The Wasp's "troublesome children": Culture, satire, and the anti-Chinese movement in the American west.
The period of radical Reconstruction in the five years following the Civil War had heralded potentially revolutionary implications for race in America, particularly the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution, all adopted by 1870. That moment, however, did not last. With the federal government in full retreat from this racially egalitarian period--illustrated most notably in its concession of "home rule," including the restoration of white supremacy, to the South in the Great Compromise of 1877--nearly all whites in California began clamoring for the federal government to also address its racial "problem." Entreaties from the state's representatives in Congress to bar the Chinese from immigrating to the United States became louder and more agitated. Californians, however, would be thwarted by the presidential veto pen until the inauguration of restriction friendly Chester A. Arthur in 1881. (1)
The final push by western congressional representatives to close the gate to the Chinese came in the spring of 1882. Like many other elements of western popular culture produced during this period--books, magazines, plays, broadsides, paintings, and the like--the Wasp reflected the West's growing impatience with federal inaction. As the congressional vote neared, the satirical weekly produced "yellow peril" cartoons vilifying Chinese immigrants at increasingly shorter intervals. In The Burning Question, a damsel in distress ("Pacific States") screams for help atop a burning building. A caricature of a disembodied "Chinese menace" looms threateningly in the sky above her. Firefighters rush to the scene with a fire hose ("Anti Chinese Bill"), but several men with knives and queues attempt to cut off the water supply. (2) Would the federal government save the western states?
The Wasp's cartoons provide numerous visual cues that made its political messages effective, putting into sharp relief the anti-Chinese crusade as seen through the eyes of politically moderate whites in the Far West. They also represent a critical historical component of the anti-Chinese movement in late-1870s California--an unstudied element of western popular culture that served as both a mouthpiece for western social issues and a critic of local and national figures it deemed hypocrites. (3) Close examination of the weekly's cartoons reveals the publication's shifting--and at times contradictory--stance on the people and issues of its day. They suggest its determination to integrate California into the national politics of race at a critical juncture in American history (the final collapse of Reconstruction in 1877) while taking on the daunting task of portraying a flawed California society in such a way that would not discourage whites in the eastern United States from immigrating to the West.
The Wasp achieved remarkable popularity in its late-nineteenth-century heyday, despite its relatively parochial circulation and the expense of publishing in the midst of the nineteenth century's deepest economic depression. Within months of its first issue, circulation grew to 5,000, reaching 7,000 by 1879. While most of its upstart rivals had collapsed within a year or two due to high production costs, the Wasp quickly became the most widely read magazine west of the Rocky Mountains. (4) As a voice of western anti-Chinese sentiment, it stood in contradistinction to earlier anti-Chinese violence--from Gold Rush pogroms to the well-publicized massacre of sixteen men, a woman, and a child in Los Angeles in 1871--as well as to more radical elements of the late 1870s, including the infamous Workingmen's Party of California (WPC). (5)
Place serves a key role in understanding the Wasp's uniquely western portrayal of race and marginality. As scholars have shown, social and racial hierarchies tend to vary according to region; different social milieus contain their own contingent imperatives. (6) Social and political actors in late-1870s California still grappled with establishing the proper place for its myriad people, particularly but not exclusively its marginal groups. Wealthy railroad magnates, Irish laborers, Chinese immigrants, indigenous people, Mormons (who suffered under the stigma against polygamy, whether they took part in the practice or not), Mexicans, and a tiny African American minority composed the regional society of the nineteenth-century American West. Most of these groups, powerful and powerless, received their fair share of ridicule from the Wasp's artists and writers. (7)
The unlikely success of the Wasp stemmed from its biting social criticism, its irreverent attitude toward powerful figures, and its staff's keen sense of popular discontent with economic downturn, unemployment, and "problem groups." This does not discount, however, the quality of publication the Wasp gave its readers, particularly after the weekly mastered the creation of high-quality cartoon art complemented with sophisticated satire during its first year of publication. Once it found its wings, only Thomas Nast of Harper's Weekly in New York surpassed Wasp cartoonist G. Frederick Keller in the excellence of his caricature and wit. (8)
The Wasp meted out ridicule to a myriad of caricatured subjects, from senators and presidents to Chinese immigrants and Mormon polygamists. But how did these illustrations--the weekly's visual language--construct, reinforce, and/or subvert stereotyped images of the West's marginal groups and their most virulent opponents? How did the publication use mockery in its images to deploy messages about the putatively "proper" or "natural" place of groups within society, serving as the locus of criticism of and agitation for the Chinese exclusion crusade?
BUILDING THE WASP'S NEST
When the first issue of the Wasp rolled off the presses on August 5, 1876, San Francisco had only one other illustrated periodical, the virulently anti-Catholic Thistleton's Illustrated Jolly Giant. Just before he published his first issue, Wasp owner and publisher Francis Korbel coaxed editor George Mackrett away from his rival to take charge of the new publication. (9) Korbel's initial foray into publishing did not feature, however, the colorful, biting wit or the full-color chromolithographs that would come to define the weekly in its prime. The latter appeared in stages: the first issues contained only black-and-white illustrations. Then, in December 1876, the Wasp began to run cartoons in black with a green background wash. The full three-color chromolithograph that became so popular during the Gilded Age made its debut nearly six months later, in the May 26, 1877 edition. (10)
Korbel, a Czech dissident, began publishing the Wasp sixteen years after his escape from the Austrian Empire. He fled to the United States in 1848, first to New York and then to San Francisco, the booming capital of the California Gold Rush. He sent for his brothers, Anton and Joseph, and by the early 1860s the reunited trio had established a business producing cigar boxes and labels. To identify particular brands, and to set their product apart from that of competitors, cigar-box makers relied on lithographed labels. The Korbels found an excellent man to produce their cigar-label lithographs in G. Frederick Keller, known at the time as an artist of structures and scenic views. (11)
When Korbel assigned Keller to work on the Wasp, the illustrator had to hastily learn to caricature the powerful and powerless. His first drawings hardly reflect the virtuosity and skill he later displayed. (12) Also an immigrant, Keller had arrived from Prussia in the late 1860s to apprentice with the lithographer George Baker. Although the craft was new to him, Keller came into political cartooning at an opportune moment, when advances in lithography (a means of creating mass reproductions wherein an artist etched a drawing into wax before applying it to a lithographic plate, which then printed it on a blank page) made an easy transfer from the medium of cigar-box labels to political cartoons. (13)
Korbel's background deeply influenced the views he brought to the Wasp. His flight to the United States had all the earmarks of hyperbolic stories told by immigrants in mid-nineteenth-century San Francisco taverns. In 1848, the iron-fisted Prince Windiszcrec ordered Korbel arrested and imprisoned for taking part in a failed coup against his regime. According to the story, Korbel, wearing civilian clothes smuggled in by his grandmother, casually walked out through an unlocked gate, smoking a cigar (perhaps inspiring his initial business venture in California). Whatever pride Korbel felt in his immigrant story, however, seems never to have affected his views on the plight of Chinese immigrants in the West, at whom he took frequent aim in the pages of his weekly. (14)
To understand the Wasp requires a solid idea of the context in which Korbel conceived it. The same sense of justice that drove the publisher to plot against the Hapsburgs fed his growing distaste for the rampant corruption in urban political machines and the newly centralized federal state. (15) Not one to fear a challenge to injustice, Korbel established the Wasp to voice his grievances against government complicity with tyrannical railroad monopolies and unrestricted immigration from China. The publication took special aim at the owners of the Central Pacific Railroad, the local corporate giant, as the source of both threats. The Wasp fit well with San Francisco, one of the most racially and religiously diverse cities in North America, a place where irreverence and creativity found ample reward. In this milieu, the mockery of its editorial cartoons received a welcome reception.
Having naturalized after the Civil War and now free to exercise his American right to free speech, Korbel seized his opportunity to create a mouthpiece for his views on American soil. In 1876, he produced an illustrated periodical filled with political cartoons that skewered Republican presidential candidate Rutherford B. Hayes and praised his Democratic challenger, Samuel Tilden. To Korbel, Tilden represented the antithesis of everything for which President Ulysses S. Grant stood. While the Grant administration remained mired in scandal and corruption for its duration, Tilden, as governor of New York, had brought the Tweed and Canal Rings to justice. Korbel's enthusiasm for Tilden's campaign likewise motivated Keller; as the election neared, he began to show the first signs of his vicious style of ridicule that would set him apart from the lion's share of his contemporaries. (16)
The disparity between the popular and electoral votes in the 1876 presidential election and the equally infamous Hayes-Tilden Compromise of 1877--granting the Republican Party the presidency in exchange for the removal of all federal soldiers from the South--left Korbel disenchanted with partisan politics, and his weekly soon dropped the Democratic cause. However, the publication continued to take contradictory political stances. Following its initial phase as a Democratic vehicle, the Wasp vacillated between independent and Republican positions before abandoning political endorsement entirely--a position it would hold throughout the next four years. (17) Until the passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882, the weekly maintained a nonpolitical stance, selecting its targets from a broad political and social spectrum.
That national politics initially motivated Korbel to publish a politically oriented journal suggests that while the Wasp may have covered its fair share of local or western issues, it was aware of its place in a larger national context. Its cartoonists and editors read sister illustrated weeklies from the East Coast. As it did with other Bay Area publications, the Wasp borrowed material from Joseph Keppler's New York-based illustrated weekly, Puck. Although Puck had a wider readership in a much more populated region of the nation, the quality of the Wasp's illustrations and satire effectively made it Puck's West Coast counterpart. (18)
During the 1880 presidential race, the Wasp ran The Great American Circus. Instead of the hard-and-fast partisanship of the previous presidential election, the cartoon spotlights the Wasp's new nonpartisan political stance by portraying all politicians as members of a circus show. Uncle Sam, one of Keller's favorite cartoon tropes, serves as ringmaster to the key players--leading political candidates--in the circus's center ring. In the background on the right is the Republican platform, replete with the party's elephant symbol (originally created by Nast for the 1874 elections). In front of it, Democratic New York City comptroller John Kelly and "Johnny Reb" (standing on a pedestal labeled "CSA," Confederate States of America) hold a banner promoting the November 2, 1880 election. In the background on the left, the Wasp joins Chic (a short-lived New York satirical weekly), Puck, and Harper's Weekly as players in the circus band--a self-congratulatory gesture highlighting the Wasp's critical role in the "circus" of American politics. The cartoon implies that the Wasp and its East Coast illustrated contemporaries set the tune to which national politicians "performed" for the electorate. (19)
Keller shows equal disdain for the Democrats. In the foreground on the left (not pictured), a well-dressed woman representing the wealthy rides on top of a Democratic jackass (a party icon since Andrew Jackson's 1828 presidential campaign). The animal rests upon the exploited poor, characterized by a man in a barrel with a dollar sign, who bears the burden of all those he carries. The message is clear: the Democrats duped the poor into supporting a party that promoted the interests of the rich to the working class's own detriment. In front of these figures (pictured above), Democratic presidential candidate Winfield Scott Hancock performs a delicate act, tenuously standing atop a galloping horse while balancing his running mate, William Hayden English, on his head.
Such cartoons positioned the Wasp as part of a highly influential group of American satirical publications. They suggest the influence that the weekly believed it held among its contemporaries and its nearly 10,000 subscribers, emphasizing the publication's salience as a prominent cultural arbiter and source of social criticism in the American West.
IMAGES OF MARGINALITY
Though racism, bigotry, and gross asymmetries of wealth existed in all American regions during the late nineteenth century, divisions of groups in the American West ran along many particular racial, ethnic, and religious lines. Unlike the South, where whites enforced the strict caste subordination of African Americans, the West's solutions were more opaque and difficult to implement. And while the Wasp's cartoons conveyed messages about the place of marginal groups--particularly the Chinese--the weekly also took aim at local and national elites, from greedy San Francisco rail magnates to corrupt federal politicians, most commonly for exercising near-conspiratorial power, corruption, or gross managerial incompetence.
Two cartoons illustrate the Wasp's grasp of these groups at the local and national levels. The first, The Three Troublesome Children, the December 1881 cover illustration, depicts marginal groups unique to the American West and their alleged threats. (20) In it, Keller represents Columbia--the female personification of the United States--as a maternal figure with three children. The coolie laborer ("China Question")--the unfree worker on a fixed contract sent by labor agents in China--pulls her hair as a bearded Mormon squirms on her lap and spits in her face. (21) Both the Chinese and Mormon characters are disdained for their anti-American inclinations--the former for their supposed disinterest in acculturating to American ways of life and the latter for their social insularity and open contempt for the federal government and its attempts to interfere with their ways. Utilizing a common artistic trope to denote marginality, Keller depicts figures of the "lowest" social groups toward the bottom of the cartoon. Here, the lowest is the American Indian, who destroys toy soldiers at Columbia's feet, suggesting the perceived threat of violence from indigenous peoples yet to be removed to reservations. (22)
The cartoon also conveys a palpable sense of frustration: while Columbia contends with the "troublesome children," Uncle Sam pays little attention to her plight, insouciantly reading a newspaper ("Politics") while a cat-o'-nine-tails ("Law") hangs unused on his chair. The image lambastes Uncle Sam for administering no discipline to pressing national problems and conveys a deep sense of exasperation at the federal government's reluctance to contend with these three pressing concerns.
Uncle Sam, however, takes a leading role in Uncle Sam's Troublesome Bedfellows. (23) This 1879 cartoon offers a broader representation of the nation's problem groups than simply those unique to the West. In it, both the Chinese and Mormons have been ejected from Uncle Sam's bed. His Indian bedmate, however, remains on the mattress, along with two other groups more germane to the East (the Irishman) and South (the African American).
The derisive suggestion that the Chinese and Mormons imperiled American institutions again implies that state power can and should be exercised to exclude undesirable groups. Though suggesting the firmer hold by the Irish, African, and Native on their claim to American soil, the cartoon also warns that these bedfellows may be subject to ejection, deportation, or exclusion should they refuse to "behave themselves in a dutiful manner." (24)
As the federal government's enforcement of new rights granted by radical Reconstruction policies to emancipated African Americans began to wane in the South, as many as 26,000 blacks migrated to Kansas from former Confederate states in 1879-80 alone. (25) Although African Americans had been present in California in very small numbers since the Gold Rush, it would not be until World War II when blacks would arrive in California in significant numbers. (26)
Despite their small presence in early California, the Wasp did not hesitate to cast African Americans in a derisive light. Not only did the publication suggest that they were one of the nation's many problem groups, it also took a nominally Democratic stance on federal policy in the South in general and black independence and enfranchisement in particular. In the wake of the Great Compromise and the installment of Hayes in the White House, the Wasp lamented another term of Republican rule in the executive branch and its implications for the American racial order.
This sentiment is nowhere more evident than in the weekly's February 24, 1877 cover illustration depicting enormous African American caricatures, one male and the other female, on the steps of the White House, clad in the garb of Uncle Sam and Columbia. Instead of the flag with which nineteenth-century artists typically rendered the figure of Columbia, Keller derisively shows her carrying a flaccid hat on a staff, denoting the Wasp's conviction that the Great Compromise would result in a decline of American power. Two tiny white figures, Uncle Sam and Columbia, flee their colossal successors--symbol of new and threatening African American political inclusion--to the reins of power. Keller not only has utilized the comic device of impossibly fantastic asymmetries in size between the black and white figures, he also has relied on stock characters culled from blackface minstrelsy, which was, like the traveling circus (depicted in The Great American Circus), one of nineteenth-century America's most popular forms of pre-vaudevillian entertainment. (27) That Keller illustrated these minstrel characters literally cloaked in American pride raiment indicates the negativity with which he viewed current events in the nation.
In hindsight, the caricatured threats strike modern readers as exaggerated, if not hysterical and highly ironic, given the well-known aftereffects of the Great Compromise: the "redemption" of home rule and white supremacy to the South. However, it does indicate that whites in California, known for their antipathy toward African Americans from the state's earliest days, feared that the extension of political rights to black men imperiled the nation's republican institutions. (28)
In June 1880, Korbel hired the Englishman Harry Ellington Brook to edit the Wasp. Though it was during Brook's tenure that the weekly became renowned for its politically neutral stance, (29) as analysis of the Wasp's cartoons indicate, this period actually began in the year prior to Brook's arrival. With the implementation of Jim Crow segregation, black disenfranchisement, and political coercion following passage of the Great Compromise, African Americans faced unemployment, eviction, or violence for voting for the Republican ticket or even for voting at all.
In an April 1879 cartoon, two political operatives stand behind a ballot box. A simian-faced Irishman sports the label "Democratic Demagogue," while protruding from the pocket of his well-dressed compatriot is the label "Republican Wire Puller" (a reference to the GOP's well-publicized corruption). As the men look out onto the oft-imagined "Chinese hordes" congregating on the street, the Democrat asks his Republican companion, "Would it not be splendid if we could use the Chinese as 'Voting Cattle' as we do the niggers in the Southern states?"
The cartoon, however, elides the existence of two nearly insurmountable barriers to the scenario it represents. Blacks in the South could, according to law, vote for any candidate of their choosing, yet they seldom, if at all, voted Republican (the party that had liberated them from slavery) due to the on-the-ground reality of white terror and coercion. (30) Second, in regards to the Chinese, the 1790 Congress had promulgated an immigration policy restricting naturalized citizenship to "free white persons" who had immigrated to the United States. This decree remained the official policy of the United States until it was nullified by the McCarran-Walter Act in 1952.
The Chinese had directly challenged that policy in California in the spring of 1878, a year prior to the cartoon's publication. Lorenzo Sawyer, presiding over the United States Courts for the Ninth Circuit, delivered his opinion in the case of Ah Yup, a Chinese immigrant who petitioned for naturalization on the grounds that he, as a Chinese man, qualified as white and was therefore eligible for American citizenship. Sawyer concluded that the case had, in fact, shown the elusive nature of the definition of "white," as science had failed to adequately account for racial differentiation. However, the judge countered, in the United States, the word had "a well settled meaning in common popular speech," in a way that had become "constantly used in the sense so acquired in the literature of the country, as well as in common parlance." (31) Lacking empirical grounds on which to base his ruling, Sawyer opted instead to base his juridical logic on the grounds of social consensus and a tacit endorsement of the legitimacy of white supremacy. The Chinese, unlike blacks in the South, had no de jure claim to the franchise in any case.
THE CASE OF THE CHINESE
As evidenced by the frequency and hysterical nature of their portrayal, however, no group--Indians and Mormons included--preoccupied the minds of the Wasp's staff more than the Chinese. The issue became Korbel's principal concern following the publication's retreat from political partisanship. Keller dutifully channeled into his illustrations his employer's malaise with the two major political parties and their reluctance to address the Chinese threat. In the ensuing decades, the Chinese became the Wasp's favorite target as it rolled off the presses each week.
California's ambivalent relationship with Chinese immigrants began almost as soon as they arrived at Gold Mountain, the name they gave to Gold Rush California. In San Francisco, city planners included the Chinese--wearing silk robes made in their native land--in a parade celebrating California's admission to the Union in 1850. (32) Two years later, Governor John McDougal suggested that California might use more laborers from China to help drain the state's swamplands. But migration gained considerable momentum during the following years, when the flow of Chinese migrants swelled from 325 forty-niners to 20,026 arrivals in 1852. In May of that year, the state legislature required that all foreigners without plans to naturalize pay a three-dollar annual tax. In reality, the tax was a thinly veiled handicap on all nonwhite or foreign competition for California's gold: Chinese, Mexican, Chilean, Hawaiian, Peruvian, and Argentinean. (33)
The lure of gold was not the only reason people in China were willing to indenture themselves to powerful merchants to cross the Pacific. Imperialism helped to push these immigrants onto ships. During the Opium Wars of 1839-42 and 1856-80, Britain had enforced, through force of arms, its right to sell opium to the people of China against the wishes of the Qing government. These wars resulted in indemnities to Western powers, creating a massive debt in China that the state attempted to ameliorate by imposing stifling taxes on its people. By the 1850s, many Chinese men sought more stable economic footing in the United States. (34) Even after the momentum of the Gold Rush began to wane, steamship companies and agents in China recruited laborers to meet the tremendous manpower needs in the developing American West. (35)
Most famously, between 1865 and 1869, 10,000 Chinese workers provided a crucial labor force for the Central Pacific Railroad during its construction of the western segment of the transcontinental railroad. (36) California, unlike other regions where the Chinese settled, saw an arrival rate twice that of Anglo American immigrants during the 1870s. After the railroad's completion, many former workers banded together in urban enclaves (most notably in San Francisco's Chinatown) to protect themselves against violence by white vigilante groups that had continued since the Gold Rush. (37) They typically found employment similar to railroad work--menial, low-wage jobs, most commonly as domestics or launderers--performing much of the dirty, dangerous but necessary work required to support growing populations. (38)
Many of San Francisco's European and European American citizens already viewed the Chinese as the nonwhite "other," the antipode to their own position in society. (39) The foreignness of Chinese immigrants' dress, language, and culture came to embody all that white San Franciscans defined as anathema to their American identity. When the bottom dropped out of the economy, their anger exploded. The Panic of 1873, spawned by the insolvency of Jay Cooke & Co. (one of the federal government's primary Civil War financiers), coupled with speculation in Virginia City's Comstock Lode, sent ripples of economic downturn to San Francisco, raising resentment of Chinese immigrants to new heights. Prior to the Depression, because the Chinese had found work in thankless, low-wage jobs, whites did not perceive them as a threat to their economic well-being. But by the mid-1870s, as the city's number of unemployed white men grew, so too did their animosity toward Chinese workers. The missionaries and racial radicals who had once been the sole allies of California's Chinese now capitulated to the popular anti-Chinese tide and withdrew their support. (40) Under such conditions, the West Coast became a cauldron of anti-Chinese antipathy, racism, and violence.
The 1877 restoration of white supremacy to the South marked an opportunity for the state's anti-Chinese movement to solidify and take on new momentum. Californians seized the opportunity to insert their brand of white supremacy into highly contested debates about race in post-Civil War America. The Wasp consistently lamented what it perceived as a lack of sympathy in the eastern United States for the invasion by "Chinese hordes" on the Pacific Coast. The weekly maligned Hayes throughout his presidency for ignoring the outcry against the continued importation of Chinese coolie labor. Although the Wasp mocked a number of marginal groups, its cartoonists expended a disproportionate amount of effort ridiculing the Chinese and those deemed complicit in their continued arrival on the West Coast.
One of the leading sources of the anti-Chinese movement stemmed from the ideology of free labor, a significant political vehicle in the decades leading up to the Civil War. Although whites in the West tended to subsume all Chinese under the rubric of coolie labor, most Chinese immigrants lived as free individuals to a greater or lesser extent. (41) The white exclusionist movement utilized "free labor" ideology to conflate coolies with voluntary Chinese immigrants, who, while exploited, underpaid, and often trapped in cycles of debt, controlled their destination and negotiated the terms of their labor contracts. The former often journeyed to the United States on a credit-ticket system, making many voluntary Chinese immigrants more analogous to European indentured servants than the "slave" label that the western anti-Chinese movement so readily attached to them. In all its cartoons on the "Chinese question," the Wasp never distinguished between voluntary and involuntary immigration from across the Pacific.
In March 1879, the Wasp published Reasons Why the Anti-Coolie Bill Had No Effect in response to Hayes's veto of a congressional bill that would have prevented U.S.-bound Chinese ships from carrying more than fifteen passengers. (42) In the cartoon, Hayes, wearing women's clothing, futilely attempts to beat back an enormous crocodile ("Coolie Immigration") with a rolled paper ("Anti Chinese Bill"). A fence ("Burlingame Treaty," an 1868 agreement giving China "most favored nation status" and guaranteeing free immigration of the Chinese to the United States) prevents Hayes from keeping a white workingman, wearing a hat ("western states") from the jaws of a crocodile in its natural habitat, the wetlands. Though no crocodiles lived in sloughs on the Pacific coast, the reference to the work of so many Chinese laborers in their work for agribusiness firms converting California's marshlands into farmland is clear.
Others also keep Hayes from beating back the crocodile: his wife, Lucy, wearing men's clothing (Mrs. Hayes earned a reputation for her influence over her husband, having converted him to the abolitionist cause prior to the Civil War); Henry Ward Beecher, the liberal pastor of Boston's Plymouth Church; Thomas De Witt Talmage, whose dramatic style at the pulpit of New York's Central Presbyterian Church in Brooklyn drew crowds rivaling Beecher's; and a pilgrim, identified by his hat as a "Puritanical Demagogue."
What positions had earned these East Coast individuals the ire of the West Coast's virulently anti-Chinese publications? In his veto message, Hayes had tried to soothe angry Californians by claiming that their problem was one "deserving of the most serious attention of the people of the whole country, and a solicitous interest on the part of congress and the executive." However, he reasoned, international obligations ("articles 5 and 6 of the treaty with China, commonly called 'the Burlingame treaty'") outweighed the alleged threat the Chinese posed to republicanism in the Far West. (43)
For his part, Beecher--his reputation sullied by his infamous trial for adultery in 1875--had long held a tolerant attitude toward the Chinese. In a lecture on their immigration a month after the Wasp published its cartoon, he argued that "the Chinaman does not send to China the railroads he has helped to build, or the improvements he has helped to make in the soil and in the industrial facilities of the country." (44) The reverend mocked Californians' complaint that the Chinese had rebuffed all attempts to convert them to Christianity, quipping, "Well, we have clubbed them, stoned them, burned their houses and murdered some of them--yet they refuse to be converted. I don't know any way except to blow them up with nitro-glycerine if we are ever to get them to Heaven." (45)
Talmage, whose repute as a lecturer earned him both fame and wealth, preached to his flock that "underground life in New York is 50 per cent worse than Chinatown in San Francisco." He refuted the argument that the Chinese contributed little or nothing to California's economy, pointing to the taxes they paid to the government and the rent they remitted monthly to San Francisco's landlords. And as to the veracity of claims about the alleged "menace" threatening California, Talmage was unconcerned. "The Chinese scare," he declared, "is the greatest humbug that has ever been enacted." (46)
The gender confusion and cross-dressing used by the cartoonist to portray the president and First Lady was a popular comedic trope in nineteenth-century culture. (47) In this image, Hayes's feminization exemplifies white California's exasperation with the federal government's inability to protect western states. Keller also portrays the First Lady, who had worked extensively with the Methodist Missionary Society, as literally "wearing the pants" in her marriage, pulling Hayes away from his responsibility to protect American citizens. Eastern moralists and politicians simply did not comprehend western problems and encouraged the government to put off dealing with them.
Other illustrations suggest that the Wasp shared the nineteenth-century fear of miscegenation. In Coming Races, the satirist's play on the word races pits two definitions of the term against each other. Images in the cartoon's lower and upper portions portray actual races--a horse race, a swimming match, and a rowing race. In the center, a multiracial family composed of an Irish father, a Chinese mother, and two seemingly deformed and apelike children figure most prominently. Coupled with the lighthearted wordplay is the disconcerting portrayal of mixed-race children. Here, satire serves as admonition as well as reproach concerning the dire consequences of interracial union.
The message's salience becomes all the more significant when considering that anti-miscegenation ideology, based on the absolute imperative to protect white, feminine domesticity, helped make legitimate a reign of terror against Southern black men. The cartoon shows a white-Chinese couple in lieu of a black-white interracial union and reverses the gender roles of the dominant anti-miscegenation discourse. Curiously, it posits an unlikely union, as the vast majority of Chinese immigrants who arrived in California were men. Most of the women were kidnapped prostitutes. The remainder were typically wives whose marriages had been arranged in China. The likelihood of a marriage between an Irish man and a Chinese woman in late nineteenth-century California would have been slim at best. (48)
THE BIPARTISAN CONSENSUS AND THE RISE OF THE WORKINGMEN'S PARTY OF CALIFORNIA
The Workingmen's Party of California (WPC) had its roots in the primarily German socialist organization on the East Coast and evolved directly out of frustration with the two-party establishment. Although both major political parties had included opposition to the Chinese in their platforms by 1871, six years later California's white working-class men had had enough of their perceived inaction. During the Gilded Age in California, fear of "yellow peril" and resentment of monopoly capital grew in tandem. White resentment of Chinese immigrants and their alleged capitalist puppet masters spawned a briefly successful political party--the WPC--based on a simplistic, double-sided platform of anti-monopolism and Chinese exclusion.
In the summer of 1877, the Great Railroad Strike spread from the East to the West Coast by workers unhappy with wage cuts during the failing economy. The crisis prompted the eastern Workingmen's Party to attempt--though feebly and unsuccessfully--to take leadership of the labor revolt in major cities throughout the nation. The government responded by calling out local militias to put down the strikes. In July 1877, a peaceful sandlot sympathy rally by San Francisco workers descended into an anti-Chinese riot. Rioters clashed with police, broke into more than twenty laundries, and set fire to the Pacific Mail Steamship Company docks. After two days of lawlessness, a vigilante army of 4,000 volunteers led by William T. Coleman, a member of San Francisco's Republican leadership and head of the 1856 Vigilance Committee, took to the city's streets to restore order. Either hoping to avoid an all-out massacre, as had occurred in Los Angeles six years earlier, or spurred by wire reports of a "second civil war" between labor and capital from eastern cities, the "pickaxe brigade" sought to avoid similar atrocities on the streets of San Francisco. (49)
Following the riot, the city's workers opted for more diplomatic means of expressing their discontent. Although bipartisan efforts to end the nationwide railroad strikes by force stimulated the establishment of the WPC, the new party also grew out of objections to the violence Coleman and his men had employed in quelling the anti-Chinese riot. Headed by Denis Kearney, an Irish Catholic immigrant and drayman who gained notoriety as a sandlot orator in the aftermath of the summer riot, the WPC flew the dual flags of immigration restriction and anti-capitalism, blaming the nation's economic woes on the corruption of the railroad companies and the Chinese immigrants they had imported. From the outset, the party conducted all of its rallies and publicity under the banner "The Chinese Must Go!" (50)
Like the anti-coolie clubs before it, the WPC tried to balance its rhetoric between legal means of persuasion and threats of vigilante violence. In October, Kearney and a contingent of his followers marched to the front porches of the Nob Hill elite and, most notably, the Big Four. In their speeches party leaders exhorted their constituents to procure the group's ends by musket should the Central Pacific Railroad not heed their demand to send all its Chinese workers into the ranks of the unemployed. The city's establishment, led by Republican mayor Andrew Jackson Bryant, responded to the ominous speeches by arresting Kearney and other WPC leaders time and again--raising their bail on each occasion--but this served only to increase Kearney's popularity. (51)
At first, the Wasp sympathized with the WPC. Its December 7, 1877 cover lauded the party's "first blow at the Chinese question." The cartoon features a workingman, carrying the sign "Working Men's Procession, Nov. 29th," punching a Chinese man in front of a Chinatown business. The workingman is portrayed as rowdy but performing a valuable community service. Like Coming Races, the image's satire lies in its semiotic conflation of the literal and figurative uses of the word "blow." Rather than tackling the problem through legal channels, the workingman literally has taken the law into his own hands. Keller also depicts a distorted reflection of the Chinese immigrant in a window storefront, literally portraying the Chinese immigrant as a bogeyman who imperiled California's future.
Korbel soon soured on the WPC and especially on Kearney. Though he did not oppose the WPC's position on Chinese immigration, as a businessman he feared the party's virulent anti-capitalism. Wary of the horrific and well-publicized brutality of the 1871 Chinese massacre, his publication took on a moderate stance critical of anti-Chinese radicals and government reluctance to restrict trans-Pacific immigration. The Wasp began to ridicule the party's leader. Kearney's outrageous speeches and bombastic behavior did not help his cause with the local publications. In April 1878, when he bestowed upon himself the title of lieutenant general, the Wasp began publishing caricatures of him as a jackass in military garb. (52) In its parody, the weekly walked a fine line between both anti-Chinese and anti-Kearney views. Whereas most of San Francisco's press--including the Argonaut, the Wasp's main illustrated rival--opposed the WPC, the Wasp focused on satirizing the party's means but not its ends.
In ChineeMushGo!!, a title mocking Chinese immigrants' attempts to linguistically assimilate into San Francisco life, the Wasp illustrates Kearney in the midst of one of his trademark tirades on a "Sand Lot Platform" at the San Francisco waterfront. Two steamships are moored behind him. Kearney stands with his back turned to the ship "To China," onto which two white men force a solitary Chinese man. In front of Kearney, who appears nearly apoplectic, a stream of Chinese immigrants flows off the ship "From China." The lead immigrant reflects the Wasp's position on the party's bloviating leader: instead of fearing Kearney's tantrum, he thumbs his nose at the WPC leader, suggesting that Kearney's hysteria was powerless in the face of the determination of Chinese workers to come to America.
While white supremacy was normative in late-nineteenth-century American life, the eastern press did not show much sympathy for California's "Chinese problem." In September 1879, Harper's Weekly published Political Assassinations as its cover illustration. The image shows an African American freedman on the left ("South"). The subheading "The Mississippi Plan" references the 1875 plan of the state's Democrats to expel or silence both black and white Republicans through violence and terror. A Chinese man occupies the right side ("West"), the home of "The California Plan" and the "Sand Lots." (53)
The black man ambles by notices of the August 1879 murder of Captain Henry M. Dixon, an independent candidate for Yazoo County sheriff, who had been shot to death by J. H. Barksdale, a candidate for chancery clerk. The Chinese man walks past posted reports of the attempted murder the same month of Isaac Kalloch (the WPC's candidate for mayor of San Francisco) by San Francisco Chronicle managing editor Charles DeYoung. (54) The notices also indicate that Californians are a "bad lot" for whom "Denis Kearney is Boss." In the cartoon's caption, Nast points out the lawless hypocrisy of the South and West: "'The Nigger Must Go' and 'The Chinese Must Go'--The Poor Barbarians Can't Understand Our Civilized Republican Form of Government." Both sections of the cartoon share the phrase "mob law"--the vehicle for the sometimes figurative, and other times literal, assassinations of both African Americans in Mississippi and Chinese in California. The illustration makes clear that East Coast publications saw their region as more civilized and accepting of its minority groups than did the American West, ignoring a long history of racial violence in the Northeast.
In addition to caricatures of Chinese immigrants, the Wasp also lampooned the hypocrisy of white San Franciscans who supported the anti-Chinese movement politically while conducting business for their goods and services. Undoubtedly, many people who economically sustained the Chinese in these ways were among the weekly's readership. With a braying Kearney jackass at its center, The Chinese Must Go! But Who Keeps Them? portrays scenes of white San Franciscans patronizing Chinese businesses, including laundries, the predominant independent Chinese enterprise in California. Two scenes illustrate whites buying goods from the Chinese proprietor of a cigar factory and a fish peddler. Only one scene, in the lower left, features whites performing a service--providing transportation--for the Chinese. The cartoon posits that Kearney has missed the point: instead of placing the blame for coolie immigration on the shoulders of the wealthy, specifically, and capitalism in general, he should first look to the working-class men and families who benefited from and helped sustain Chinese immigrant ventures.
In reality, however, the Wasp's publisher himself was complicit in "keeping" the Chinese in California. The Chinese owned and worked in over 90 percent of San Francisco's cigar-making factories. Korbel profited directly from enterprising and hardworking Chinese immigrants at his cigar-box manufacturing business. A businessman first and foremost, he was willing to criticize the very practices in which he partook in order to sell as many issues as possible and maintain a healthy bottom line. (55)
The Wasp's staff did not always agree with the weekly's opinions and, at times, conflicting messages resulted in the same issue. The writer and wit Ambrose Bierce, who was hired by Korbel in 1881, opposed both the anti-Chinese and anti-Mormon sentiments in the West. Though he never directly challenged the Wasp's recurrent ridicule of both groups, he took issue with such views in his written editorials. Always the misanthrope, Bierce even favored allowing Mormons to practice polygamy free of persecution, declaring "Name o' God, let 'em polygam! They do not force upon others a plurality of wives!" (56) He also objected to the belief of West Coast denizens that their own intimate knowledge of California's "Chinese question" was more grounded than that of citizens and lawmakers in other regions of the country. As Congress debated the Chinese Exclusion Act, Bierce wrote in the Wasp in March 1882: "Without any consuming ambition to be brickbatted as a Chinophile, I venture to point out that the claim to infallibility, which our people base their superior knowledge of the practical workings of Chinese immigration, as compared with eastern ignorance thereof, is mostly nonsense. It commonly occurs that the clearest, most logical and most practical view of social and economical questions is taken from outside by observers whose interests are not directly affected. Might it not be true in this instance that the Massachusetts looker-on sees the game more clearly than the players?" (57)
Despite such expressions of ambivalence concerning the Chinese, the WPC gained a major political foothold, winning a number of seats in the legislature in the fall of 1878. That year also saw a convention to revise the outdated state constitution of 1849, written in haste at the height of the Gold Rush. (58) WPC delegates dominated the convention's left wing, in which they organized a committee on Chinese immigration. John Miller, head of the committee, gave voice to its members' resentment of the East Coast's dismissive attitude: "If they say this is not an evil, and the Chinese are as good as any other class of immigrants--that we are making a great noise and confusion about nothing--let us send over four, or five, or ten thousand of these people ... belonging to the diseased and criminal classes ... and see how they like it. There would be no surer way of changing their views upon the Chinese question." (59) As we have seen, the Wasp shared Miller's sentiment, one that may have had some basis in fact; not only did the eastern press show little interest in publishing any commentary on the West's "Chinese question," it also showed little reluctance to portray California as irrational and violent.
As it did with all issues of concern to San Franciscans, the Wasp offered its opinion and analysis of the convention's proceedings. In its two-page center illustration, The Constitutional Pump, a sole figure represents the conference's varied contingents: the WPC, the clergy, women, the Temperance Party, and members of the two major political parties. To his right, the Wasp (in literal, entomological form) observes the scene through binoculars from its perch atop a fence.
As the figure pumps the state capital, out spew a number of documents identifying a range of issues: women's rights, Chinese exclusion, temperance, the eight-hour day. These issues appear to crush the white female representing the "Old Constitution," imbuing her with nineteenth century beliefs about white feminine virtue. "Help!! I am going down!!" she cries, as the bills drown her and run into the sewer.
The cartoon also contains two significant inset illustrations. In the upper right corner, a moneybag with an oilcan's handle and spout bears the inscription "Daily supply of oil for the pump," a reminder to the taxpayer of the convention's daily costs. In the upper left corner, a Chinese immigrant blocks the blast of a cannonball from the "constitutional convention" with a "Burlingame" shield. The drawing implies that the expenditures of the new constitution would be all for naught: with an intransigent federal government unwilling to renege on its agreement with a foreign nation, quixotic clauses in the new constitution outlawing Chinese immigration would be a costly waste of time.
The indispensability of cheap Chinese labor belied the simplistic rhetoric of the WPC's "Chinese Must Go!" rallying cry. This proved to be a major factor in exposing hypocrisy within the party's ranks, leading to its swift fall from political influence. In addition to party infighting and corruption, police found San Francisco's mayor, the WPC's Isaac Kalloch, hiding 250 Chinese laborers in a warehouse at Page and Gough Streets. Kearney lost his momentum through squabbles with his subordinates and prolonged absences as he traveled throughout the East Coast to promote the greenback movement. (60)
The Wasp did not hesitate to take credit for Kearney's and the WPC's undoing. In Keller's 1882 cartoon Siesta, a muse ("The Illustrated Press of America") lulls a number of satyrlike figures to sleep. In a typically demeaning rendering, swine commiserate on the lower right, one the "Chinese Question" and the other "Polygamy." A Mormon goat reclines next to porcine characters. Keller represents the "Indian Question" as a rattlesnake; the venomous reptile of the American West symbolizes the violent threat posed by America's indigenous peoples. He portrays the Southern Pacific Railroad as a vulture and the powerful corruption and avarice of emerging industrial capitalism ("Stocks") as the bull and bear. Behind the political figures in the foreground lies the skeleton of a donkey with a sword plunged into its chest. Kearney's trademark hat sits atop the sword's handle, accompanied by the note "Killed by the Wasp." Here Keller portrays the illustrated press generally through the simile of musical accompaniment and the Wasp specifically as the vehicle to lull both the powerful and problematic to sleep.
THE WASP AND THE CLOSING OF THE GATE
With Congress debating Chinese exclusion in 1882, the Wasp did what it did best: it published finely drawn cartoons rendering in caricature the threat posed by the "Chinese menace." In Uncle Sam's Nightmare, Uncle Sam rests in his bed as the Mormon goat ("Polygamy") weighs him down and a trio of female Mormon goats watches in the background. A weight with an Asian face and the inscription "Chinese Question," supported by "Chinese hordes" behind it, creates an even heavier burden on the national symbol as he rests, oblivious to the imminent threats of immigration and polygamy.
More than anything else, however, what stands out is the construct of the two caricatures. Mormons resembled the American mainstream in race and national origin; cartoonists had to invent a stock character to represent them. But the very difference of the Chinese made it necessary only to exaggerate their putatively threatening cultural characteristics. For example, the repeated portrayal of Chinese eating rats symbolized their willingness to work for starvation wages. Chinese exoticism offered satirical artists the opportunity to render instantly recognizable stereotypes clothed in black humor.
While the Wasp regularly marked certain social groups as "problem" and subjected them to mockery and opprobrium, it took special pains to embed in its cartoons memorable, satirical messages about the West's "Chinese problem." The weekly's owners and staff knew well the attitudinal tenor of their readership and the emotional cues to which they would respond. After the Great Compromise, Korbel no longer used his weekly as a platform for his own political agenda, but rather to maximize his bottom line. As a cultural formation of western American society, The Wasp helped to amplify already smoldering grievances among the white working class west of the Rockies. It functioned as a major catalyst in the racist hysteria that culminated in the 1882 legislation heralding a sixty-one-year period of near-complete cessation of Chinese immigration to the United States.
(1) For more on the split within California's Union-Republican Party and the return of War Democrats to their party in California, see Najia Aarim-Heriot, Chinese Immigrants, African Americans, and Racial Anxiety in the United States, 1848-82 (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 2003), 105-7; Robert J. Chandler, "Friends in Time of Need: Republicans and Black Civil Rights in California during the Civil War," Journal of the Southwest 24, no. 4 (Winter 1982), 336-7; Eugene Berwanger, The West and Reconstruction (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1981), 202-5; Alexander Saxton, The Indispensable Enemy: Labor and the Anti-Chinese Movement in California (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971), 81-88; Joshua Paddison's recent monograph American Heathens: Religion, Race, and Reconstruction in California (Berkeley: University of California and Huntington Library Press, 2012) gives an excellent synopsis of white California's descent into rabid Sinophobia--across nearly all religious and political cleavages--as a corollary to the retreat from radical Reconstruction in Washington, D.C.
(2) The queue was a hairstyle forced upon the Han Chinese by the Qing Dynasty featuring a shaved scalp to the temples with the remainder of the hair tied into a tight braid. See William T. de Bary, Sources of Chinese Tradition (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999), 326.
(3) Scholars have not written a great deal generally on the Wasp. The San Francisco Historical Society published the first effort, Kenneth M. Johnson's introductory essay in the 1967 book The Sting of the Wasp: Political and Satirical Cartoons from the Truculent Early San Francisco Weekly (San Francisco: Book Club of California, 1967). The book contains Johnson's fifteen-page depiction of the weekly and an extended set of reproductions of the publication's illustrations. Roger Olmsted's article "The Cigar Box Papers: A Local View of the Centennial Electoral Scandals," California Historical Quarterly 55, no. 3 (Fall 1976): 256-69 deals only with the Wasp's origins as a West Coast mouthpiece for Samuel Tilden's 1876 Democratic bid for the presidency, but provides some intriguing analysis of the weekly's early illustrations and editorials in their rough and unrefined form. Bruce Johnson, in his essay "The Wasp" in Edward Chielens, ed., American Literary Magazines (New York: Greenwood Press, 1986), 432-37, added more to the narrative first put forth by Kenneth Johnson nine years prior. Historical geographer Gray Brechin's short piece "The Wasp: Stinging Editorials and Political Cartoons," Bancroftiana 121 (Fall 2002), written as a biographical note for the Bancroft Library's extensive collection of historical issues of the Wasp in 2002, serves as an excellent, if brief, introduction to the magazine's first ten years. The best and most recent treatment of the weekly, Richard Samuel West's The San Francisco Wasp: An Illustrated History (Easthampton: Periodyssey Press, 2004), painstakingly documents the series of editors and publishers at the head of the publication, gives extended histories of its artists and does a credible job of providing a larger historical context for the narrative. Both book-length treatments also contain extended color plates of myriad Wasp caricatures. The illustrations in both books, however, appear merely as illustrations for the larger history of the Wasp; both opt for simple description of a great deal of images in lieu of in-depth examination of the social and political messages contained in the visual language of a few examples. Though no scholar has yet analyzed the anti-Chinese movement through political cartoons, the historiography of the movement is rich indeed. Early treatments, such as Mary Roberts Coolidge's Chinese Immigration (New York: Arno Books, 1909), Elmer Sandmeyer's The Anti-Chinese Movement in California (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1939) put forth the "California thesis," which saw white agitation for exclusion in California as the primary engine for legislative action. Stuart Crieghton Miller took exception with this theory in The Unwelcome Immigrant: The American Image of the Chinese (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), arguing that late-nineteenth-century cultural formations--books, newspapers, journals, the penny press, cigar boxes, broadsides, etc.--reflected a nationwide antipathy toward the Chinese. Although Miller's thesis has been effectively discredited and the California thesis restored by Saxton's The Indispensable Enemy (1971) and Gwendolyn Mink's Old Labor and New Immigrants in American Political Development: Union, Party and State, 1875-1920 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986), Miller's work has paved the way for several recent works on race by cultural historians, such as Robert Lee's Orientals: Asian Americans in Popular Culture (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1999), Deirdre Murphy's "The Look of a Citizen: Images of Immigration in Gilded Age Painting and Popular Press Illustration" (PhD Diss., University of Minnesota, 2007), and Mae Ngai's recent reflection on the term "coolie" in western popular culture in "Western History and the Pacific World," The Western Historical Quarterly 43, no. 3 (Autumn 2012): 282-88. In Racial Fault Lines: The Historical Origins of White Supremacy in California (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), sociologist Tomas Almaguer has suggested that the anti-Chinese crusade was one of many elements of the development of white supremacy in California. Aarim-Heriot's Chinese Immigrants, African Americans, and Racial Anxiety compares the comparison of racialized depictions of African Americans and Chinese immigrants throughout the nineteenth century. Other monographs have explored additional dimensions of the anti-Chinese crusade. See Nayan Shah's Contagious Divides: Epidemics and Race in San Francisco's Chinatown (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001).
(4) Johnson, The Sting of the Wasp, 2, 4; West, The San Francisco Wasp, 1.
(5) For more on anti-Chinese violence, see Jean Pfaelzer, Driven Out: The Forgotten War against Chinese Americans (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008) and Scott Zesch's recent monograph, The Chinatown War: Chinese Los Angeles and the Massacre of 1871 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012).
(6) For an excellent analysis of the contingency of social formation as differentiated between early-twentieth-century New York City and rural Arizona Territory, see Linda Gordon, The Great Arizona Orphan Abduction (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2001); see also Evelyn Nakano Glenn's description of different hierarchies of race, class, and gender in Hawaii, the American Southwest, and the American South in Unequal Freedom: How Race and Gender Shaped American Citizenship and Labor (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2002).
(7) West, The San Francisco Wasp, 26.
(8) Ed Salzman and Ann Leigh Brown, The Cartoon History of California Politics (Sacramento: California Journal Press, 1978), 16.
(9) West, The San Francisco Wasp, 5-6.
(10) Johnson, "The Wasp," 434; West, The San Francisco Wasp, 26.
(11) Ironically, the cigar-making industry was one of the central loci of the anti-Chinese crusade. By the mid-1870s, organizations such as the Pacific Coast chapter of the White Cigar Makers Association had vilified the Chinese for driving down the wages of white cigar makers. However, these whites had much more to blame on industrialization than the Chinese. The cigar-making industry, just as had been the case with gold mining two decades prior, had outgrown its artisanal phase. A newly developed mold had simplified cigar shaping and it no longer made sense for one individual to see the entire process through from beginning to end. As a result, the industry now relied on enormous, highly capitalized cigar-making firms, which, through routinization, allowed these firms to hire unskilled laborers (i.e., the Chinese) to begin the process of cigar making. See Saxton, The Indispensable Enemy, 214.
(12) Olmsted, "The Cigar Box Papers," 258.
(13) West, The San Francisco Wasp, 3-4.
(14) Johnson, The Sting of the Wasp, 304; West, The San Francisco Wasp, 3-4. Once the area's redwoods had been felled for cigar boxes, the Korbel brothers began planting grape vines. Korbel Vineyards is today one of northern California's most renowned producers of sparkling wine. After the initial area's redwood depletion, the brothers invested in a sawmill seventy miles north near the Russian River, which had ample redwoods for cigar box-making.
(15) For the rise of centralized federal authority during and after the Civil War, see Richard Bensel, Yankee Leviathan: The Origins of Central State Authority in America (London: Cambridge University Press, 1990).
(16) Olmsted, "The Cigar Box Papers," 259.
(17) West, The San Francisco Wasp, 2.
(18) Ibid., 27.
(19) The San Francisco Illustrated Wasp, Oct. 30, 1880.
(20) The San Francisco Illustrated Wasp, Dec. 16, 1881.
(21) Gary L. Bunker and Davis Bitton describe how cartoonists derived the stock character of the bearded Mormon from the postbellum image of Mormons as goats--a symbol of the licentiousness of polygamy--in The Mormon Graphic Image, 1834-1914: Cartoons, Caricatures, and Illustrations (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1983), 27; see also W. Paul Reeve's monograph Religion of a Different Color: Race and the Mormon Struggle for Whiteness (New York: Oxford University Press, forthcoming).
(22) Albert Boime points out that African Americans generally appear in similar positions in American art--typically in dependent and subservient fashion, in The Art of Exclusion: Representing Blacks in the Nineteenth Century (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution, 1990).
(23) The San Francisco Illustrated Wasp, Feb. 8, 1879.
(24) The cartoon's accompanying editorial explains that "Uncle Sam's capacious bed holds a great variety of bed-fellows; and quite a number of them are rather troublesome by reason of the very marked peculiarities which they possess. Recently the old man has had his patience exhausted by two of them, and the result may be seen by referring to our double-page illustration. His leg is a pretty strong one when he chooses to give it a fling, and it is just possible that he will give it a fling on the other side. We know, of course, that this country is the natural home, the open armed mother, so to speak, for the oppressed of all nations. That will do so long as the oppressed come here and behave themselves in a dutiful manner; but when they want to turn round and lick the old woman, to make her do their sweet bidding, in fact, the thing becomes a little overpowering and it is just possible that the broom handle may be brought into requisition. The picture to which we referred might be attentively studied, and with a great deal of profit too, by a number of people who are troubling him, it is just possible that he might extend that right to some others who are doing their best to make themselves a nuisance. The San Francisco Illustrated Wasp, Feb. 8, 1879, 435.
(25) Though somewhat dated historio-graphically, the best account of this exodus to Kansas is still Nell Irvin Painter's Exodusters: Black Migration to Kansas after Reconstruction (New York: Norton, 1985).
(26) For more on the tiny minority of African Americans in California during the rush for riches, see Rudolph M. Lapp, Blacks in Gold Rush California (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995). For more on these demographic shifts in the state, see Roger Lotchin, Fortress California, 1910-1961: From Warfare to Welfare (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 2002); Robert O. Self, American Babylon: Race and the Struggle for Postwar Oakland (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005); Josh Sides, L.A. City Limits: African American Los Angeles from the Great Depression to the Present (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006), and Douglas Flamming, Bound for Freedom: Black Los Angeles in Jim Crow America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005).
(27) Several scholars have pointed to blackface minstrelsy as a sign of simultaneous loathing and yearning among European American performers and audiences and a crucial component of the social construction of "whiteness." See David Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of America's Working Class (New York: Verso, 1991), particularly chapter 6; Eric Lott, "White Like Me: Racial Cross-Dressing and the Construction of American Whiteness," in Cultures of United States Imperialism, ed. Amy Kaplan (Durham: Duke University Press, 1994); Michael Rogin, "Blackface White Noise: The Jewish Jazz Singer Finds His Voice," Critical Inquiry 18, no. 3 (Spring 1992): 417-53.
(28) At the state's 1849 Constitutional Convention, one of the first items on the agenda was a barely defeated effort to prohibit any African Americans from entering the state. See Aarim-Heriot, Chinese Immigrants, African Americans, and Racial Anxiety, 24-27.
(29) West, The San Francisco Wasp, 40.
(30) For more recent treatments on the anti-black violence that took place in tandem with the retreat from the radical egalitarian promises of radical Reconstruction, see Kaddida Williams, They Left Great Marks on Me: African American Testimonies of Racial Violence from Emancipation to World War I (New York: New York University Press, 2012) and Hannah Rosen, Terror in the Heart of Freedom: Citizenship, Sexual Violence, and the meaning of Race in the Postemancipation South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009).
(31) In re Ah Yup, Circuit Court, District of California, 1 F. Cas. 223; 1878 Cal. LEXIS 1593, April 1878; for an extended reflection on the intellectual and legal implications of the case, see Ian F. Haney Lopez, White by Law: The Legal Construction of Race (New York: New York University Press, 1997).
(32) Kevin Starr, California: A History (New York: Modern Library, 2005), 97-98.
(33) Ronald Takaki, Strangers from a Different Shore: A History of Asian Americans (New York: Little, Brown, & Co., 1998), 79-83.
(34) Chinese women also came to the United States, though nearly all were involuntary migrants brought to American by exploitative businessmen. For more information, see Judy Yung, Unbound Feet: A Social History of Chinese Women in San Francisco (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995).
(35) Karen Leong, The China Mystique: Pearl S. Buck, Anna May Wong, Mayling Soong, and the Transformation of American Orientalism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 8.
(36) Saxton, The Indispensable Enemy, 4.
(37) These anti-Chinese pogroms have been well detailed by Pfaelzer, Driven Out.
(38) Deverell, Railroad Crossing, 36.
(39) This argument was originally put forth by Alexander Saxton in The Rise and Fall of the White Republic: Class Politics and Mass Culture in Nineteenth Century America (New York: Verso, 1990).
(40) See Paddison, American Heathens, especially chapters 5 and 6.
(41) For an excellent treatment of the growth of the free labor ideology, see Eric Foner's classic Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party before the Civil War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995). For more on the term "coolie" and its implications, see Ngai, "Western History and the Pacific World." Moon-Ho Jung's Coolies and Cane: Race, Labor, and Sugar in the Age of Emancipation (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2006), a study of the Chinese in Louisiana during Reconstruction, looks at the designs of antebellum planters to use Chinese coolies--already used in the Caribbean--to fill the agricultural labor vacuum should emancipation occur. For other studies of the Chinese outside the American West, see Lucy M. Cohen, Chinese in the Post-Civil War South: A People without a History (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1984); James W. Loewen, The Mississippi Chinese: Between Black and White (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971); Shih-shan Henry Tsai, "The Chinese in Arkansas," Amerasia Journal 8 (1981): 1-18; Arthur Bonner, Alas! What Brought Thee Hither?: The Chinese in New York, 1800-1950 (Madison: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1997).
(42) Saxton, The Indispensable Enemy, 36-37.
(43) Hayes' veto message printed in The Boston Globe, Mar. 2, 1879.
(44) It was common in the nineteenth century to totalize "problem groups" under one supposedly unifying moniker--Americans often used "the Chinaman" or "John" when referring to the Chinese.
(45) New York Tribune, Mar. 20, 1879.
(46) New York Tribune, Sept. 20, 1880.
(47) For instance, Mark Twain in his masterpiece The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, which contains an instance where the title character tries (unsuccessfully) to pass himself off as a girl; Mark Twain, The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn (London: Piccadilly, 1884).
(48) For more on antimiscegenation legislation in the West, see Peggy Pascoe, What Comes Naturally: Miscegenation Law and the Making of Race in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010).
(49) Saxton, The Indispensable Enemy, 113-14. For more on the Great Railroad Strikes of 1877, see Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877 (New York: HarperCollins, 1988), 583-85.
(50) Saxton, The Indispensable Enemy, 17, 112.
(51) Pfaelzer, Driven Out, 77-78; Saxton, The Indispensable Enemy, 118-19.
(52) West, The San Francisco Wasp, 14-15.
(53) For more on organized Democratic violence begun during Mississippi's 1875 campaign, see Foner, Reconstruction, 559-63.
(54) For more on Barksdale murdering Dixon, see the New York Times, Aug. 21, 1879. For more on the feud leading up to the De Young shooting Kalloch, see Saxton, The Indispensable Enemy, 139-40.
(55) West, The San Francisco Wasp, 20.
(56) The San Francisco Illustrated Wasp, Aug. 30, 1884.
(57) The San Francisco Illustrated Wasp, Mar. 24, 1882.
(58) Saxton, The Indispensable Enemy, 124-27.
(59) Carl Swisher, Motivation and Political Technique in the California Constitutional Convention, 1878-1879 (Pomona: Pomona College Political Science Monograph Series, 1930), 21.
(60) Saxton, The Indispensable Enemy, 146, 152, 171.
NICHOLAS SEAN HALL recently completed his doctoral work in history under the tutelage of William Deverell at the University of Southern California. His dissertation, "'This Strange and Distant Land': Isolation, Problem Groups, and the Incorporation of California, 1846-1882," examines the cultural and intellectual integration of California into the American nation, arguing that the push to restrict Chinese immigration in the 1870s was the state's final successful gambit to fully incorporate into the national fabric.
|Printer friendly Cite/link Email Feedback|
|Author:||Hall, Nicholas Sean|
|Date:||Mar 22, 2013|
|Previous Article:||Farmer's market: agribusiness and the agrarian imaginary in California and the far west.|
|Next Article:||State of Mind: New California Art Circa 1970.|