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The Protestant denominational press and the conscription crisis in Canada, 1917-1918.

Canadians in 1917 recognized that the war against the Central Powers had not been going well. The previous year's carnage in the battles of Verdun and the Somme on the Western Front had ended in stalemate; Russia was suffering and by the end of the year faced revolution and civil war; France was being bled dry; troop morale was plummeting, and soldiers were mutinying--although this was not widely known at the time; German U-Boats were sinking merchant ships almost with impunity in the North Atlantic; and the Central Powers were making significant gains in the Balkans. The entrance of the United States into the war in April 1917 was cause for optimism, but American troops would not begin to make an impact on the Western Front until well into 1918. And what made it seem an even worse crisis for the Entente Powers was the perception that Germany was doing a better job of marshalling resources for the war effort through the proficient exploitation of conquered territories, centralized government control of resources, and universal conscription.

Despite the discouraging military situation, Canadians were surprised when Prime Minister Robert Borden returned in May 1917 from a trip to Britain and announced that he intended to implement conscription. He was motivated by his observation that the desperate needs of the front called for an increased commitment from Canada, as well as by the conviction that Canada needed to act like a great nation if it were to be treated like one in the war's aftermath. (2) Two domestic realities further justified his decision: the unwillingness of Quebecois and the reluctance of a significant number of eligible English Canadians to enlist. (3) Borden was convinced of the pressing need to compel recruits to fill the depleted ranks of the Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF).

The political battles related to the passage of the Military Service Act (MSA) on 29 August 1917, (4) the formation of the Union Government in October, (5) and the debates surrounding the 17 December 1917 federal election led to the pulling of "all the stops" and the unleashing of "the flood tide of Anglo-Saxon racism." (6) Conscription threatened to divide the nation along ethnic and religious lines: indeed, some historians assert that "no single issue has done more to muddy the political waters or to destroy the unity of the nation" than conscription, and it "seemed that the end had come" to the .unique Canadian experiment of fusing two races into one. (7)

In general, English Canadians supported Conscription, while French Canadians did not. A riot occurred in Montreal the night the bill became law, and Borden's electoral victory over Wilfrid Laurier and the Liberais alienated many Quebecers. (8) When serious violence erupted in Quebec City on Easter weekend 1918 over 4000 troops were stationed in Quebec City and 2000 near Montreal to ensure that the riots did not develop into a province-wide insurrection. (9) The close of the war ended the Borden government's nightmare of enforcing a law that even English Canadians were starting to resent.

What made the matter so dangerous for the fledgling nation were the shrill denunciations of Quebec emanating from English Canada that stoked the passions of ah already enflamed populace in Quebec. Yet, there were voices of moderation in English Canada, namely various Protestant denominational newspapers that counseled understanding from their readers. By the end of the nineteenth century, and into the twentieth, the major Protestant churches--Anglican, Baptist, Methodist, and Presbyterian--had a strong influence on English-Canadian society (10) and many of their leaders and institutions were committed to shaping national identity. (11) Particularly in wartime the churches constructed imperial and national ideals and identity through their services, sermons, organizations and literature. (12) This article describes and analyzes the reaction of the Canadian Protestant press to the 1917-1918 conscription crisis by examining how it used its nation-building potential and mission to deal with an acute crisis. (13) The response of the papers to the war in general, and to the conscription crisis in particular, demonstrates the nation-building mission of the Protestant publications. In varying degrees, editors of the denominational papers weighed in on the debates, urging support for conscription and for the Unionists, while at the same time promoting an understanding of French Canada.

The actions of the religious press reveal a subtle but important shift in its nation-building project. Its moderation arose out of its goal of building the new Dominion into a prosperous, powerful, and mainly Protestant nation, but the rancour surrounding the conscription crisis led to the realization that prejudices entrenched in race and religion would ultimately destroy the very nation they were trying to build. Motivated more by political reality than by theological ecumenism, their reaction mirrors broader shifts within the British Empire and nation. The same nation-building role that prompted the churches to evangelize Catholics, especially in the newly-settled West, motivated the denominational press to condemn anti-French rhetoric and encourage an understanding of French Canadian history, culture and religion. Consequently, and ironically, the Protestant denominational press, a formidable tool to Protestantize Canada, became--at least for a few brief months--a proponent of ?onciliation with Catholics in Quebec.

The conscription crisis could be a recipe for disaster. Within the Protestant churches was a welter of assumptions and ideas that could easily encourage anti-Catholic violence: Protestants had a long history of harsh anti-Catholic polemics, wanted to convert Roman Catholics to the "true" faith, ardently supported the empire, believed the war was a righteous and necessary one, endorsed the call for conscription, and resented those who opposed it.

Protestant churches had a lengthy history of harsh anti-Catholic polemics dating from the sixteenth century reformations, but the varying intensity of those polemics "reflected prevailing social, political, and religious conditions." (14) After Waterloo, Britain constructed a national identity around five interrelated notions: free, civilized, prosperous, Christian and Protestant, and the "linchpin" of those was Protestantism. (15) Protestant-Catholic tensions were transplanted into Canada, which had a large well-established French-Catholic community when it became part of the British Empire. Along with the triumph of Protestantism Britons developed the view that Britain and its empire were uniquely Protestant entities with divine blessing. This fusion of imperial and anti-Catholic rhetoric spread from Britain to South Africa, Australia, New Zealand and Canada. (16) By the end of the nineteenth century, however, Canadian anti-Catholicism had become domesticated rather than derivative from the Britain. (17)

The evangelical distrust of and dislike for Catholics strengthened the fusion of empire and Protestantism. Evangelicalism began as a reforming movement within the Church of England in the eighteenth century, but by the end of the nineteenth century its distinct characteristics transcended denominational boundaries. (18) As John Wolffe notes, "anti-Catholicism was very deeply rooted in evangelical identity and ideology. It was not a mere negative prejudice but an impulse at the heart of the movement's spiritual aspirations and religious activity." (19) Organizations such as the Orangemen and the Protestant Protective Association formalized and mobilized those prejudices. (20) This impulse could be very harsh as one wartime letter to the editor in the Canadian Churchman illustrates: "The Roman Catholic religion is a religion of usurpation, blasphemy, and idolatry; they have usurped Christ's place with their altars and sacrifices.... The Romish Church is the cause of all the trouble in the world today." (21)

The nineteenth century has been called the "great century of Protestant missions." (22) By the middle of the nineteenth century contemporaries hailed "the missionary spirit" as the "characteristic feature" of Victorian religious piety. (23) While the Protestant missionary enterprise targeted non-Christian religions overseas, it also regarded Catholics as a legitimate target. In Canada, that meant supporting missions in Quebec in order to "penetrate the very heart of darkness and destroy the citadel of Antichrist." (24) An article "Why Evangelize Romanists?" in the Presbyterian Record argued for the evangelization of Catholics because Catholicism did not teach the true gospel. (25) This theological conviction had political implications particularly in the race to ensure that Canada, especially its West, was a predominantly Protestant nation. (26) Methodist missions among aboriginal groups in Quebec sometimes led to protracted confrontation and legal battles with Catholic authorities (27) Presbyterians worked in Quebec in the shadow of the controversial renegade, Father Charles Chiniquy,(28) and Baptists supported the Grande Ligne Mission just south of Montreal. (29) Not surprisingly, as John Webster Grant has noted, "two militant expressions of an exclusive claim to Christian truth could scarcely coexist in Canada without colliding." (30)

The same ardent imperialism and enthusiastic commitment to the British Empire and Canada's growing role within it exhibited by Canadian English Protestants during the South African War persisted through the First World War. (31) The churches also believed that, despite the horrific casualties, the First World War was a righteous battle that had to be fought against the evils of pan-Germanism, a barbaric Hun that committed unspeakable deeds, and an almost equally despicable fiendish Turkish ally. In the words of an editorial in the Presbyterian Witness, there was to be "no 'truce with hell'--meaning the Kaiser and his henchmen who sat 'in Satan's seat in Berlin."' (32) With the end of hostilities in November 1918, the same paper's editorial entitled "Jehovah Hath Triumphed" made it clear who had ultimately given them the victory. (33)

Framing the war as a holy crusade against tyranny and ungodliness, it is no surprise that the churches supported the call for conscription and resented those who opposed it especially as conscription became a live issue. Few articles on conscription occurred in the Canadian Churchman in 1915, (34) but the coverage intensified in July 1916, peaked in late 1917, and tapered off in mid-1918. Reports on the decisions of synod meetings included sermons and resolutions in favor of conscription, (35) and advertisements, inserted by friends of the Union government, sought to sway voters to vote for it. (36) Letters to the editor revealed a spectrum of opinion, the majority in favor of conscription. (37) Officially, the paper supported the government; its editorials and opinion pieces argued vigorously for conscription. (38)

As in the other denominational publications, the pattern of coverage in the Baptist press followed the course of political events--increasing commentary in 1917 and a tapering off by mid-1918. Initially it was hesitant about conscription, (39) and, even when it became law, deemed volunteering to be better. However, by mid-1917 the editors of both the Maritime Baptist and the Canadian Baptist declared their support for Borden's decision to move forward with conscription. They pronounced on the need for it and for the election of the Union government if the war effort were to be carried on successfully. (40)

Like the Baptist press, the Presbyterian press initially believed that volunteering expressed the ideals of the freedom for which the British Empire was fighting. By 1916, however, it wondered if the voluntary system could fill the depleted ranks of Canadian battalions. (41) It endorsed registration for National Service. (42) By mid-1917 the editor of the Presbyterian Witness declared unequivocally "that compulsory military service is the most equitable and just system of national defence." (43) At their June 1917 General Assembly, Presbyterians passed a resolution in support of conscription, (44) and in the following months their three major papers gave extensive support to the conscription law, the Military Service Bill. (45)

The Methodists also enthusiastically supported conscription, and marshalled their resources to convince the faithful to vote Union in the December 1917 election, for to vote otherwise "would mean Canada's withdrawal from the war." (46) The Christian Guardian presented a case for both the necessity of conscription (47) and voting for the Union government. (48)

Each of these ingredients on its own--a history of harsh anti-Catholic polemics, the desire to convert Roman Catholics to the "true" faith, support for the empire, belief in righteousness of the war, and backing for conscription--contributed to Protestant animosity towards Catholics. Together, they spelled potential trouble for a nation whose two solitudes had not yet fully recovered from the wounds of the South African War. This welter of ideas, passions and historical precedents was indeed a recipe for disaster.

The denominational papers collectively presented a picture of a Canada not doing enough. (49) Canada's organization of the war effort had not measured up to perceived German efficiency, and the voluntary system had not been capable of providing replacements for the appalling casualties of modem warfare. A larger CEF was also needed, an unattainable goal without a change in how Canada recruited soldiers.

Canada faced a crisis in 1917. The denominational papers unanimously declared that uncommon times required extreme measures (measures, however, that needed to be rescinded at the end of the war.) (50) The first extreme measure was to replace party government with a national or union government and to support it. (51) Some editors, however, felt uncomfortable with telling their readers how to vote partly because they did not want to be identified as a party paper, and partly (drawing on a common Protestant caricature of Catholic priests) because they believed that only Catholic priests did so. (52) Secondly, some editors argued that cherished rights and freedoms had to be set aside to implement conscription immediately. Thirdly, by 1917 social reformers, especially among the Methodists and Presbyterians, equated their aims with war aims, and, reflecting their support for state-initiated redistribution of wealth and control of industry, called for the conscription of wealth. (53)

While the Protestant press supported conscription, it was not always without qualification. The Presbyterian and Westminster called for a careful application of the MSA and consideration of the need of farmers for help. (54) Presbyterian journals were also highly critical of the Wartime Elections Act (WEA). Passed on 20 September 1917 by Parliament, it gave the vote to wives, widows, mothers and sisters of soldiers. It also disfranchised citizens from enemy countries (Germany and Austria-Hungary) who had been naturalized since 1902, which effectively took the vote away from people who tended to vote Liberal and oppose Conscription. The Presbyterian press argued that selecting some women over against others was neither fair nor defensible, that revoking privileges affronted fair play and the principles for which Canada and the empire were fighting, and that manipulating the electoral roll seta dangerous precedent. (55)

Where the Protestant press differed most significantly from common attitudes in English Canada was in its conciliatory attitude to French Catholics in Quebec even though it did not always appreciate the nuances of French and Catholic participation in the war. The Catholic response to the war was diverse. A number of Catholics in Quebec and elsewhere favoured the war and empire. For instance, Archbishop Paul Bruchesi organized Montreal clergy to back the British Crown. (56) The Quebec Easter Riot did not develop into something more destructive and widespread in part because the Quebec clergy did not defend it. (57) Other Canadian Catholics, including the Acadians, French Catholics in the Maritime provinces, actively supported the war effort. (58) English Canadian Catholic leaders such as Bishop Michael Fallon of the Diocese of London, Ontario, embraced the war effort. (59) Toronto Catholics supported the war effort. Unlike many Catholic communities in Ireland, the United States and Australia, Toronto Catholics (both lay and clerical) actively assisted in recruitment, bond purchases and national registration. Like their Protestant brethren, they believed the war was just and needed to be fought. On a more practical level, the war provided an opportunity for Toronto Catholics to prove that they were loyal Canadians and supporters of the empire. (60) The Protestant press usually missed this multilayered response of Catholics and the reality that Catholics were not confined to Quebec. Instead, it often simplistically portrayed the issue as English-Canadians patriotic and French-Quebecers disloyal.

Thus, the Protestant press deemed that the war served the purpose of revealing to Canadians the intractable national problem of racial and religious division. The war had not created the division, but it had, in the words of a number of articles in the Maritime Baptist and Canadian Baptist, exacerbated it by fanning "from a smoking flax condition into a devastating flame" the tensions between the French and English. (61) The threat was considered to be real, "for many foolish and some treasonable things have been spoken, and it is evident many of the people are in sympathy." (62) And the problem was serious, without an easy solution:
   In this we find one of the gravest problems which confronts our
   nation. It is almost inevitable that the gap which now divides the
   two races in Canada will be further widened as an outcome of the
   war. We need not consider who will be most to blame for this. Each
   race will be somewhat at fault. But already bitterness is being
   developed, and many are apparently ready to fan the flames of
   discord.... Here, then, is our national problem. Where shall we
   look for its solution? Our political leaders are apparently
   helpless. Indeed often it seems that they are chiefly interested in
   the problem as a means of obtaining political influence. (63)


Realizing the danger to the nascent nation, the Protestant press offered a solution to the crisis. It began by severely condemning those who fostered racial strife. If one good was to come out of the war, one author in the Presbyterian and Westminster concluded, it was that the war had "wakened us from our complacency and made us think" about race in the country. (64) The animosity between Anglophone and Francophone was obvious, but what was one to do?
   The English look down upon the French with more or less disdain,
   and the French look at the English with resentment and rage....
   What are we going to do about it? Continually quarrel? Attempt to
   down one another? Use strong language? Cast slurs at one another?
   ... That would be human nature, but it is not Christianity.... (65)


Not only was fostering racial tensions unchristian, but anyone who did so was a traitor playing into the hands of the nation's enemies: "he who seeks to further embitter political and racial relations is as much the enemy of the nation as is the foe upon the battlefield!" (66) The editor of the Christian Guardian declared such actions "unwise and unpatriotic." (67) His counterpart at the Montreal Churchman echoed that sentiment when he declared "the man who deals in inflammatory speeches, poses as the superlative patriot or adds to the tension of our national situation by giving deliberate offense to those who do not agree with him is no patriot but is playing directly into the hands of our enemy." (68)

Collectively, the papers exhorted their readers to rise above the rancor and exhibit virtues that would build a unified nation, whose future depended upon them. While his paper officially supported the Union cause, the editor of the Presbyterian and Westminster nevertheless distanced it from the more strident Union supporters in Toronto, calling them "extremists," "firebrands," and "mischief-makers." (69) Earlier that year the paper reported how the 1917 Presbyterian General Assembly's presence in Montreal highlighted the nation's dilemma:
   At Montreal the visitor comes face to face with Canada's greatest
   political problem. This is the meeting place of the two races,
   separated by language and religion, in whose hands the destiny of
   our country chiefly lies. What wisdom, what forbearance, what
   sympathetic insight into the standpoint of others; what high
   nobility of temper and of aim, are needed if we are to find a way
   by which our differences may be overcome and the divergent elements
   united in the task of building up a happy, prosperous, and
   God-fearing Canadian nation! (70)


The exhortation was to act responsibly as Christians (whether Catholic or Protestant), for Christianity--properly applied--would bring salvation to both individuals and the nation.

In the weeks preceding the divisive 1917 federal election, the Anglican Montreal Churchman published an exhortation from Bishop John Cragg Farthing. His message was clear; citizens must act wisely for they were facing a crisis that threatened to destroy the country:
   Amidst the world crisis Canada is facing a great crisis of her own,
   a consequence of the war. Never was there need for wiser
   statesmanship in our leaders, and cooler heads on our people. While
   this applies to all Canadians, it particularly applies here in the
   Province of Quebec, which will be the storm centre. We who live
   here must be especially careful. (71)

   Our hope lies in the moderate and reasonable men of all parties and
   all faiths, who will seek to understand the point of view of those
   who differ with them, and who in relation to those of another race
   and faith will observe the rules of fair play and justice.
   Especially we must look to those who are actuated by the spirit of
   Christ, in which even justice is transcended, though never
   displaced, by the spirit of good-will and brotherhood. The Gospel
   of Christ will be found the solvent for this and all other national
   problems, even as it is the hope of salvation for the individual.
   (72)


The ideal was for politicians, clergy and newspapers to engage in the controversy devoid of acrimony, living up to their responsibility to build a Christian nation by acting as Christians.

Others agreed. While the ideal was to act Christianly because it was the right thing to do, the practical reality, as some Protestant papers noted, was that violence would not change people's minds. The "weapons of war" would not break down attitudes in Quebec. (73) Political pressure or other such threats would only lead to further resentment and "stimulate the fires of enmity and mistrust." (74) Even a Protestant majority with its concomitant political power was not the answer: "Men talk at times as if the pressure of a British majority were the all-sufficient remedy for the evil of the situation. To this view the Christian Church cannot consent. Our French brethren must be slowly wooed; they are to be won by the gentle constraint of love and truth." (75)

One way in which editors attempted to mitigate hostility towards French Canadians was to remind readers that Quebecers were involved in the war effort and that not all were "slackers." (76) One article in the Canadian Churchman noted that it was not fair to lump Quebecers all together, since many were loyal and had laid down their lives in South Africa and Europe. (77) Another noted that they had not volunteered to the same degree as English Canadians but those who did were "deserving of special note" since it was more difficult for them to do so. (78) Yet another declared that while Quebecers must be informed of the present threat in Europe, it was also necessary to "heal the breech" in Canada, and readers should remember that Quebec had provided "great men" who gave their lives for the country. (79)

As part of their effort to counteract the strident condemnations in English Canada (even among their own constituents) some editors attempted to look at the war and conscription from the French-Canadian perspective. The clearest example of this was an article in the Presbyterian and Westminster, which sought to explain how, despite their differences, English and French Canadians were both loyal to the nation. (80) English Canadians recently arrived from Britain retained a strong sense of loyalty to Britain, and gradually become Canadian in their affections. English Canadians born in Canada naturally placed their prime allegiance to Canada, but retained a loyalty to Britain and its empire based on family ties and heritage. French Canadians, however, the article argued, were unlike either. Their loyalty was to Canada and to Canada alone: "this is his fatherland, his motherland. To die abroad would be to die in exile." The critical difference was in the attitude to Britain and the empire. Although quite satisfied to be loyal British subjects, French Canadians were not enthusiastic about empire and did not feel the "call of the British blood" to defend it. If Canada was at risk, their "response would be much more hearty," but they did not think that was the case. What was needed was a "sane imperialism" balanced with a "staunch Canadian nationalism" that allowed for these differences and an increased engagement between the two groups so "every brand of loyalty" could "learn from one another." (81)

Editors also encouraged mutual understanding with articles that praised the "Bonne Entente" movement that led the mayor of Quebec City and one hundred French dignitaries to visit Toronto and other Ontario cities in January 1917. Papers such as the Christian Guardian praised the initiative and encouraged readers to endorse such events as a way of gaining a "better understanding" and "sympathetic appreciation" for the French Canadian perspective. (82) The press practiced what it preached. When unrest over conscription turned to violence in Quebec City at Easter 1918 (83) the press reported the riots but made no hateful or divisive denunciations. (84)

Conciliatory language over wartime issues did not mean that Protestants had abandoned their idea that Catholicism was an inferior version of Christianity that needed to be corrected by the purer form of true Christianity--Protestantism. In fact, some writers suggested that the solution to Canada's unity problem was converting Quebec to the democratic views of Protestantism as compared to the autocracy of Catholicism. (85) Harsh judgments and traditional prejudice towards Catholics persisted with articles that revealed distrust of the papacy and negative views of the power of the Catholic Church in Quebec. Reports from synods, letters to editor, editorials and articles often contained statements that worked against the desire to be more understanding of Quebecers. (86) Nevertheless, the practice of conciliatory language not only reveals an example of the nation-building enterprise of the churches, but also an important shift in this endeavor.

In conclusion, the observation that the political battles in 1917 led to "all the stops [being] pulled and the flood tide of Anglo-Saxon racism [being] unleashed" (87) does not apply to the powerful Protestant denominational press. Despite a pedigree and proclivity for anti-Catholic rhetoric, the denominational papers distanced themselves from their past and the attitudes of a number of their constituents, and rejected the shrill denunciations of Quebec by English Canadians.

Although all the denominational papers supported conscription and the Union Government, their response to the war in general, and to the conscription crisis in particular, demonstrates their nation-building mission and the subtle and significant shift in it. The moderation exhibited in the press arose out of its nation-building ethos. The goal was to build the new Dominion into a prosperous, powerful, and mainly Protestant nation, but the rancor surrounding the conscription crisis led to the realization that prejudices entrenched in race and religion would ultimately destroy the very nation they were trying to build. Motivated more by political reality than theological ecumenism, the reaction exhibited in the press mirrors broader shifts within the British Empire reflecting a realization that harsh anti-Catholic rhetoric was "too narrow a basis for a cohesive overall imperial Protestant ideology." (88) In Britain, a shift had begun towards a more generic national identity that was Christian, but not specifically Protestant. (89) As for Canada, the historian J. R. Miller argues that a "waning vitality of those who were opposed to Rome" (90) had occurred by the rime of the First World War.

While it would be premature to conclude that conciliatory language meant the Reformation had ended, the responses manifested in the press demonstrate a realization that the new nation could not survive harsh anti-Catholic rhetoric. Canadians began to learn this lesson during the South African War, but the severity of the 1917 conscription crisis made it clear--to repeat the vitriol of the past was to threaten Canada's future. The same nation-building role that prompted the churches to evangelize Catholics, especially in the West, motivated the denominational press to condemn anti-French rhetoric and to encourage an understanding of French Canadian history, culture and religion. Consequently, and ironically, the Protestant denominational press, a formidable tool to Protestantize Canada, became--at least for a few brief months--a proponent of conciliation.

(1) I would like to thank the Social Science and Humanities Research Council for financial assistance for archival visits.

(2) J.L. Granatstein and J. Mackay Hitsman, Broken Promises: A History of Conscription in Canada (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1977), 62-63. See also Tim Cook, "'Our first duty is to win the war at any cost': Sir Robert Borden during the Great War," Journal of Military and Strategic Studies, 13, no. 3 (Spring 2011): 1-24.

(3) J.L. Granatstein, "Conscription in the Great War," in David MacKenzie (ed.) Canada and the First World War: Essays in Honour of Robert Craig Brown (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005), 65-66. See also Elizabeth Armstrong, The Crisis of Quebec, 1914-1918 (1937; repr., Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1974), 189-91, 247-50. It has been argued that demographics played an important role in the lower number of French-Canadian recruits. For instance, Granatstein and Hitsman claim that French-Canadian men married earlier and worked in predominately rural areas, two important factors that worked against volunteering. However, this argument has also been discounted. For a discussion and analysis of statistics related to recruitment in the CEF, see Granatstein and Hitsman, Broken Promises, 28-29; C.A. Sharpe, "Enlistment in the Canadian Expeditionary Force 1914-1918: A Regional Analysis," Journal of Canadian Studies, 18, no. 4 (Winter 1983-1984): 15-29.

(4) The MSA yielded approximately 24,000 conscripts. Views on the Act vary, and one well-known critic later changed his mind and declared that it was both necessary and effective. See J.L. Granatstein, "Conscription and My Politics," Canadian Military History, 10, no. 4 (Autumn 2001): 35-38.

(5) A Union Government was Borden's attempt to unite his Conservatives with the Liberals primarily in order to support conscription. Sir Wilfrid Laurier and most Liberals refused the offer, but a number of Liberals (mainly those in English ridings) and Independents joined Borden. The Union govemment handily won the election in 1917, but the election pitted Anglophone against Francophone in a bitter contest.

(6) Granatstein and Hitsman, Broken Promises, 76.

(7) Granatstein and Hitsman, Broken Promises, 264; Armstrong, The Crisis of Quebec, 161.

(8) For a summary of other violent reactions, or threats of violence, see Armstrong, The Crisis of Quebec, 179-81.

(9) Martin F. Auger, "On the Brink of Civil War: The Canadian Government and the Suppression of the 1918 Quebec Easter Riots," Canadian Historical Review, 89, no. 4 (December 2008): 503-40.

(10) The Anglicans, Baptists, Methodists and Presbyterians were the largest and

most influential Protestant churches at that time and, unless noted otherwise, "churches" refers to these four denominations. In 1911, there were 1,079,000 Methodists, 1,115,000 Presbyterians, 1,043,000 Anglicans, and 382,000 Baptists for a total of 50.6% of the Canadian population. In the same year, there were 2,833,000 Catholics, for a total of 39.3% of the Canadian population. See Neil Semple, The Lord's Dominion: The History of Canadian Methodism (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1996), 182.

(11) Phyllis D. Airhart, "Ordering a Nation and Reordering Protestantism, 1867-1914," in George Rawlyk (ed.) The Canadian Protestant Experience, 1760-1990 (Burlington, ON: Welch Publishing, 1990), 99.

(12) For the role of the Protestant churches and their press in nation-building, see Gordon L. Heath, '"Forming Sound Public Opinion': The Late Victorian Canadian Protestant Press and Nation-Building," Journal of the Canadian Church Historical Society, 48 (2006): 109-59 and A War with a Silver Lining: Canadian Protestant Churches and the South African War, 1899-1902 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2009). During the South African War (1899-1902) the Protestant press was less shrill and more responsible than the secular press when it came to French Catholic opposition to the war in South Africa. (Heath, A War with a Silver Lining, 84-86). This confirms Carman Miller's argument that the South African War established a number of important precedents in Canada. See Miller, "Framing Canada's Great War: a case for including the Boer War," Journal of Transatlantic Studies, 6, no. 1 (2008): 3-21.

(13) The publications examined in this paper are as follows: Canadian Churchman, editors Rev. W.H. Griffin Thomas (1914-1916), R.W. Allin (1916-1918), Rev. W.T. Hallam (1918-1920), published in Toronto, circulation 4500 (located at the Anglican General Synod Archives, Toronto); Montreal Churchman, editor Rev. A.H. Moore, published in Montreal, circulation unknown (located at the Anglican Diocesan Archives, Montreal); Maritime Baptist, editor E.M. Sipprell, published in St. John, circulation 5500 (located at the Baptist Archives, Acadia University); Canadian Baptist, editor Rev. W.J. McKay, published in Toronto, circulation 6500 (located at the Canadian Baptist Archives, McMaster Divinity College); Christian Guardian, editor Rev. W.B. Creighton, published in Toronto, circulation 21,250 (located at Mills Library, McMaster University); Presbyterian Record, editor Rev. E. Scott, published in Montreal, circulation 57,000; Presbyterian Witness, editor Rev. George S. Carson, published in Halifax, circulation 6250; The Presbyterian, editors Rev. Robert Haddow and P.M. MacDonald, published in Toronto, circulation 13,250; The Westminster, managing director P.M. MacDonald, published in Toronto, circulation 11,750; Presbyterian and Westrninster, editor Rev. Robert Haddow, published in Toronto, circulation 10,500 (all Presbyterian papers located at the Presbyterian Archives, Toronto). Circulation information taken from McKim's Directory of Canadian Publications (Montreal: A. McKim Limited, 1909-1919).

It was a common practice to not include an author's name on articles. While it is difficult to know in every case, anonymous articles most often seem to be the work of the editor, or commissioned by him and represent the position of the paper. Editors were usually clergymen and their papers were expected to be the "voice" of the denomination on pressing religious and social issues. Nevertheless, editors often included dissenting opinions in letters to the editor and in various articles. For instance, the Christian Guardian printed an article critical of the paper's support for Union Government. See "Please Stop My Paper," Christian Guardian, 2 January 1918, 6. Editors also did not hesitate to criticize their own denomination, and even attacked articles printed in their own papers. See, for example, Canadian Churchman, 22 February 1917, 115.

An example of editorial policy and its relation to a denomination can be seen in the Presbyterian and Westminster's treatment of church union. Before the denomination made its decision, articles and letters to the editor presented a variety of positions. Once the denomination made a formal decision, however, the paper only printed material in favour of the decision. See "About Ourselves," Presbyterian and Westminster, 1 March 1917, 238. Of course, these examples, raise the intractable issue of just how much the pages of the press actually represent the views of constituents. However, the point of this research is to indicate the overall and uniform editorial position of the various denominational papers in regards to the conscription crisis.

(14) John Wolffe, The Protestant Crusade in Great Britain, 1829-1860 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), 9.

(15) Hugh McLeod, "Protestantism and British National Identity, 1815-1945," in P. van der Veer and H. Lehmann (eds.) Nation and Religion (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999), 50.

16 John Wolffe, "Anti-Catholicism and the British Empire, 1815-1914," in Hilary M. Carey (ed.) Empires of Religion (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 43 and 58.

(17) Canada also imported anti-Catholism from the United States. J.R. Miller, "Bigotry in the North Atlantic Triangle: Irish, British and American Influences on Canadian anti-Catholicism," Studies in Religion, 16, no. 3 (Summer 1987): 289-301.

(18) David Bebbington's fourfold characteristics of biblicism, conversionism, activism and crucicentrism are the most commonly held descriptors of evangelicalism. See David Bebbington, Evangelicalism in Modern Britain: A History from the 1730"s to the 1980's (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1989), ch. 1.

(19) John Wolffe, "Anti-Catholicism and Evangelical Identity in Britain and the United States, 1830-1860," in Mark A. Noll, David W. Bebbington, and George A. Rawlyk (eds.) Evangelicalism: Comparative Studies of Popular Protestantism in North America, the British Isles, and Beyond, 1700-1990 (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), 184.

(20) See C.J. Houston and W.J. Smith, The Sash Canada Wore: A Historical Geography of the Orange Order in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980); James T. Watt, "Anti-Catholic Nativism in Canada: The Protestant Protective Association," Canadian Historical Review, 48, no. 1 (Mareh 1967): 45-58.

(21) James G. Kidd, "Anglicans and the Roman Catholic Church," Canadian Churchman, 13 June 1918, 381.

(22) Kenneth Scott Latourette, The Great Century, A.D. 1800-1914 (New York: Harper, 1941), 1. Numbers alone made the twentieth century an even greater century for Protestant missions. See Brian Stanley, The Bible and the Flag: Protestant Missions and British Imperialism in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Leicester: Apollos, 1990), 83-84.

(23) Susan Thorne, Congregational Missions and the Making of an Imperial Culture in Nineteenth-Century England (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999), 5.

(24) John Webster Grant, The Church in the Canadian Era (New York and Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson Limited, 1972; repr., Vancouver: Regent College Publishing, 1988), 83.

(25) "Why Evangelize Romanists?" Presbyterian Record, October 1916, 459.

(26) J.R. Miller, "Anti-Catholicism in Canada: From the British Conquest to the Great War," in Terrence Murphy and Gerald Stortz (eds.) Creed and Culture: The Place of English-Speaking Catholics in Canadian Society, 1750-1930 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1993), 41.

(27) Semple, The Lord's Dominion, 291.

(28) John S. Moir, Enduring Witness: A History of the Presbyterian Church in Canada, 2nd ed. (Toronto: Presbyterian Church in Canada, 1987), 154-57. Charles Chiniquy left the Catholic priesthood in Quebec to become a Presbyterian minister. He wrote and spoke passionately against the Catholic Church.

(29) Harry A. Renfree, Heritage and Horizon: The Baptist Story in Canada (Mississauga: Canadian Baptist Federation, 1988), ch. 14 and 25.

(30) Grant, The Church in the Canadian Era, 82.

(31) For analysis of imperialism in the churches, see Heath, A War with a Silver Lining; Gordon L. Heath, "'Were We in the Habit of Deifying Monarchs': Canadian English Protestants and the Death of Queen Victoria, 1901," Canadian Evangelical Review (Fall 2005-Spring 2006): 72-97; Gordon L. Heath, "'Citizens of that Mighty Empire': Imperial Sentiment among Students at Wesley College, 1897-1902," Manitoba History (June 2005): 15-25; Gordon L. Heath, "Sin in the Camp: The Day of Humble Supplication in the Anglican Church in Canada in the Early Months of the South African War," Journal of the Canadian Church Historical Society, 44 (Fall 2002): 207-26; Gordon L. Heath, "Passion for Empire: War Poetry Published in the Canadian English Protestant Press during the South African War, 1899-1902," Literature and Theology, 16 (June 2002): 127-47. For studies of Canada and empire, see Carl Berger, The Sense of Power: Studies in the Ideas of Canadian Imperialism, 1867-1914 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1970); Norman Penlington, Canada and Imperialism, 1896-1899 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1965); Robert Page, "Canada and the Imperial Idea in the Boer War Years," Journal of Canadian Studies 5 (February 1970); Robert Page, The Boer War and Canadian Imperialism (Ottawa: The Canadian Historical Association, 1987); Robert Page, "Carl Berger and the Intellectual Origins of Canadian Imperialist Thought, 1867-1914," Journal of Canadian Studies, 5 (August 1970): 39-43; Douglas Cole, "Canada's 'Nationalistic' Imperialists," Journal of Canadian Studies, 5 (August 1970), 44-45; Terry Cook, "George R. Parkin and the Concept of Britannic Idealism," Journal of Canadian Studies, 10 (August 1975): 15-31; Philip Buckner, "Whatever Happened to the British Empire?" Journal of the Canadian Historical Association, 4 (1993): 3-32; Phillip Buckner, "Canada," in David Omissi and Andrew S. Thompson (eds.) The Impact of the South African War (Houndmills, UK: Palgrave: 2002). For a study of Canadian anti-imperial sentiment, see Carman Miller, "English-Canadian Opposition to the South African War as Seen through the Press," Canadian Historical Review, 55 (December 1974): 422-438; Karen Ostergaard, "Canadian Nationalism and Anti-Imperialism, 1896-1911," (Ph.D. dissertation, Dalhousie University, 1976). For French-Canadian views of empire, see A.I. Silver, "Some Quebec Attitudes in an Age of Imperialism and Ideological Conflict," Canadian Historical Review, 57 (December 1976): 441-60. For Canadian churches and the First World War, see Murray E. Angus, "Living in the 'World of the Tiger': The Methodist and Presbyterian Churches in Nova Scotia and the Great War, 1914-1918," (MA thesis, Dalhousie University, 1993); Samuel J. Richards, "Ministry of Propaganda: Canadian Methodists, Empire, and Loyalty in World War I," (MA thesis, Salisbury University, 2007).

(32) "No Truce with Hell," Presbyterian Witness, 21 July 1917, 4.

(33) "Jehovah Hath Triumphed," Presbyterian Witness, 16 November 1918, 4.

(34) For instance, see "Conscription," Canadian Churchman, 11 February 1915, 92; "Universal Military Service," Canadian Churchman, 22 April 1915, 255.

(35) "Diocese of Ontario Annual Synod," Canadian Churchman, 13 July 1916, 442; "Canada's Share in the War," Canadian Churchman, 22 February 1917, 116; "Charge to Synod," Canadian Churchman, 28 June 1917, 408; "Synod of the Diocese of Rupert's Land," Canadian Churchman, 12 July 1917, 443; "The World Situation," Canadian Churchman, 30 May 1918, 344.

(36) Canadian Churchman, 13 December 1917, 791,809, 810. The Unionist Party Publicity Committee and The Citizen's Union Committee placed these advertisements. The Canadian Churchman also published notices about the National Service Cards (21 December 1916, 817).

(37) Anglo-Canadian, "Conscription," Canadian Churchman, 11 February 1915, 92; Wm. Hamilton Merritt, "Universal Military Service," Canadian Churchman, 22 April 1915, 255; S. H. Bleakley, "The Pro-German Pope," Canadian Churchman, 12 August 1915, 511; B. Capel, "'Spectator' and the French-Canadians," Canadian Churchman, 5 October 1916, 641 ; Shamus O'Hoka, "Conscription of Wealth," Canadian Churchman, 1 February 1917, 76; F.H. Du Vernet, "Voluntary, Compulsory," Canadian Churchman, 31 May 1917, 353; Ed. Harper Wade, "French-Canadians," Canadian Churchman, 23 August 1917, 544, 20 September 1917, 609-10, and 4 October 1917, 641; A.W. Savary, "French-Canadians," Canadian Churchman, 6 September 1917, 576-77; An Ontario Woman, "French-Canadians," Canadian Churchman, 20 September 1917, 607-08.

(38) For instance, see "National Service," Canadian Churchman, 28 December 1916, 827.

(39) "Is There To Be Conscription?" Canadian Baptist, 18 November 1915, 1; "Compulsory Volunteering," Canadian Baptist, 14 December 1916, 1.

(40) "Conscription and National Service," Maritime Baptist, 23 May 1917, 4; "Canada and Conscription," Maritime Baptist, 27 June 1917, 4; "Conscription and National Service," Maritime Baptist, 25 July 1917, 4; "Baptists and the War," Canadian Baptist, 21 June 1917, 1; "Toronto Association and Conscription," Canadian Baptist, 21 June 1917, 8; "Country or Party?" Maritime Baptist, 14 November 1917, 4; "United Empire Loyalists," Maritime Baptist, 5 December 1917, 12; "Why Support the Union Government," Maritime Baptist, 12 December 1917, 4; "Good Christian People of Canada," Maritime Baptist, 12 December 1917, 11; "A Triumph for Union," Maritime Baptist, 19 December 1917, 1.

(41) "The Call for Men," Presbyterian Witness, 31 July 1915, 4; "The Recruiting Campaign in Canada," Presbyterian Witness, 9 October 1915, 1; "Universal Service," Presbyterian Witness, 6 November 1915, 4; "Voluntary or Compulsory Service?" Presbyterian Witness, 15 January 1916, 4; "Conscription in Canada," Presbyterian Witness, 22 April 1916, 1; "The Call for Men," The Presbyterian, 16 November 1916, 420; "Canada Must Do More," The Presbyterian, 14 December 1916, 515-516; "Canada's Best," Presbyterian and Westminster, 8 February 1917, 163.

(42) "Registration for National Service," Presbyterian Witness, 21 October 1916, 1; "The National Service Campaign," Presbyterian Witness, 4 November 1916, 1; "National Service," Presbyterian Witness, 6 January 1917, 1.

(43) "Selective Conscription for Canada," Presbyterian Witness, 26 May 1917, I.

(44) Acts and Proceedings (1917), 37.

(45) "The Conscription Bill," Presbyterian Witness, 16 June 1917, 1 and 30 June 1917, 1; "Universal National Service," Presbyterian Witness, 14 July 1917, 4; "The Military Bill and the Clergy," Presbyterian Witness, 21 July 1917, 1; "Canada's Compulsory Military Service Law," Presbyterian Witness, 4 August 1917, 1; "The Military Service Bill," Presbyterian Witness, 18 August 1917, 1; "A National Win-the-War Government," Presbyterian Witness, 1 September 1917, 1; "The Military Service Act," Presbyterian Witness, 15 September 1917, 1; "The War-Time Elections Act," Presbyterian Witness, 22 September 1917, 1; "Conscription or Voluntary Service," Presbyterian Witness, 24 November 1917, 1.

(46) J.M. Bliss, "The Methodist Church and World War I," Canadian Historical Review, 49, no. 3 (September 1968): 221.

(47) "The Government and the Crisis," Christian Guardian, 23 May 1917, 5, 30 May 1917, 5 and 20 June 1915, 5; "The Need of the Hour," Christian Guardian, 6 June 1917, 5; "Why We Favor Conscription," Christian Guardian, 20 June 1917, 5; "The Honor of Canada," Christian Guardian, 1 August 1917, 6; Christian Guardian, 7 November 1917, 11.

(48) "Canada's Plain Duty," Christian Guardian, 15 August 1917, 5; "Union Government for Canada," Christian Guardian, 17 October 1917, 6; "The Union Government's Policy," Christian Guardian, 24 October 1917, 6; "Canada's War Election," Christian Guardian, 14 November 1917, 5; "The Coming Election," Christian Guardian, 21 November 1917, 5; "Canada' s Great Day of Destiny," Christian Guardian, 28 November 1917, 5; Edward Trelawney, "Party or Union Government?" Christian Guardian, 28 November 1917, 7-8; "The Real Issue," Christian Guardian, 5 December 1917, 5; "Ministerial Association and the Union Government," Christian Guardian, 12 December 1917, 2; "The Issue and the Issues," Christian Guardian, 12 December 1917, 5; "The Church and the Present Situation," Christian Guardian, 12 December 1917, 6; Rev. Dr. Chown, "Ah Open Letter on the Duty of the Hour," Christian Guardian, 12 December 1917, 7-8; "After the Battle," Christian Guardian, 19 December 1917, 5; "The Record of the Polis," Christian Guardian, 26 December 1917, 6. For pro-Unionist letters to the editor, see "A Strong Unionist," Christian Guardian, 12 December 1917, 21; "For Union Government," Christian Guardian, 12 December 1917, 21. For pro-Unionist advertisement, see Christian Guardian, 12 December 1917, 18. For a call for provincial Unionist governments, see "A Unionist Government in Ontario," Christian Guardian, 9 January 1918, 1. For a response to reader opposition to the paper's support for the Union government, see "Please Stop My Paper," Christian Guardian, 2 January 1918,6.

(49) "Conscription," Canadian Churchman, 28 June 1917,408; "The World Situation," Canadian Churchman, 30 May 1918, 344; "National Service,'" Montreal Churchman, March 1917, 9; "Conscription in the United States, Presbyterian Witness, 5 May 1917, 1; "The Conscription Bill," Presbyterian Witness, 16 June 1917, 1; "Canada Must Do More," The Presbyterian, 14 December 1916, 515; "Canada's Best," Presbyterian and Westminster, 8 February 1917, 163; "A Crisis in Canada," Presbyterian and Westminster, 7 June 1917, 642; "Conscription and National Service," Maritime Baptist, 23 May 1917, 4. The Canadian Churchman had mentioned conscription in 1915, but the commentary was brief and was carried on through exchanges in letters to the editor. See Anglo-Canadian, "Conscription," Canadian Churchman, 11 February 1915, 92; William Hamilton Merritt, "Universal Military Service," 22 April 1915, 255.

(50) "Abolition of Conscription," Presbyterian Witness, 21 December 1918, 1; "The Conscription Issue," Presbyterian and Westminster, 28 June 1917, 741; "The Situation in Canada," Presbyterian and Westminster, 30 August 1917, 209; "An Unwise Measure," Presbyterian and Westminster, 13 September 1917, 259; "To Be Retraced," Presbyterian and Westminster, 29 August 1918, 187-88; "Canada and Conscription," Maritime Baptist, 27 June 1917, 4; "Conscription and National Service," Maritime Baptist, 25 July 1917, 4; "Why We Favor Conscription," Christian Guardian, 20 June 1917, 5. The Presbyterian Witness expressed hope that the Union government would become a permanent feature of Canadian political life. See "The Future of Parties," Presbyterian Witness, 29 December 1917, 1.

(51) "Editorial," Canadian Churchman, 26 July 1917, 471; "Loyalty," Canadian Churchman, 15 November 1917,727; "The Church and Politics," Canadian Churchman, 10 August 1916, 504; "General Election Results," Montreal Churchman, January 1918, 5; "A Coalition Government," Presbyterian Witness, 2 June 1917, 1; "A National Government for Canada," Presbyterian Witness, 9 June 1917, 1; "A National Win-the-War Government," Presbyterian Witness, 1 September 1917, 1; "The Union Government," Presbyterian Witness, 27 October 1917, 1; "Canada Must Do More," Presbyterian, 14 December 1916, 515; "Canada's Best," Presbyterian and Westminster, 8 February 1917, 163; "Compulsory Service in Canada," Presbyterian and Westminster, 24 May 1917, 592; "Union Government," Presbyterian and Westminster, 18 October 1917, 371-372; "Union Government for Canada," Presbyterian and Westminster, 18 October 1917, 372; "The Union Government," Presbyterian Witness, 27 October 1917, 1; "A Plea for National Unity," Presbyterian Witness, 10 November 1917, 4; "Conscription and Coalition," Maritime Baptist, 13 June 1917, 1 ; "Canadian Politics," Maritime Baptist, 8 August 1917, 1; "The Forthcoming Election," Maritime Baptist, 7 November 1917, 1; "Country or Party?" Maritime Baptist, 14 November 1917, 4; "Why Support the Union Government," Maritime Baptist, 12 December 1917, 4; "A Triumph for Union," Maritime Baptist, 19 December 1917, 1. For examples of advertisements in support of the Union government in the following papers, see Canadian Churchman, 13 December 1917, 791, 809, 810; Presbyterian and Westminster, 13 December 1917,573,575; Maritime Baptist, 12 December 1917, 12, 16.

(52) "The Church and Elections," Presbyterian and Westminster, 13 December 1917, 557.

(53) See Richard Allen, The Social Passion: Religion and Social Reform in Canada, 1914-1928 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1971), 42; "Conscription of Wealth," Presbyterian Witness, 2 June 1917, 1; "The Conscription Bill," Presbyterian Witness, 30 June 1917, 1; "Universal National Service," Presbyterian Witness, 14 July 1917, 4; "Conscription of Wealth," Presbyterian Witness, 4 August 1917, 1; "Conscription of Wealth," Christian Guardian, 20 June 1917, 5; "Conscription of Wealth," Christian Guardian, 11 July 1917, 2; "War, Wealth and Christian Patriotism," Christian Guardian, 1 August 1917, 5; Edward Trelawney, "Profiteering of National Service," Christian Guardian, 7 November 1917, 7-8. The Maritime Baptist was hesitant to endorse this idea wholeheartedly. See "Canada and Conscription," Maritime Baptist, 27 June 1917, 4.

(54) "Farmers and the Military Service Act," Presbyterian and Westminster, 13 June 1918, 561; "The Question of Cancelled Exemptions," Presbyterian and Westminster, 25 July 1918, 77. For the arrest of Jesuit seminarians in Guelph, see "Roman Catholic Students," Presbyterian and Westminster, 27 June 1918, 617; Brian F. Hogan, "The Guelph Novitiate Raid: Conscription, Censorship and Bigotry during the Great War," Canadian Catholic Historical Association, Study Sessions (1978): 57-80.

(55) "An Unwise Measure," Presbyterian and Westminster, 13 September 1917, 259; "The War-Time Elections Act," Presbyterian Witness, 22 September 1917, 1.

(56) Terence Fay, A History of Canadian Catholics: Gallicanism, Romanism, and Canadianism (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2002), 241. He notes how Bruchesi tried to rally his clergy in 1917, but felt betrayed by the passage of the conscription bill.

(57) Auger, "On the Brink of Civil War," 539.

(58) Armstrong, The Crisis of Quebec, 191-192.

(59) Adrian Ciani, "'An Imperialist Irishman': Bishop Michael Fallon, the Diocese of London and the Great War," CCHA Historical Studies, 74 (2008): 73-94.

(60) Mark G. McGowan, "Sharing the Burden of Empire: Toronto's Catholics and the Great War, 1914-1918," in Mark G. McGowan and Brian P. Clarke (eds.) Catholics at the 'Gathering Place ': Historical Essays on the Archdiocese of Toronto, 1841-1991 (Toronto: Canadian Catholic Historical Association, 1993), 177-207. See also Mark G. McGowan, "The Degreening of the Irish: Toronto's Irish Catholic Press, Imperialism, and the Forging of a New Identity, 1887-1914," Canadian Historical Association Papers, 24, no. 1 (1989): 118-45.

(61) "The Present Situation in Quebec," Maritime Baptist, 20 March 1918, 1; "The Present Situation in Quebec," Canadian Baptist, 21 March 1918, 1.

(62) "Conscription and Nationalism," Maritime Baptist, 30 May 1917, 1.

(63) "Our National Problem," Maritime Baptist, 21 March 1917, 4.

(64) A.J. Hunter, "The Race Problem in Canada," Presbyterian and Westminster, 4 April 1918, 322-23.

(65) "The Present Situation in Quebec," Maritime Baptist, 20 March 1918, 1; "The Present Situation in Quebec," Canadian Baptist, 21 March 1918, 1.

(66) "After Fifty Years," Maritime Baptist, 4 July 1917, 4. See also "The Assembly and the War," Presbyterian and Westminster, 21 June 1917, 715.

(67) "Canada's War Election," Christian Guardian, 14 September 1917, 5.

(68) "Conscription," Montreal Churchman, June 1917, 5.

(69) "The great desideratum is that men of broad patriotism and moderate views from both races should get together in an endeavor to promote a better understanding. The extremists, the firebrands, the mischief-makers, should be brushed aside." See "The Elections and After," Presbyterian and Westminster, 27 December 1917, 601-02.

(70) "Meeting in Montreal," Presbyterian and Westminster, 31 May 1917, 615.

(71) John Montreal, "The Bishop's Message," Montreal Churchman, September 1917, 1. (Anglican bishops often took as their last name the name of their diocese - thus "John Montreal.")

(72) "Our National Problem," Maritime Baptist, 21 March 1917, 4.

(73) "French Canada," Canadian Churchman, 21 June 1917, 391.

(74) "From Week to Week," Canadian Churchman, 3 January 1918, 6.

(75) D.M. Ramsay, "The French in Canada and the Church's Task," Presbyterian Record, March 1918, 79.

(76) In his address to the Synod of Huron in 1918, Bishop Williams called Quebec a "slacker province" and declared that residents of the province should be denied the vote if they did not serve on the battlefield. See David Williams, "Charge to Synod," Canadian Churchman, 28 June 1918, 408.

(77) "Our French-Canadian Citizens," Canadian Churchman, 14 December 1916, 791.

(78) "Spectator," Canadian Churchman, 14 September 1916, 584.

(79) "French Canada," Canadian Churchman, 21 June 1917, 391.

(80) "Canadian Loyalty," Presbyterian and Westminster, 19 July 1917, 59-60.

(81) Another example of conciliatory language was a statement in the Canadian Churchman. "In attempting to bring about a reconciliation between these two people it is essential that we respect both their faith and their traditions. That, of course, doesn't mean that we are to turn our back upon our own faith or our own traditions. It means that our rights are their rights and their rights ours, but there must be no attempt at transfusion of personality or nationality." See "From Week to Week," Canadian Churchman, 3 January 1918, 6. For other examples, see "Quebec and the Dominion," Presbyterian and Westminster, 31 January 1918, 95; "Spectator," Canadian Churchman, 14 September 1916, 584; "From Week to Week," Canadian Churchman, 31 May 1917, 346.

(82) "Quebec and the Future," Christian Guardian, 9 January 1918, 4. See also "The Canadian 'Bonne Entente,'" Presbyterian Witness, 13 January 1917, 1; "From Week to Week," Canadian Churchman, 18 January 1917, 36.

(83) That followed a precedent set during the 1900 riots in Montreal that saw McGill students and others attack the premises of French language newspapers and Laval University's Montreal campus to protest French Canada's lack of support for the imperial cause in South Africa. (Carman Miller, "The Montreal Flag Riot of 1900," in John Crawford and Ian McGibbon (eds.) One Flag, One Queen, One Tongue: New Zealand, The British Empire and the South African War (Auckland: Auckland University Press, 2003), 165-79). At that time, the Canadian Protestant denominational press responded by calling on readers to be moderate and to refrain from hateful invectives and further violence. (Heath, A War with a Silver Lining, 84-86). Auger, "On the Brink of Civil War," 539.

(84) "Trouble at Quebec," Maritime Baptist, 3 April 1918, 1; "Trouble in Quebec," Presbyterian and Westminster, 4 April 1918, 315; "Canada A Nation," Presbyterian and Westminster, 11 April 1918, 343; "Quebec Anti-Conscription Riots," Presbyterian Witness, 6 April 1918, 1; "The Pope's Apologists," Presbyterian Witness, 29 June 1918, 4; "Quebec Coming Into Line," Presbyterian Witness, 18 May 1918, 1; "Editorial," Canadian Churchman, 11 April 1918, 232; "From Week to Week," Canadian Churchman, 11 April 1918, 234; "Machine Guns in Quebec," Christian Guardian, 10 April 1918, 6; "The Case of Quebec," Christian Guardian, 17 April 1918, 5.

(85) "The Grande-Ligne Mission After the War," Maritime Baptist, 3 April 1918, 3; "The Opportunity in Quebec," Canadian Baptist, 22 March 1917, 3; M.B. Parent, "The Religious Situation in Quebec," Canadian Baptist, 22 March 1917, 5; "Quebec Baptist Church," Canadian Baptist, 14 February 1918; 15; J.E. Duclos, "Restoration of French Protestantism in Canada," Presbyterian and Westminster, 7 February 1918, 127-128; J.U. Tanner, "Our French Work in Quebec," Presbyterian Record, August 1918, 231; "Why Evangelize Romanists," Presbyterian Record, October 1916, 459; A.H. Ransom, "Solving a National Problem," Presbyterian Record, July 1918, 203; "The Present Situation in Quebec," Maritime Baptist, 20 March 1918, 1; "The Present Situation in Quebec," Canadian Baptist, 21 March 1918, 1.

(86) "A Catholic Attitude," Canadian Baptist, 31 January 1918, 1; "Roman Catholicism and the War," Canadian Churchman, 28 January 1915, 51; "The Vatican and the War," Presbyterian Witness, 13 April 1918, 4; "The Pope's Apologists," Presbyterian Witness, 29 June 1918, 4; "French Presbyterianism," Presbyterian Record, February 1916, 54; "Light and Shadow," Presbyterian Record, July 1916, 297; "The Tragedy of Quebec," Presbyterian Record, February 1914, 61; "Pope and Kaiser," Presbyterian Record, September 1917, 258-259; J.U. Tanner, "The Problem of Quebec," Presbyterian Record, June 1916, 244-246; "The Knights of Columbus," Presbyterian Record, October 1918, 291-292; "The French in New Ontario," Presbyterian Record, August 1917, 230; "Editorial Notes," Canadian Churchman, 15 March 1917, 163; "The Vatican's Peace Move," Christian Guardian, 29 August 1917, 6; "The Pope's Peace Proposals," Christian Guardian, 22 August 1917, 5; "The Pope and the Peace Conference," Christian Guardian, 1 January 1919, 6; "Roman Catholics and the Flag," Christian Guardian, 29 January 1919, 6.

(87) Granatstein and Hitsman, Broken Promises, 76.

(88) Wolffe, "Anti-Catholicism and the British Empire," 58.

(89) After 1945 even the "Christian" identity would "dwindle away". (McLeod, "Protestantism and British National Identity.")

(90) Miller, "Anti-Catholicism in Canada," 41.
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