of a small, stubborn underground Anabaptist church in Basel territory into the eighteenth century.

(376.) In letters from Berchtold Haller, preacher in Bern, to Zwingli, Apr. and May, 1527.--Ernst Muller, Geschichte der Bernischen Taufer (Frauenfeld, 1895; reprint Nieuwkoop: B. de Graaf, 1972), 24-25.

(377.) Aktensammlung zur Geschichte der Basler Reformation in den Jahren 1519- Anfang 1534, ed., E. Durr und P. Roth. 6 vols. (Basel, 1921 ff.: Basler Reformationsakten), II, #677, #678 [Hereafter BRA]. Karlin's brief articles and summary defense are found in #676, 545-547; Oecolampadius' answer in #677, 547-579; the answer of the Catholic A. Marius in #678, 579-611.

(378.) See the useful, brief biography in Harder, Sources, 531-532.

(379.) Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 80-81.

(380.) BRA, #676, 545.

(381.) BRA, #676, 546.

(382.) BRA, #676, 546.

(383.) Jecker, Ketzer, 40-41; see the text of the TAufermandat of 1530 in ibid., 41-43.

(384.) The peasant Hans Ludi of Bubendorf was beheaded January 12, 1530 for lapsing back into Anabaptism; two more executions took place in 1531.--Jecker, Ketzer, 41 and 40, n. 4. For numerous notices of Aargau residents banned from Basel from 1526 on, see QGTS, III [As-yet unpublished manuscript collection, used by permission of Dr. Martin Haas, ed., Quellen zur Geschichte der Taufer in der Schweiz, vol. 3 (Aarau, Bern, Solothurn)], documents #36ff. [hereafter QGTS, III].

(385.) Basel Anabaptists remained a concern. The Bernese authorities sent out a warning on January 10, 1530 that the Basel Anabaptists had held a meeting and decided to send people into Bernese territory, as well as to Solothurn. Local officials were warned to be on the lookout especially for "the pious," whom they should question about their beliefs and way of life. QGTS, III, #324. Haas notes that Anabaptism increased enormously in Solothurn in 1530, ibid., n. 16, and the documentation in ibid., #860-#893 for 1530.

(386.) J. Heiz, "TAufer im Aargau," Taschenbuch der historischen Gesellschaft des Kantons Aargau fur das Jahr 1902 (Aarau: Sauerlander, 1902), 111.

(387.) See Guldin's letter to Pfistermeyer in QGTS, I, #119, 117-20, esp. 118; also QGTS, I, #104, 106. Also baptized was a "hatmaker," who could have been either Heini Seiler or Heini Steffan, both of whom were Anabaptists from Aarau. See QGTS, III, documents #9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 16. See also the article "Aargau," ME, 1:4-6.

(388.) QGTS, I, #126, 129.

(389.) The evidence is summarized by Martin Haas in QGTS, IV, xiii, nn. 9, 10.

(390.) QGTS, III, #19a, 19b, 20.

(391.) QGTS, III, #117. Meyer was executed by drowning in Luzern. His story is told briefly in Joseph Schacher, "Geschichte der luzernischen Taufer," Der Geschichtsfreund 118 (1965), 192.

(392.) QGTS, III, #26, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34. Details of Gross's activity in Aarau and a profile of Agnes Zender are found in Snyder and Hecht, Profiles of Anabaptist Women, 25-31.

(393.) His Lahr activity is only known on the basis of his later prison confession.--Quellen zur Geschichte der Taufer, Elsass, I. Teil, ed. Manfred Krebs and Hans Georg Rott (Gutersloh: Gerd Mohn, 1959) [hereafter QGT, Elsass 1], #104, 129. His testimony of late December, 1526 in Strasbourg is found in ibid., #67, 63-64.

(394.) See the discussion in Snyder, Life and Thought, 89-97.

(395.) According to the testimony of Hans (Krafft) Messerschmied.--QGT, Elsass 1, 180, n. 2.

(396.) Hans Guderian, Die Taufer in Augsburg (Pfaffenhofen: Ludwig Verlag, 1984), 34.

(397.) ME, 2:599.

(398.) QGTS, III, #21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28, 33, 34, 35, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43. Document #35 reports the arrest (Apr. 11, 1526) of Michel Amman of Zofingen (baptized by Caspar Kursner of Zofingen), Heinrich Steffan of Aarau and Hans Kunzi of Klingnau (baptized by Ulrich Teck of Waldshut). They were all freed on recantation and oath.

(399.) QGTS, IV, xiii, n. 2.

(400.) QGTS, III, #36, 42, 44, 45

(401.) Heiz, "Taufer," 112 notes, however, that Pfistermeyer contested the charging of interest being allowed by the preachers as being based on "the word of Bern" rather than the "word of God." He clarified this point at the Bern disputation of 1528, when he made it clear that he did not oppose paying interest and tithes, but only charging of the same by those who called themselves Christians. See also Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 84.

(402.) QGTS, III, #53.

(403.) Martin Haas notes that, given the number of refugees from Waldshut in the Aargau, it is not surprising that there was some uncertainty among Anabaptists of the Bernese region on questions of the sword. The Schleitheim Articles eventually resolved the question in the direction of nonresistance.--QGTS, IV, xiii.

(404.) QGTS, III, #838.

(405.) QGTS, IV, xiv. See Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 82-85 and ME, 1:287, for a brief summary of the 1528 disputation.

(406.) QGTS, III, #98, 99, 106. Bern urged Zurich to help them restrain the Anabaptists in the Aargau.--Ibid., #100.

(407.) QGTS, III, #105.

(408.) In October 1530, Bern was aware that Pfistermeyer was active in the Aargau, demanded his arrest again by local magistrates and requested the help of the other cantons.--QGTS, III, #110, 111, 112, 113.

(409.) The border regions between Solothurn and Bern, high in the Jura mountains were especially attractive meeting sites. QGTS, IV, xiv.

(410.) QGTS, II, #3, 8.

(411.) QGTS, IV, xiv.

(412.) See QGTS, III, #126a, b, c, 127 for some of the jurisdictional wrangling that this involved; Bern was overstepping its authority in some significant ways. Summarized by Haas in QGTS, IV, xiv.

(413.) The published transcript of the debate is found in QGTS, IV, 3-65. For an overview and interpretation, see Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 97-100; 179-82. As Yoder notes, once Pfistermeyer granted that all Scripture was to be ruled by "the law of faith and love," rather than being read Christocentrically, the debate was essentially lost.

(414.) After the preachers established the hemeneutical principle of "faith and love" they debated, in order, the swearing of oaths, charging of interest, the magistracy, obedience to the magistracy, manner of support for pastors, and baptism.

(415.) QGTS, IV, 33-34.

(416.) QGTS, IV, 38-40.

(417.) See Hubmaier's On the Sword in Pipkin and Yoder, Hubmaier, 492-523, and the discussion below.

(418.) Pfistermeyer never really was convinced that the charging of interest had a biblical basis. The issue was abandoned rather than solved.--QGTS, IV, 56-58.

(419.) Pfistermeyer recanted on oath and was released on Apr. 22, 1531.--QGTS, III, #133.

(420.) Pfistermeyer's dialogue with brother Heini is found in QGTS, IV, 60-65; the recantation of brother Heini is found in QGTS, III, #133.

(421.) See Arnold Snyder, "The (not-so) 'Simple Confession' of the later Swiss Brethren. Part I: Manuscripts and Marpeckites in an Age of Print," MQR 73 (Oct. 1999), 677-722; "The (not-so) 'Simple Confession' of the later Swiss Brethren. Part II: The Evolution of Separatist Anabaptism," MQR 74 (Jan. 2000), 87-122.

(422.) Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 99-100.

(423.) QGTS, III, #260-#266. The general study of early Anabaptism in Bern by Richard Feller, "Die Anfange des Taufertums in Bern," Festgabe fur Bundesarchivar Heinrich Turler (Bern, 1931), 105-121, is a useful overview, but lacks detail.

(424.) J. Hofer and K. Rahner, eds., Lexikon fur Theologie und Kirche (Freiburg: Herder, 1960), 4:1334: "Als theologe wenig bedeutend ..."; "Haller, Berchtold," ME, 2:636. Haller wrote to Zwingli in defense of a mild reaction to Anabaptists.--Cited verbatim in Muller, Geschichte, 24.

(425.) QGTS, I, #36, 45

(426.) QGTS, III, #270; "Bern," ME, 1:287.

(427.) "Bein," ME, 1:287.

(428.) Feller, "Anfange," 116. See Packull, Hutterite Beginnings, 38-43 for a discussion of the connections and disconnections between Seckler, the Schleitheim Articles, and the Swiss Order.

(429.) Critical comments by Heinold Fast in QGTS, II, 26, n. 3; Zwingli's Latin version (in his Elenchus) is translated into English in Jackson, Selected Works of Zwingli, 123-258; see also Muller, Geschichte, 24-25; text of the Bernese copy of the Articles is in ibid., 38-42.

(430.) The five were one unnamed Aanbaptist, Peter Breytt, Matheus Han, Bastian Hamer, and Stephan Haffner.--QGTS, III, #280.

(431.) QGTS, III, #281 (July, August 1527); text of the interrogation in Muller, Geschichte, 42-43.

(432.) QGTS, III, #287 (October 14, 1527).

(433.) The charges appear to stem from minutes of a Confederate Diet (1527?), some to the point, some simply rumor. The charges highlighted community of goods and accused them of wife-sharing. In addition, the Anabaptists refused to attend church services and said no Christian could be a magistrate; refusal of oaths and opposition to paying and receiving interest income and tithes also were emphasized.--Feller, "Anfange," 112.

(434.) Muller, Geschichte, 42-43, passim.

(435.) In his summary of this evidence, Yoder omits mention of the points of difference with Schleitheim and the centrality of "tithes and interest" in the testimonies of Seckler and Treyer.--Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 83. Yoder is mistaken when he claims that when "the question of interest" came up in 1528 in Bein, it was a "new item," and mistaken in saying that it was only Pfistermeyer who was concerned with the issue; Yoder is correct when he notes that the question of interest was not mentioned at Schleitheim.--Ibid., 84.

(436.) QGTS, III, #305-#309.

(437.) Muller, Geschichte, 44, lists the words "wurgen, Hury, Suffenn..." whereas my notes from Haas's manuscript read "wucher, hury, sufen ..."--QGTS, III, #306. Depending on the reading, Seiler was either criticizing the "strangling" done by magistrates, or their "usury." The latter seems the more probable reading.

(438.) Muller, Geschichte, 44-45; QGTS, III, #306. Haas notes (#306, n. 5) that this position on the sword is not the same as Schleitheim's.

(439.) These themes were addressed by four other prisoners in essentially the same way. Vyt Ottli, Barbli with the wooden leg, Verena Meyers (Vyt's wife), Margaret von Sigrisswil (Heinrich Seiler's wife) and Hanss Myndel were the other prisoners.--QGTS, III, #306. John Oyer notes the common "earth is the Lord's" argument among Anabaptists as the basis of their refusal to accept banishment orders as final.--John S. Oyer, "Anabaptists in Esslingen: A Viable Congregation under Periodic Siege," in John S. Oyer, "They Harry the Good People out of the Land." Essays on the Persecution, Surivial and Flourishing of Anabaptists and Mennonites, ed. John D. Roth (Goshen, Ind.: Mennonite Historical Society, 2000), 231-232.

(440.) QGTS, III, #309. Haas notes that it is not certain that this sentence was carried out. QGTS, III, #309, n. 5. Feller states that the three were drowned, citing a contemporary chronicle: Feller, "Anfange," 119. On July 15, 1529, the other prisoners, Vyt Ottli, Barbli with the wooden leg, Verena Meyers (Vyt's wife), Margaret von Sigrisswil (Heinrich Seiler's wife), and Hanss Myndel were banished from Bernese territory.--QGTS, III, #310.

(441.) The case of Cuny (Conrad) Eichacher of Steffisburg can be cited here, although the documentation concerning his teaching is rather sparse. He was a local Anabaptist leader and preacher, apparently literate since "his books" were to be taken away from him at the time of his first arrest (August 1, 1529 in Bern).--QGTS, III, #311. It appears that he was set free in October, 1529, at the request of relatives in Steffisburg (QGTS, III, #318), but was back in trouble again in January 1530.--QGTS, III, #323, #325. According to the Bernese record, Eichacher particularly opposed the clergy because of their being supported by income from interest and tithes.--QGTS, III, #329. He had taught in "comers and inns" in Thun and Steffisburg (QGTS, III, #330) and furthermore, refused to recant.--QGTS, III, #332. When Eichacher refused to recant publicly in his home town (QGTS, III, 334), he was drowned on February 21, I530 in Bern (QGTS, III, #335). Reaction to his execution is found in QGTS, III, #337, #354, #431.

(442.) Muller, Geschichte, 45; QGTS, III, #306. Pfistermeyer argued that the basic difference between the Old Testament and the New is that the "new covenant" is a spiritual covenant, written in the hearts of believers (Jer. 31:31-33).--QGTS, IV, 10.

(443.) Modern critical edition in QGTS, IV, 69-256; summary in Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 102-106.

(444.) Translated and published in MQR 32 (Apr. 1959), 83-95.

(445.) QGTS, IV, 75; Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 184.

(446.) Hans Hotz was a carpenter from Gruningen, one of the second wave of Anabaptist leaders to become active there. He first appears in a court record dated March 1526 in which it becomes clear that he was introduced to Anabaptism by Grebel's preaching in and around Hinwil in the fall of 1525.--See QGTS, I, #174, 186; a useful biographical sketch is found in Harder, Sources, 549-50. Hotz was imprisoned with Blaurock and Mantz in Zurich beginning in December 1526, and remained in prison after Mantz was executed and Blaurock banished (January 5, 1527). Still in prison a year and half later (August-September 1528), he was interrogated and confessed that Blaurock had instructed him and that Mantz had strengthened him when they were in prison; he refused to recant his views on baptism, and added that he would not attend reformed preaching either.--QGTS, I, #261, 281; #266, 284; #269, 288. Shortly thereafter, his Gruningen companions, Jacob Falk and Heini Reimann, were executed by drowning in Zurich. There is no notice of Hotz's release from prison, but he became a public spokesman for Anabaptism at the Zofingen disputation of 1532 and the Bern disputation of 1538. There is documentation of his working along with Martin Weninger north of Zurich in 1532 and 1533.--QGTS, I, #351, 365-66. After being banished at the end of the Bern disputation, Hotz disappears from the historical record altogether.

(447.) QGTS, IV, 71, n. 18.

(448.) See the short biography in Harder, Sources, 557; Haas, QGTS, IV, 71, n. 18; QGTS, II, #33, 40-41 and #187, 140 document two recantations of a Weninger from Schleitheim; the second record identifies him as Heinrich. It is not certain that Martin was also from Schleitheim.

(449.) QGTS, I, #133, 136.

(450.) QGTS, II, 575, n. 16 places Weninger in Basel in 1529 and 1530.

(451.) At the time of Weninger's arrest in Schaffhausen, November 1535, the Solothurn authorities reported by letter that he had been in their territory "for a long time."--QGTS, II, #152, 120. For his activity in Solothurn, including an arrest in December 1530, and banishment in January 1531, see QGTS, III, #871, #892, #895, #908.

(452.) Text of the "Vindication" (Rechenschaft) in QGTS, II, #141, 108-113; trans. J. C. Wenger, "Martin Weninger's Vindication of Anabaptism, 1535," MQR 22 (July 1948), 180-187. By early November 1535, Weninger was arrested with other Anabaptists in Schaffhausen, and was brought to recantation. He was to recant publicly in both Schaffhausen churches, as well as in the church at Schleitheim; recantations of his fellow imprisoned Anabaptists followed quickly. On Weninger's arrest, testimony and trial, see QGTS, II, 114-120; 123-125, passim. His recantation on December 5, 1535 is reported in QGTS, II, #159 and #160, 124-25. See subsequent numbers for recantation reports.

(453.) QGTS, IV, 97-98.

(454.) QGTS, IV, 81; 94.

(455.) QGTS, IV, 200-207.

(456.) QGTS, IV, 182-183.

(457.) QGTS, IV, 165-199, passim.

(458.) QGTS, IV, 166-167.

(459.) QGTS, W, 172.

(460.) QGTS, IV, 172.

(461.) QGTS, IV, 172, 176 and passim.

(462.) QGTS, IV, 95.

(463.) QGTS, IV, 95.

(464.) QGTS, IV, 96.

(465.) QGTS, IV, 100; 102; 105; 110 and the article on the ban, 115-165.

(466.) Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 106-110; transcript of the disputation in QGTS, IV, 259-467.

(467.) QGTS, IV, 431.

(468.) Hans Hotz was from Gruningen, but worked also north of Zurich and in Solothurn; Mathiss Wiser was from the Aargau; the Emmental Anabaptists invited the "foreigners" to speak at the disputation, and so must have been in agreement with their teaching.--QGTS, IV, 265-266.

(469.) QGTS, IV, 297.

(470.) Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 85-87; Packull, Hutterite Beginnings, 45-46.

(471.) The short extant document contains only the "proper" conclusions to the disputed questions, with no Anabaptist arguments presented.--QGTS, II, #664, 546-47.

(472.) QGTS, II, #664, 546-47.

(473.) John H. Yoder notes that of the six points debated at Teufen and examined at Frauenfeld, five "come directly from the seven articles of Schleitheim," but no direct connection to Schleitheim is demonstrated by the evidence.--Yoder, Anabaptism and Reformation, 86.

(474.) Cited in Ibid.

(475.) Fast, "Sonderstellung," 232.

(476.) Fast notes that the Falk family had Anabaptist members for fifty years, from 1526 to 1574. Two St. Gallen houses in particular, just outside the city walls, were well-known meeting places for Anabaptists up to the 1580s.--Fast, "Sonderstellung," 236. The records would have been richer, but for a disastrous fire in 1560 that destroyed the archival records for Appenzell.

(477.) From 1535 to 1548 Jorg Maler (Jorg Probst Rotenfelder), a follower of Pilgram Marpeck and a compiler of the Kunstbuch, lived in St. Gallen and Appenzell and provided pastoral leadership to the Swiss Anabaptists in Appenzell--even though he disagreed with their strictness and legalism. See Heinold Fast, "Vom Amt des 'Lesers.'" Zum Kompilator des sogenannten Kunstbuches. Auf den Spuren Jorg Malers," in Aussenseiter zeischen Mittlelalter und Neuzeit. Festschrift fur Hans-Jurgen Goertz zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. Norbert Fischer and Marion Kobelt-Groch (Leiden: Brill, 1997), 187-217. Hans Gutersohn and Hans Falk of St. Gallen along with their wives are mentioned in Maler's letter to Huldrych Agemann of Constance, preserved in the Kunstbuch.

(478.) Werner O. Packull, Mysticism and the Early South German-Austrian Anabaptist Movement, 1525-1531 (Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press 1977), 92; see 92-99 for an overview; more details in Guderian, Taufer in Augsburg, 20-26; see also "Augsburg," ME, 1:182-185, and John Oyer, "Anabaptist Women Leaders in Augsburg," in Snyder and Hecht, Profiles, 82-105.

(479.) Guderian, Taufer in Augsburg, 35; Packull, Mysticism, 93.

(480.) Packull, Mysticism, 93.

(481.) ME, 3:529-531; Guderian, Taufer in Augsburg, 40-44. Packull, Mysticism, 118-119, cautions against considering "the goings-on in Augsburg" a synod in the usual sense of that word.

(482.) A portion of the letter Hut circulated is reproduced in Guderian, Taufer in Augsburg, 43.

(483.) Packull, Mysticism, 94. Packull concludes, "Dachser in some respects showed greater similarities to Denck and the Swiss Brethren than to Hut."--Ibid., 99.

(484.) Guderian lists only Hans Beck, Jakob Gross, and Gregor Maler as Swiss Brethren representatives. Gross apparently was to remain in Augsburg; Beck was to travel with Denck to the Zurich and Basel areas; Maler was sent to work in the Voralberg region.

(485.) Rhegius' "Justification" on the prosecution of Anabaptists is translated and printed in C. A. Snyder, ed., Sources of South German/Austrian Anabaptism (Kitchener, Ont.: Pandora Press, 2001), 213-227.

(486.) Hans Hut died in a mysterious prison fire; Jakob Gross, Jakob Dachser and Simon Salminger were left in prison. The latter three finally recanted in 1531.--ME, 1:184-185.

(487.) The indispensable study in English is Oyer, "Anabaptists in Esslingen," 191-321; 195-196 for the reformation in Esslingen.

(488.) From 1527 to 1563, a period of forty-three years, there were twenty-nine years in which the Esslingen authorities arrested no one, even though the presence of Anabaptists was well known.--Oyer, "Anabaptists in Esslingen," 257.

(489.) Ludwig Scheurer of Horb managed to escape the arrest that captured Michael and Margaretha Sattler; he fled to Esslingen where he was housed by local Anabaptists.--Oyer, "Anabaptists in Esslingen," 201-202. In November 1528, four Rottenburg Anabaptist refugees were arrested in Esslingen (p. 210). Anna Metzger fled Rottenburg for Esslingen, but was discovered to be an Anabaptist there and exiled in December, 1528 (p. 233). Hans Fritz was exiled from Rottenburg and found refuge in Esslingen in 1528.

(490.) Oyer, "Anabaptists in Esslingen," 198; 199; Packull concurs, Hutterite Beginnings, 80.

(491.) An amendment to Packull's conclusion that Augsburg was more of an Anabaptist "melting pot" than Esslingen (Packull, Hutterite Beginnings, 79) has been entered by the publication of John Oyer's detailed study of the mixed leadership, belief and practice of Anabaptists in Esslingen.--Oyer, "Anabaptists in Esslingen," passim. Oyer notes that it is virtually impossible to label the Esslingen Anabaptists either Swiss Brethren or South German Anabaptists.--Ibid., 193.

(492.) Oyer, "Anabaptists in Esslingen," 199-200. Freisleben wrote a book on baptism in which he acknowledged Reublin's help and guidance; the understanding of Anabaptist baptism contained in Freisleben's book did not reflect Hut's understanding of baptism as an apocalyptic sign. Vom wahrhaftigen Tauf Joannis. Christi und der Aposteln. Wann und wie der Kindertauf angefangen und eingerissen hat. (n.p. [Strasbourg], 1528). See Oyer, "Anabaptists in Esslingen," 260 and n. 264; 267-70.

(493.) Oyer, "Anabaptists in Esslingen," 200-201; more details on Leupold in Packull, Mysticism, 122-126. Leupold was executed Apr. 25, 1528. Some early Anabaptist leaders in Esslingen profiled by Oyer are Ludwig Scheurer, Hans Kieffer, Hans Graci, Leonhard Wenig and Jorg Werner, the latter of whom "held the congregation together" until his death

in 1559.--Oyer, "Anabaptists in Esslingen," 201-206.

(494.) As in the cases of Christa Friess, Simon Fry and Hans Stutz, who decided to keep their fingers and swear the oath to remain in exile.--Oyer, "Anabaptists in Esslingen," 275.

(495.) The notable case and exception is Jorg Werner, an Anabaptist leader in Esslingen from 1531 to his death in 1559, who approved of the bearing of arms and was willing to bear them himself.--Oyer, "Anabaptists in Esslingen," 277. For an overview of the evidence, see ibid., 277-279.

(496.) See Oyer, "Anabaptists in Esslingen," 217-223.

(497.) Oyer, "Anabaptists in Esslingen," 247-253.

(498.) See the discussion in Oyer, "Anabaptists in Esslingen," 275-277: "They seem to have avoided divisions precisely because they had learned how to paper over disagreements in faith and practice that were clearly evident among them."--Ibid., 276.

(499.) This is Oyer's analysis, "Anabaptists in Esslingen," 270-274.

(500.) Bergsten, Hubmaier, 314-320.

(501.) Jarold K. Zeman, The Anabaptists and the Czech Brethren in Moravia, 1526-1628 (The Hague: Mouton, 1969), 100-120. On Hubmaier, Hut and Nikolsburg, see Stayer, Sword, 162-166; Packull, Mysticism, 99-106.

(502.) Bergsten, Hubmaier, 320-324.

(503.) Ibid., 328.

(504.) "The bold criticisms by Hans Hut in May 1527 did not introduce the controversy. They merely voiced tensions which must have been latent at Mikulov [Nikolsburg] since the earliest days of Anabaptism."--Zeman, Czech Brethren, 185. See especially the detailed study by Packull, Hutterite Beginnings, 55-61.

(505.) George H. Williams, The Radical Reformattion, 3rd ed. (Kirksville, Mo.: Sixteenth Century Journal Publishers, 1992), 340.

(506.) Packull, Mysticism, 99-104.

(507.) On the controverted issue of the actual questions under debate, as compared with the "Nikolsburg Articles," I am guided by Stayer, Sword, 162-166, and Packull, Mysticism, 99-103. Compare with Bergsten, Hubmaier, 365-370; Williams, Radical, 341-344. Bergsten and Williams repeat the now untenable view that Hut defended pacifism against Hubmaier. E.g. Williams, Radical, 342: "Hut pressed his pacifistic views with his wonted passion...."

(508.) Packull, Mysticism, 104.

(509.) Pipkin and Yoder, Hubmaier, 497.

(510.) That some Anabaptists claimed the possibility of sinlessness was not purely the polemical invention of opponents--although sometimes it was that as well. The charge was leveled again in Appenzell, apparently with good reason, but the position was not so unusual as to warrant the designation of this being a "special" kind of Anabaptism, unlike any other.

(511.) Pipkin and Yoder, Hubmaier, 500,

(512.) Ibid., 515.

(513.) At the Bern Disputation of 1538, Georg Traffer of Ammergouw (im Beyerland oben: Bavaria?) explained that temptation in the flesh (the "outer man") occurred daily and had to be opposed daily "through the power of the Spirit, through Christ, which is in our power to do, since the power of God suppresses the vices through rebirth."--QGTS, IV, 265, 317.

(514.) Bergsten, Hubmaier, 379.

(515.) Stayer, Sword, 168; Bergsten, Hubmaier, 383.

(516.) In Packull's words, "a form of Anabaptism under a mixed Swiss-Hut influence."--Hutterite Beginnings, 61.

(517.) Stayer, German Peasants' War, 141.

(518.) Ulrich Stadler gives a classic expression of this connection in his "Cherished Instructions," trans. G. H. Williams and A. Mergal, Spiritual and Anabaptist Writers (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1957), 272-284.

(519.) For the early movement, see Hans-Werner Musing, "The Anabaptist Movement in Strasbourg from Early 1526 to July 1527," MQR (Apr., 1977), 91-126.

(520.) QGT, Elsass 1, 56.

(521.) For a detailed account, see Musing, "Anabaptist Movement," 101-107.

(522.) The record is undated, but the arrests and questioning probably took place at the end of 1526. See QGT, Elsass 1, 62-67, and the excellent summary in Musing, "Anabaptist Movement," 107-112.

(523.) Musing, "Anabaptist Movement," 108; QGT, Elsass 1, 63.

(524.) QGT, Elsass 1, 64.

(525.) QGTS, I, #178, 191-192.

(526.) QGT, Elsass 1, 64-65.

(527.) On Gross's Lahr activity, see QGT, Elsass 1, 129; on Sattler's activity, see the testimony of Ottelinus, reformed pastor at Lahr, in QGT, Elsass 1, 72-4, summarized in Snyder, Life and Thought, 95-96. Gross's companion in Waldshut, who was expelled with him, was Ulrich Teck; Sattler was arrested with Teck later in Zurich.

(528.) See Snyder, Lift, and Thought, 89-107.

(529.) Cited in Musing, "Anabaptist Movement," 100.

(530.) Musing suggests a close connection between Meyger, Hatzer and Denck.--"Anabaptist Movement," 115. See also Stephen B. Boyd, Pilgram Marpeck: His Life and Social Theology (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1992), 50.

(531.) Musing, "Anabaptist Movement," 108.

(532.) Ibid., 119.

(533.) Summarized in Ibid., 122-23; see QGT, Elsass 1,122-123 for the mandate.

(534.) Two Anabaptist refugees who came to Strasbourg were the St. Gallen Anabaptist Lorenz Hochrutiner, after his expulsion from Basel; his son Jakob came to Strasbourg later, after having been expelled by Bern. Both are mentioned in a testimony of November, 1527. Lorenz purchased his citizenship in May, 1528.--QGT, Elsass 1, #109, 133, nn. 12 and 14.

(535.) See Yoder, Legacy, 86-99; QGT, Elsass 1, 80-91; citation on 87.

(536.) QGT, Elsass 1, 110.

(537.) See Packull, Mysticism, 51. For the above, see 47-52.

(538.) Packull, Mysticism, 59-61.

(539.) QGT, Elsass 1, 110.

(540.) Yoder, Legacy, 22.

(541.) Yoder, Legacy, 22.

(542.) QGT, Elsass 1, 69, italics mine.

(543.) Yoder, Legacy, 115; italics mine. The entire tract "On the Satisfaction of Christ" is required reading for any who wish to understand Swiss Brethren soteriology. Translation in Yoder, Legacy, 108-120.

(544.) Emphasis mine. For Kautz's articles, see Quellen zur Geschichte der Taufer, IV:, Baden und Pfalz, ed. Manfred Krebs (Gutersloh: Gerd Mohn, 1951), 113-114.

(545.) Bucer's reply to Kautz is found in QGT, Elsass 1, 91-115; on atonement, see 105-106. In this same writing Bucer misrepresents Sattler's view by claiming that Sattler held that "only faith saves." While this may have been technically correct (all Anabaptists would have agreed), Bucer neglects to mention that "faith" for Sattler and other Anabaptists required visible obedience, and thus disagreed with Bucer's own view on the "satisfaction" of Christ, available to sinners by faith alone.

(546.) Yoder, Legacy, 87.

(547.) Ibid., 90.

(548.) Ibid., 89.

(549.) Packull, Mysticism, 195, n. 100.

(550.) Cited by Bucer, in QGT, Elsass 1, 114.

(551.) See Boyd, Marpeck, 52-56.

(552.) QGT, Elsass 1,184-186.

(553.) Details in Boyd, Marpeck, 56-59.

(554.) Reublin's disclaimer is in QGT, Elsass 1,195; their confession is found in QGT, Elsass 1, 197-199.

(555.) A further writing from Reublin and Kautz is no longer extant, but more can be inferred from the lengthy writing submitted to the council by the preachers. There both Reublin and Kautz are said to hold to both an invisible and visible church, as described above. The preachers refer in more detail to Kautz than to Reublin in their refutation--QGT, Elsass 1,201-18.

(556.) ME, 1:469-470; see also Packull, Mysticism, 155-163 and Boyd, Marpeck, 59. On his baptism in Augsburg, see QGT, Elsass 1,232.

(557.) See Packull, Mysticism, 163-175; ME, 2:226-27. Entfelder remained sympathetic to Anabaptists after he separated from them; he entered the service of Albrecht von Hohenzollem as councillor in 1536 and negotiated the first large settlement of Anabaptists from the Netherlands in East Prussia.--Packull, Mysticism, 163.

(558.) William Klassen and Walter Klaassen, eds., The Writings of Pilgram Marpeck (Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1978), 43-106. See Boyd's theological analysis of Marpeck's response to the "radical individualism" of Bunderlin and Entfelder in Marpeck, 84-90.

(559.) He was from Blienschwiller, near Strasbourg. The essential biographical work has been done by Werner Packull, Hutterite Beginnings, 77-98.

(560.) He may be the same person as the "Philip Jager" who left Nikolsburg and traveled with Jacob Wiedemann and other Stabler to Austerlitz in the spring of 1528.--Packull, Hutterite Beginnings, 78.

(561.) See Packull, Hutterite Beginnings, 85-6; 98: "Philipite teaching and practice appear to have been akin to those of early Swiss Anabaptism as reflected in the Swiss Order."

(562.) For the story of the return of the Philipites after their expulsion, and their "turning Swiss," see Packull, Hutterite Beginnings, 284-289. The Philipite hymns are found in translation in The Earliest Hymns of the Ausbund, ed. G. A. Peters, trans. Robert A. Riall (Kitchener, Ont.: Pandora Press, 2003).

(563.) A process noted by Packull: "the label Swiss Brethren was in use by the late 1530s as an inter-Anabaptist disctinction."--Hutterite Beginnings, 288.

(564.) See Werner Packull, "The Melchiorites and the Ziegenhain Order of Discipline, 1538-39," in Walter Klaassen, ed., Anabaptism Revisited (Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1992), 11-28. Strasbourg's central geographical location and continuing relative toleration made it the site of Anabaptist gatherings in 1554, 1555, 1557, 1568, 1592, and 1607. See John Oyer, "The Strasbourg Conferences of the Anabaptists, 1554-1607," MQR (July, 1984), 218-229. Oyer notes that in the second half of the sixteenth century the city authorities still did not practice capital punishment, but relied on exile to control the Anabaptist movement.

C. ARNOLD SNYDER is professor of history, Conrad Grebel University College, Waterloo, Ontario. A shortened version of this essay will be appearing in A Companion to Anabaptism and Spiritualism, 1521-1700, ed. John D. Roth and James M. Stayer (Leiden: Brill Academic Publishing, forthcoming).
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Title Annotation:Part 4
Author:Snyder, C. Arnold
Publication:Mennonite Quarterly Review
Date:Oct 1, 2006
Previous Article:The birth and evolution of Swiss Anabaptism (1520-1530).
Next Article:Responses to Snyder.

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