The art of impression management: self-presentation in local-level campaign literature.
Campaign literature is a ubiquitous feature on the American electoral landscape. Candidates distribute written materials for the sole purpose of persuading voters to vote for them instead of for another candidate. The information a candidate includes in a piece of campaign literature, as well as how it is presented, can reveal his or her perception of the criteria citizens use when deciding for whom to vote. The findings from an examination of 288 pieces of campaign literature distributed by candidates for city council seats in 11 Ohio counties in November 1997, suggest that they perceive potential voters as being susceptible to both intellectual and emotional campaign messages. [C] 2002 Elsevier Science Inc. All rights reserved.
Campaign literature in the form of flyers, brochures, fact sheets, and letters is a ubiquitous feature on the American electoral landscape. Funded by political parties, political actions committees, private individuals, and often their own bank accounts, candidates for public office invest time and money in coordinating the development of written campaign materials. What candidates hope to gain from this investment is clear. Candidates for public office distribute written materials for the sole purpose of persuading voters to vote for them instead of for another candidate.
Using written campaign literature as a way to gain votes is particularly important for candidates for local level political office because they, unlike their counterparts for state and national offices, seldom have the resources to barrage the voting public with radio and TV spots. In addition, written materials have the advantage of being portable in that they can physically be passed from one community member to another thus increasing the number of opportunities they have to make an impression. Distributing written materials is also an excellent way for local candidates to utilize volunteer labor and gain votes, because although it takes professionals to produce a TV commercial, it doesn't take much skill to hang a flyer on a doorknob.
Analyzing campaign literature from local elections is an especially productive way to examine the relationship between candidates and their perceptions of potential voters because there are fewer mediating influences than are found in state and national races. For example, political party impact may be minimal because many local offices are nonpartisan, thus allowing candidates to communicate their own positions on issues. Also, candidates may be limited in how much they can spend on their campaigns because of local campaign finance ordinances so candidates compete on a fairly even footing. In addition, the influence of professional campaign consultants is probably less because candidates in local races are typically unable to hire them because they do not have enough money. As a result of these factors, the campaign literature that candidates for local office distribute can be a direct reflection of themselves and the way they view the candidate--voter relationship.
Although the efficacy of written campaign literature in winning votes is difficult to determine, candidates for public office treat it as an essential ingredient in their election strategy. Most candidates have probably been influenced by the conventional wisdom that postulates for a candidate's name to be remembered, it must be seen by a potential voter at least seven times during the course of the campaign. They may also agree with sociologist Erving Goffman that
The more information the audience [potential voters] has about a performer [candidate], the less likely it is that anything they will learn during the interaction will radically influence them. On the other hand, where no prior information is possessed, it may be expected that the information gleaned during the interaction will be relatively crucial (1959, p. 222).
Since candidates for political office, even at the local level, are unlikely to be personally acquainted with the majority of the electorate, it is probably in their best interests to inform the voting public about themselves and their qualifications.
When designing campaign literature for distribution, a candidate obviously wants to conjure a particular image in the mind of the perspective voter that will lead to a mark in the column beside his or her name. Thus, the information contained in a piece of campaign literature, and how it is presented, can suggest the candidate's perception of the criteria citizens use when deciding to whom to give their votes. What qualities do local level office seekers think that will attract votes as revealed by what they include in their campaign literature?
To answer this question, the researcher examined several hundred pieces of campaign literature using a content analysis methodology. Each exhibit was examined along two dimensions: its content, the substance of the message, and its style, the arrangement of parts of which the communication is made. Underlying assumptions of this study were that (1) candidates make decisions about what goes into their campaign literature and how it is presented based on their perceptions of the voting public, and that (2) these perceptions can be identified through examination of their outputs, i.e., written campaign literature such as brochures, flyers, fact sheets, business cards, and so forth.
The sample for this study was campaign literature distributed by candidates who ran for election to city council seats in 11 Ohio counties in November 1997. The candidates who submitted campaign literature were part of a larger study on the political socialization of candidates for municipal elective office. As such, the ones who opted to send a sample of campaign literature along with their completed surveys were self-selected. Therefore, this sample has to be considered purposive or judgmental rather than representative (Babbie, 1989).
Out of a total of 88 counties in Ohio, 11 were selected for this study because they reflected the diversity that characterized the state of Ohio at the end of the 20th Century. Thus, the counties in this sample are quite diverse: Wood County is rural and sparsely-populated while Franklin County is densely-populated and home to Columbus, the state capital; Butler County has just two municipalities within its borders while Cuyahoga County has more than thirty. All regions of Ohio are represented, from Lucas County on the shores of Lake Erie to Athens County near a bend in the Ohio River; from Montgomery County in the west to Summit County in the east. All 11 counties have a state university within their borders, reflecting a longstanding commitment on the part of the State of Ohio to have an institution of higher education within 30 mm driving time of each citizen.
A total of 288 pieces of campaign literature, submitted by 198 different candidates, were systematically examined for this study by three trained researchers. On average, each candidate developed 1.45 pieces of campaign literature to distribute in seeking election to a city council seat in November 1997. The fact that there were more exhibits than candidates indicates that many of them used more than one type of literature in their run for public office; in submitting seven different exhibits, one candidate admitted that he "may have gone a little overboard" but the fact that he won the election confirmed their value to him (personal correspondence, undated). Two-thirds of the candidates (131) were male and one-third (67) were female. Of the total number of candidates who submitted campaign literature for study, 42% (84) were incumbents and 58% (114) were challengers.
On the surface, these pieces of campaign literature were quite different from one another: large and small, colorful and drab, professionally printed and run off on a copy machine. Some were densely printed while others contained comparatively few words. Many included photographs of the candidates, alone or with their families. Several respondents indicated on the exhibit how it was used during the course of the campaign: "distributed at the county fair," "handed out while walking the ward," "mailed out the week before the election," and so forth.
A content analysis methodology was used to answer the questions posed in the introduction of this article. Content analysis is any technique for making inferences by objectively and systematically identifying specified characteristics of messages (Holsti, 1969). Content analysis methods may be applied to virtually any form of communication and are always performed on the message, not on the sender or receiver. Because of the brevity and informality of the exhibits in the sample, the researcher chose to use a semantic form of content analysis, which involves examining key words and phrases, rather than a syntactic form, which focuses on the relationship among the components in the message.
To insure consistency in analyzing this collection of campaign literature, the researcher used a form specifically designed to code the content and style of each exhibit in a systematic way. Content was coded in terms of (1) words and phrases about the candidate and his or her qualifications, (2) the need for change, (3) promises if elected, (4) attacks on opponents, (5) endorsements, and (6) indications of reciprocity. The elements of style that were identified were (1) format, (2) use of photographs, (3) use of symbols, (4) use of signs, (5) arrangement of parts, and (6) use of color.
Using examples of written campaign literature as the recording unit, the researcher designed this study to determine how candidates for local level political office present themselves to potential supporters, that is, what image they create of themselves to win votes. Acknowledging that "all communication is edited, is limited, is biased or slanted to include and exclude items" (Rank, 1984, p.12), the results were analyzed from two perspectives: which images of themselves candidates promoted extensively and which ones they did not incorporate to any appreciable degree.
All findings in this study are based on the count of how many times a category identified on the content analysis code sheet appeared, followed by the percentage of total possible times it could appear, i.e., the total number of exhibits. Four elements from each perspective were selected for discussion because of either their high (above 40%) or low (below 11%) representation in the total count.
3.1. What was left out?
In terms of content, there were two elements that the researcher speculated might have been used to create an image to garner votes that were, in fact, not utilized by the candidates to any great extent. The first of these was the use of words or phrases that clearly indicated a "need for a change" in the leadership abilities of council members or the composition of the city council itself. In only 33 (11%) of the exhibits was there any mention of a need for a change. This observation was typically couched in general terms such as "It's time for a change in attitude at city hall," "cast a ballot for a change," and "Say YES to a change." Occasionally, the candidate him or herself was identified as the agent of change, as in "a fresh new mind," "new blood," and "a new generation of leadership." In a few instances, the tone was more strident: "Take back your city!" "Are you satisfied with those in power?" and "Do you want more of the same?".
Despite the fact that over half (58%) of the candidates in the sample were challengers, only 11% of the exhibits explicitly indicated a need for change. This is strange considering that candidates running for office for the first time need to illustrate how they are different from those already occupying seats on city council and how they will be a different kind of representative when they get in office. Reasons for this discrepancy may lie in the fact that many of the challengers were running against other challengers, not incumbents. The sample could be nonrepresentative or the coding inconsistent. Or, the candidates may have been using what Hugh Rank identified as conservative rhetoric, a "keep the good" strategy, rather than progressive rhetoric, a "change the bad" strategy (1984). The image the majority of the candidates, incumbent and challenger alike, seemed to want to create in the minds of potential voters was of a person who wanted to maintain the status quo in the community rather than change it s ignificantly.
The researcher also expected to find "attacks on opponents," a strategy used in states races and even more so at the national level, in the campaign literature of these candidates for city council. This strategy, however, was almost nonexistent in the exhibits examined in this study. In fact, a mere nine (3%) included any words or phrases that could be considered attacks. Most of the ones that were identified were directed toward the city council as a whole. Members were accused of being "the old gang" who was "out of touch with the community." Although not identified by name, some incumbents were definitely the target of a candidate's attack, as in "My opponent sits idly by," "Your councilman remains silent," and "Our current councilman is more concerned with being a 'good old boy' than standing up for us." One candidate even went so far as to ask, "Do you know where your city councilman is?". In one piece of campaign literature, a challenger identified her opponent by name and critiqued his voting record on specific issues. Using a clever play on words, another candidate referred to one incumbent as "Twice Paid" Geno Manfredi because of his sitting on city council while employed by the city, and another "Rite Aid" Charlie Pona on account of his sponsorship of a new drugstore just ten feet from the sidewalk in violation of a city ordinance.
What conclusion can be drawn from this rare use of negative campaigning, at least in the arena of written campaign literature? In addition to the limitations of the methodology mentioned above, the candidates might have felt that negative campaigning was an ineffective strategy for winning votes. Or, it could be that they did not want to promote the image of themselves as negative or unkind members of the community. After all, whether they win or lose, candidates for election to local level office, unlike those for state or national level offices, can expect to see both their opponents and supporters on a regular basis after the election is over,
Writing in The Pep Talk: How to Analyze Political Language, Hugh Rank identifies political candidates as benefit-promisers and potential voters as benefit-seekers, a "reciprocal" relationship which can take many forms (1984). In this study, the researcher was interested in determining to what extent candidates in local level races use reciprocity to win votes. Therefore, benefits rather than promises to be, or continue to be, a good city council representative were identified among the exhibits of campaign literature. There were 31 (11%) exhibits in which the candidates appeared to offer something in return for consideration when the voter entered the voting both. To be sure, these "gifts" were of little tangible value. In most cases, the offering was community-related: a schedule of high school athletic events, a list of local emergency numbers, who to call to get a ride to the polls. Refrigerator magnets were one of the more popular forms. The most creative gift was a recipe for a quick meal from a female c andidate running on a platform of supportive services for busy families.
Aside from encountering obvious legal problems with buying votes, candidates did not seem interested in offering very much other than themselves, their records, and their promises to secure a city council seat. The few gifts that were offered seemed to be more in the nature of attention-getting devices than anything else. The majority of candidates appeared to want to create the image of a person who deserved to be elected on his or her own merit and, indirectly, a voting public that does not need additional incentives to vote for the "right" person.
Finally, the researcher was interested in finding out if these city council candidates used "symbols" in their campaign to persuade voters to vote for them. Symbols stand for intensely important feelings and values and, as such, could be used by candidates to gain support by eliciting an emotional response in the form of a vote (Radner, 1976). The symbols examined in this study were considered an element of style and visual in form.
Out of a total of 288 examples of campaign literature, only 21(7%) exhibits incorporated what the researcher judged to be the use of a symbol to influence potential voters. Not surprisingly, the most frequently observed symbols were patriotic in nature, the American flag being the most common one followed by a ballot box. Red and blue ink were the most frequently chosen colors, again probably because they are associated with the American flag. Several incumbents used the seal of the city they served to legitimate their candidacy. Two candidate displayed green shamrocks on their promotional materials, perhaps trying to appeal to the Irish voter. A female incumbent running on a platform of community safety incorporated the sketch of a house on the first page of her brochure.
Despite these interesting examples, it is clear that the majority of candidates in this sample did not depend to any great extent on an emotional appeal via the use of visual symbols to generate votes. The ones they did choose were, for the most part, predictable and noncontroversial. One conclusion that might be drawn from this finding is that candidates for these city council seats do not perceive their supporters as being particularly susceptible to emotional appeals, at least in term of symbols. The appeals that they seemed to think were persuasive are identified in the next section.
3.2. What was put in?
In terms of content, the researcher expected that specific categories of words and phrases would appear in significant numbers in the campaign literature exhibits and, many of them did. Judging from the frequency with which these candidates for city council seats included words or phases about the "experience and training" they would bring to the job, it was clear that they believed that potential voters thought of these factors when they made their voting decisions. Thus, over half (54%) of the exhibits contained words or phrases about the candidate's professional background, and a similar percent (55%) mentioned their involvement in the community. Of the exhibits of those running for re-election, 42% referred to the experience of the incumbent as an elected official.
Although with somewhat less frequency, candidates offered considerable information about their "personal lives," as opposed to their public lives identified above. Almost half (45%) of the exhibits mentioned the family memberships of the candidates, highlighted by such phrases as "I live on Steven Drive with my spouse, Janet, and my two dogs, Sam and Dave," "Happily married with two children ages six and three," and "Those of you who know Coy Fugett are aware of the challenges he has faced raising three remarkable daughters on his own." Perhaps sensing that the voting public equates a stable family situation with responsible behavior in an elected position, candidates made extensive references to composition of their family units.
It appeared to be very important to the candidates that prospective voters knew them as good neighbors because 49% of the exhibits incorporated some reference to this qualification. For many candidates, this desire meant telling people how long they had lived in the community, even on a particular street in it. Some even mentioned that they were just the most recent of several generations of their family in the area; e.g., a brochure from northern Ohio reported that "Mike and his spouse Carmella are both life residents of Kent. Their son Victor makes the fifth generations of DeLeones to call Kent their home." By commenting on this quality, candidates may be interested in creating the impression of someone voters might know and can, therefore, be trusted to represent them responsibly. One candidate confirmed this observation when he wrote that "Communities seem to have the tendency to allow those who are the oldest and have lived longest within the jurisdiction to win campaigns and run governments" (personal c orrespondence, undated).
As these observations and examples suggest, candidates in city council races are eager to present themselves as highly qualified people who are likely be a neighbor; in other words, they want to be perceived as being insiders rather than outsiders regardless of their political ambitions or orientation. Writing about her various campaigns for public office, Geraldine Ferraro noted that, "In state and local races, if they can touch you and see you, they will make decisions based on what they know about .you" (Braden, 1996, p. 137). To her, if voters feel as though they know the candidate personally, they are less apt to be swayed by media attacks than is true in national races.
Candidates used stylistic elements to reinforce this impression of the candidate being like the voters through the "use of photographs." By examining a snapshot, voters could decide if the candidate looked like someone they could trust to make decisions that would be good for them and in the best interests of their community. In addition, candidates may have also used photographs as a kind of insurance: not just to create a positive image, but also to forestall any unfavorable impression that might have been unwittingly conveyed in another context.
Two-thirds (66%) of the exhibits had a photograph of the candidate, with or without other people, included in the lay-out of the piece of campaign literature. In most of the exhibits (58%), the candidates appeared by themselves. Although some pictures had the candidate posed with family members (19%), working in the community (11%), acting in the role of political personage (2%), and working as a professional (2%), it is evident that candidates felt that potential voters wanted to see their likenesses, not those of other people associated with them.
Finally, the research examined the exhibit to find out if the "arrangement of parts" was prolix or terse, diversified or repetitious. Writing in Language of Politics, Las swell, Leites, and Associates (1965) noted that "When the collective outlook is optimistic, the style becomes more prolix and diversified; when the outlook is pessimistic, styles grow terse and repetitious" (p. 28). Would examination of these 288 pieces campaign literature reveal candidates who had optimistic or pessimistic outlooks? The answer is optimistic because 62% of the exhibits were judged to be prolix in the arrangement of their parts, and 76% were considered to be diverse in the arrangement of their components. While these characteristics may be reflective of other conditions, e.g., availability of resources, skill of designers, they may also indicate an upbeat attitude on the part of candidates for election to a local office at this point in time.
An important question that was not addressed directly in this study but arose from the researcher's examination of the data were how interested did candidates think potential voters were in the issues facing their city? In other words, did they seem to feel that the voting public wanted specific information, or that they would be persuaded by general comments and vague promises? Although the content of these 288 exhibits were not analyzed in such a way as to give a quantitative response to this question, it is the researcher's impression that candidates perceived that the voting public wanted detailed comprehensive information about specific issues (Kern & Just, 1995). A rough tally of the exhibits indicates that about half (51%) include words or phrases that refer to issues of supposed interest to the voters. Many of these reference were general in that they mentioned improving the community's infrastructure, encouraging economic development, making the streets safe, and so forth.
Others were surprisingly specific and detailed. A candidate for election to the city council in Summit County used her campaign flyer to promise voters to "Take immediate steps to install a fire/rescue station at Post Rd. and Route 91 to serve residents quicker and safer than a $5 million Interconnect Road." Another challenger promised "to strongly oppose the inclusion of 'sexually oriented businesses' into our city" because "The proposed 'sex zone' will divert precious resources and police manpower from our neighborhoods." Finally, an incumbent reported to his constituency that during his time in office he had voted to invest "in a new fire pumper (without a tax increase), saving the City approximately $75,000-100,000 over the next 5 years in equipment expenses"; he had also "brought the restrooms at Harvest Home Lodge up to handicap code (without a tax increase)."
Some candidates incorporated complicated quantitative data in their campaign literature. For example, one challenger included a table in her campaign flyer of the loan type and income criteria for assistance with home repairs and improvements under the federally funded Community Development Block Grants (CDBG). In his informational brochure, another candidate included a graph detailing the "City of Middletown Operating Revenues and Expenditures Before Borrowing and Transfers" every year since 1990.
The written campaign literature of the candidates represented by this sample suggests that the majority of them perceived potential voters as being concerned about the issues that have an impact on their daily lives, and as wanting city council members who are knowledgeable about them. Consequently, many of the candidates made concerted efforts to present themselves as well informed about these issues and identified their position on them.
This finding contradicts the observation of political scientist Paul Peterson who declared in his study of City Limits that "nonpartisanship is not just conservative; it often becomes issue-less politics as well" (Peterson, 1981, p. 115). He argued that in municipal elections where candidates do not carry party labels, incumbents will conduct issue-less campaigns and focus on efforts to secure name recognition. While it was evident from the exhibits examined for this study that candidates, incumbents and challengers, depended on written campaign literature to enhance name recognition, it was also obvious that the candidates, incumbents or challengers, were concerned about making voters aware of the major issues and their positions on them. Peterson asserts that, "There is no substitute for competitive political parties, if one wishes to achieve some semblance of public influence over the workings of government" (Peterson, 1981, p. 115). Although the findings from this study may not disprove Peterson's content ion, they do suggest a need to revisit the nature of the relationship between nonpartisan elections and the attention paid to issues by candidates for election or re-election (Table 1).
In our media-saturated society, image is of prime importance to individuals seeking election to public office (Braden, 1996). They must identify that image of themselves they think will persuade voters to cast their ballots for them, and then plan their campaign strategies to reinforce that image. Every communication must reinforce a chosen image in order to maximize the possibility of getting a favorable vote. Although writing about face-to-face communication, Goffman (1959) could have been referring to the instrumental relationship between a candidate and his or her perspective supporters when he describes an individual as "expressing himself in such a way as to give them the kind of impression that will lead them to act voluntarily in accordance with his own plan" (p. 4).
This study asked the question "What image of themselves do candidates for local office think will win the support of the voting public?". The data set identified for exploring this question was 288 pieces of written campaign literature voluntarily submitted by 198 candidates for city council seats in 11 Ohio counties in November 1997. Using a content analysis methodology, each exhibit was examined for specific elements of content and style. These elements were counted and then converted into percentages. Discussed were components that were those elements that were included with regularity (over 40% of exhibits) and those which were not (under 11% of exhibits) (Table 2).
What can be concluded from the findings of this study? To begin with, the candidates who are represented by these pieces of campaign literature created an image of themselves as experienced, competent, and well-informed members of the community. Thus, they appeared to think that voters would be swayed by appeals to their intellectual capacity for making rational judgments based on concrete qualifications. In a study of candidates in the 1994 U.S. midterm elections, Owens (1998) points out the importance of candidate characteristics (previous political experience, professional backgrounds, celebrity status) in generating votes. Although writing about national level as opposed to local level campaigns, he may have identified a common variable in how voters select candidates to support.
On the other hand, descriptions of candidates' family units and photographs of them with family members are very powerful emotional symbols seeming to say: "I am one of you" and "I exemplify family values." This theme of family values has permeated political discourse in recent years and is sure to be emphasized in the elections of 2000 and beyond. Another equally emotional reason for the inclusion of family images may be that candidates feel it is necessary to tie into voter biases, perhaps unconsciously, by showing that they are not representatives of nontraditional family arrangements.
Findings from this study suggest that candidates for local public office perceive potential voters as susceptible to both intellectual and emotional campaign messages. It is evident that candidates conceive of the voters as being concerned with issues of competency and trustworthiness but it is equally obvious that they employ messages and images to evoke positive emotional responses. The mix of approaches probably depends on the personality of the candidate, the type of election, the nature of the opposition, and the political culture of the community.
Written campaign literature reflects only one vote-getting strategy of candidates for local office. Ascertaining how accurate it is in portraying the image an individual candidates wishes to project would require an extensive examination of all the products of a candidate's run for public office, for example, speeches, debates, radio and television spots, letters to the editors, yard signs, and informal contacts with potential voters. Interviewing candidates directly about their efforts to present themselves in a certain way would also be important. Nevertheless, a content analysis of campaign literature represents a starting place to begin understanding the strategic decisions candidates make about image management when running for local political office.
Table 1 Profile of 11 Ohio counties in Study County County Seat Population Region Urban/ (as of 7/1/99) rural Athens Athens 61,599 Southeast Rural Butler Hamilton 333,486 Southwest Urban Cuyahoga Cleveland 1,371,717 Northeast Urban Franklin Columbus 1,027,821 Central Urban Hamilton Cincinnati 840,443 Southwest Urban Lucas Toledo 446,482 Northwest Urban Mahoning Youngstown 252,597 Northeast Urban Montgomery Dayton 565,866 West central Urban Portage Kent 151,579 Northeast Urban Summit Akron 537,856 Northeast Urban Wood Bowling Green 120,292 Northwest Rural County State University Athens Ohio University Butler Miami University Cuyahoga Cleveland State University Franklin Ohio State University Hamilton University of Cincinnati Lucas University of Toledo Mahoning Youngstown State University Montgomery Wright State University Portage Kent State University Summit University of Akron Wood Bowling Green State University Table 2 Analysis of contents of campaign literature in 11 Ohio counties Number Percentage Content Words/phrases about Educational experience 110 38 Brochure 75 26 Professional background 157 55 Flyer/fact sheet 72 25 Community involvemet 158 55 Card/business card 107 37 Experience as elected official 121 42 Need for change 33 11 Promises if elected 97 34 Attack on opponent 9 3 Family membership 129 45 Veteran status 29 1 Church affiliation 74 26 Being a good neighbor 142 49 Endorsements by Friends 11 4 Family members 0 0 Political allies 41 14 Professional colleagues 24 8 Other sources 24 8 Reciprocity 31 11 Style Format Brochure 75 26 Flyer/fact sheet 72 25 Card/business card 107 37 Other 20 7 Use of photographs 190 66 Self 166 8 With family members 55 19 Working in community as political candidate 32 112 Working as professional 7 2 Use of symbols 21 7 Use of signs 100 35 Arrangements of parts Terse 96 33 Prolix 179 62 Diverse 220 76 Repetitious 38 14 Use of color 174 6 Note: Number of exhibits: 288 (1.4 per candidate). Number of candidates: 198 (131 male; 67 female). Electoral status of candidates: 84 incumbents; 114 challengers.
Babbie, E. (1989). The practice of social research (5th ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing Company.
Braden, M. (1996). Women politicians and the media. Lexington, KY: The University of Kentucky Press.
Goffman, E. (1959). The presentation of self in everyday life. New York, NY: Anchor Books.
Holsti, 0. R. (1969). Content analysis for the social sciences. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company.
Kern, M., & Just, M. (1995). The focus group method, political advertising, campaign news, and the construction of candidate image. Political Communication, 12, 127-145.
Lasswell, H. D., Leites, N. C., & Associates. (1965). Language of politics. Cambridge, MA: The Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press.
Owens, J. E. (1998). The importance of candidates characteristics and local political conditions in the 1994 US mid-term elections. Political Studies, XLVI, 767-776.
Peterson, P. B. (1981). City limits. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Radner, S. (1976). Politics and practical semantic analysis. In D. Dieterich (Ed.), Teaching about doublespeak. Urbana, IL: National Council of Teachers of English.
Rank, H. (1984). The pep talk: How to analyze political language. Illinois: The Counter-Propaganda Press.
Karen N. King *
* Tel.: +1-505-277-0668.
E-mail address: firstname.lastname@example.org (K.N. King).
Karen N. King received her Ph.D. from the University of Louisville and is a faculty member in the School of Public Administration at the University of New Mexico, where she teaches courses in human resource management in the public sector and the management of nonprofit organizations. Her current research interests include the relationship between neighborhood associations and city government, and the impact of technology on human resource management decision-making.
|Printer friendly Cite/link Email Feedback|
|Author:||King, Karen N.|
|Publication:||The Social Science Journal|
|Date:||Jan 1, 2002|
|Previous Article:||The Columbine High School Massacre and criminal justice system response: an exploratory case study.|
|Next Article:||The "Congressionalization" of state legislative races.|