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The Lu-school reading of "Guanju" as preserved in an eastern Han fu.

"Guanju" [Chinese Text Omitted] ("The Calling Ospreys") is the first poem in the Shi jing [Chinese Text Omitted] or Classic of Songs, an anthology at the core of the classical Chinese canon.(1) As the first poem in that collection, "Guanju" holds a place of special importance. Seeming to belie its importance is its apparently simple theme. Fundamentally, "Guanju" is a celebration in song of finding a good and fair maiden as a match for a young gentleman (junzi [Chinese Text Omitted]). The first two lines of the poem evoke a scene from nature, ospreys calling on a river islet.(2) This image was interpreted by the four schools dominating Shi jing hermeneutics in the Han era - the so-called "Three Schools," Lu [Chinese Text Omitted], Qi [Chinese Text Omitted], and Han [Chinese Text Omitted], and the Mao School [Chinese Text Omitted](3) - as containing a moral pertinent to the relationship between the good maiden and the "exemplary man" (as the term junzi had come to signify).(4)

The interpretation of this poem by the Commentary on Mao's "Songs" (Mao shi zhuan [Chinese Text Omitted]), probably composed in the middle of the second century B.C., has dominated much of the subsequent criticism of the piece. In this reading, which is supported by the preface to "Guanju" (or "The Great Preface," "Mao shi daxu" [Chinese Text Omitted]), compiled at the beginning of the first century A.D., the good maiden is a lovely and modest consort whose maintaining a chaste distance from her lord is owing to her respect for his virtue.(5) Her self-seclusion, the Commentary explains, is like the separation of mates among ospreys. Later in the Mao School tradition, scholars adopted specific identifications of the two figures in the poem. The consort was identified as Taisi [Chinese Text Omitted], queen of the illustrious King Wen of Zhou [Chinese Text Omitted]. The earliest Mao texts, the Commentary, and the preface to "Guanju," in expounding on this poem, do not name these historical figures, nor are they mentioned in Zheng Xuan's [Chinese Text Omitted] (127-200) notes to this piece.(6) The preface to "Guanju" associates the poem with the Duke of Zhou [Chinese Text Omitted], a son of King Wen, but the connection is left vague.(7) By the Tang era and Kong Yingda's [Chinese Text Omitted] (574-648) subcommentary to the Mao shi, the Mao shi zhengyi [Chinese Text Omitted] or Correct Significance of the Mao "Songs," the associations with Taisi and King Wen are firmly established, and the Duke of Zhou's role is defined as having used this song as part of his program for transforming the realm.(8) The evolving Mao interpretation so came to dominate Shi jing hermeneutics that the other schools' readings were in time virtually forgotten. Today, discussions of "Guanju" generally take up reference to the Taisi-King Wen reading with little if any attention paid to the earlier Han interpretations. This paper will demonstrate that the Lu School reading of "Guanju" was actually the dominant Han-era reading by tracing and examining the evidence - in particular, a response fu [Chinese Text Omitted] of the late Eastern Han.

Among the extant works of the great polymath scholar-official, Cai Yong [Chinese Text Omitted] (132?-192), is the short, lyrical "Qingyi fu" [Chinese Text Omitted] ("Rhapsody on a Grisette").(9) This fu in tetrasyllabic lines celebrates the beauty and talents of a lowly maidservant, and the illicit love between the maid and the poem's male persona. A lesser-known contemporary, Zhang Chao [Chinese Text Omitted], composed a response to Cai Yong's fu, the "Qiao 'Qingyi fu'" [Chinese Text Omitted] ("Reproaching the 'Rhapsody on a Grisette'").(10) Zhang Chao was a minor military official who participated in the campaign to subdue the Yellow Turbans. He is said to have possessed literary talent, and had gained a reputation in his time as a calligrapher.(11) Only a handful of his literary works are now extant; the "Qiao 'Qingyi fu'" undoubtedly survives by sharing Cai Yong's limelight. As a response piece, it testifies to the circulation of belles lettres in the late Han. The "Qiao 'Qingyi fu'," like the piece that it criticizes, is written almost entirely in uniform, rimed tetrasyllabic verse; the sentiments are, of course, almost stridently contrary. One of the curious features of Zhang Chao's fu, in addressing an allusion made in Cai Yong's piece, is that it presents a seemingly unusual reading of "Guanju," a reading that we may identify as belonging to the Lu School.(12)

We know nothing of the date or circumstances of the composition of "Qingyi fu." Furthermore, we do not know whether Cai Yong intends this piece to be allegorical, nor do we know whether the maidservant, the "grisette" of the title, is actually a maidservant, or is rather a concubine from a family of low social station.(13) We also cannot say with confidence that the male voice expressing affection and desire is Cai Yong's own. Without a commentarial tradition to guide us - or lead us astray we may read the poem as the exaltation of a lowly maidservant by a gentleman of the upper class, and a description of his illicit love for her. The first half of Cai Yong's "Qingyi fu" borrows liberally from the Shi jing: lines five through eight, and ten, in describing the maidservant, reflect "Shiren" [Chinese Text Omitted] ("A Stately Woman"; Mao shi 57):

An engaging smile and animated eyes, a fair beauty, Gleaming teeth, lovely brows, Black hair, shiny and sleek, Neck long and white like a grub. Across and down, brushing her hair, Are leaves like falling mallow. Longish and dainty-delicate, "A stately woman of goodly height."(14)

Shortly after (lines 25-30), Cai Yong tums from the maidservant's physical beauty to her moral qualities. He boldly ventures to compare this lowly woman with the ideal consort of "Guanju":

With the purity of "The Calling Ospreys," She does not act perverse or contrary. Behold how she conducts herself, he's a rarity in this world. It'd be fitting that she make a Lady, Act as instructress to a host of women.(15)

Cai Yong's fu continues with historical allusions (it seems the text may be corrupt here, and that one or more allusions may now be missing), and then tums to a painterly, erotic description of the male voice's obsession with this woman. This passage and the poem conclude with a reference to the famous myth of the Oxherd and the Weaving Maid. In contrast to Oxherd and Weaving Maid, who despite their painful loneliness and frustration could still meet once a year, the ill-starred lovers of this fu are fated to remain forever separate: "We are not like Oxherd and Weaving Maid, / Separated by the Sky River. / I think about you, muse about you, / Aching for satisfaction, I'm utterly famished."(16)

Zhang Chao is outraged at the liberties he sees Cai Yong taking in this poem. At the beginning of "Reproaching the 'Rhapsody on a Grisette'," Zhang Chao aims caustic criticism at the poet:

"What sort of man is he"(17) Who delights in such pulchritude? His gorgeous words are praiseworthy, His elegant phrases ornately figured. The style is laudable, But the intent is base, its meaning frivolous. "Oh Phoenix! Oh Phoenix! How thy virtue has waned!"(18)

Zhang Chao directs the first portion of his composition to the stock argument that sociopolitical misfortune stems from profligacy, the onus for which is not so much on male moral weakness as on female licentiousness. He writes: "Successively examining past and present, / We see that the route to calamity / Is mostly due to / Wretched concubines and wanton wives." To explain the cyclical risings and fallings of the traditional Three Dynasties, he reiterates the old argument that the cause of a dynasty's fortunes can be traced to a consort. Zhang Chao then devotes several lines to a brief discussion of "Guanju." By reviewing the putative historical basis of the poem's composition, he reveals its latent meaning, and thereby admonishes Cai Yong for making a reckless comparison between the royal consort of "Guanju" and a lowly maidservant:

As Zhou gradually neared decline, King Kang was late in rising. The Duke of Bi, repining with sighs, Deeply pondered the Way of old. He was moved by "The Calling Ospreys," By nature they don't go together in pairs. He hoped to get a Duke of Zhou, Who'd make a consort of a coy and comely lady,(19) To prevent degeneracy and reproach its progress, He tactfully criticized and admonished the lord, his father.(20) Mister Kong thought it the best, Arranging it to cap the head of the book.(21)

Zhang Chao presents here the Lu School reading of "Guanju" as it had evolved by the late Eastern Han. It is useful to compare Zhang Chao's outline of this tradition with other extant Han sources that mention this reading.

From scattered textual references, most of which have been compiled by Pi Xirui [Chinese Text Omitted] (1850-1908) in Jingxue tonglun [Chinese Text Omitted], we can reconstruct an outline of the Lu School reading of "Guanju."(22) According to this interpretation, "Guanju" was written in the time of King Kang of Zhou [Chinese Text Omitted] (ob. 978? B.C.).(23) Kang was only the third king of Zhou after the great Wen, and his reign is described as peaceful and secure in the "Basic Annals of Zhou" ([Chinese Text Omitted]) of Sima Qian's [Chinese Text Omitted] (145-ca. 86 B.C.) Shi ji [Chinese Text Omitted]. The Shi ji adds that following his reign, the Zhou began to decline.(24) Elsewhere in the Shi ji, in the preface to the "Shier zhuhou nianbiao" [Chinese Text Omitted], and echoed in the preface to the "Rulin liezhuan" [Chinese Text Omitted], it states, "The Way of Zhou was deficient. The poet took bedding and mat [i.e., boudoir relations] as the root cause, and 'Guanju' was composed."(25) Huainanzi [Chinese Text Omitted] has a similar passage: the "Fanlun xun" [Chinese Text Omitted] states, "The Way of the Kings became deficient and the Songs were composed. The Zhou House became effete, ritual and significance crumbled, and the Annals were composed. The Songs and the Annals are the perfections of study. They are both creations of a decrepit age."(26) These bits of information taken together seem to suggest that the composition of "Guanju" should not have occurred during the reign of King Kang. Indeed, Wang Chong [Chinese Text Omitted] (A.D. 27-ca. 100), in the Eastern Han, comes to this conclusion:

If you ask an expert on the Songs, "In the time of what ruler were the Songs composed?" he will say, "When the Zhou was in decline, the Songs were composed, probably in the time of King Kang. . . ." Any prestige and honor of Wen and Wu rested [also] with Cheng and Kang; the reign of King Kang was not yet a time of decline, so how could it have been written then?(27)

I will explain presently how this apparent discrepancy between the Lu School reading and the historical record of King Kang's reign can be resolved.

According to the Lu School reading, King Kang is supposed to have committed an egregious violation of ritual by being late for court one morning. This transgression was viewed as a sign of the impending decline of the Zhou. As does Zhang Chao much later, Liu Xiang [Chinese Text Omitted] (ca. 79-ca. 6 B.C.), in his Lienu zhuan [Chinese Text Omitted] (16 B.C.), describes how the prosperity and demise of the Three Dynasties can be attributed to good and bad consorts. Then he states, "King Kang of Zhou was late appearing at court. 'Guanju' foresees [the decline of the Zhou]."(28) This passage unambiguously fixes the time of composition to King Kang's reign. Yang Xiong's [Chinese Text Omitted] (53 B.C.-A.D. 18) Fa yan [Chinese Text Omitted] supports the dating of "Guanju" to King Kang's reign and, moreover, to the onset of disorder:

In the time of Kang of Zhou, the songs of the Lauds were written [among the people] below and "Guanju" was written [in the court] above. They were accustomed to order. In the time of Huan of Qi [Chinese Text Omitted], it was chaotic and the Annals praised Shaoling [Chinese Text Omitted]. They were accustomed to disorder. Consequently, if they were accustomed to order, then they lamented the beginning of disorder. If they were accustomed to disorder, they they delighted in the beginning of order.(29)

Zhang Chao's fu simply states: "As Zhou gradually neared decline, / King Kang was late in rising." Other textual references to Kang's offense are similarly nebulous. One of the Shi ji references to "Guanju" mentions the culpability of boudoir relations. A presentation included in Du Qin's [Chinese Text Omitted] biography in the Han shu [Chinese Text Omitted] comments: "Following the traces of the final generations of the Three Dynasties . . . was it ever the case that misfortune and calamity did not derive from female character? Hence, as to jade girdle-pendants chiming late: 'Guanju' sighs over it, aware of the danger to one's nature and shortening of years occasioned by fondness for sex. . . ."(30) Wang Chong's Lun heng states, "King Kang's virtue was found lacking with respect to his quarters. A grand minister criticized his being late. Hence, the song was composed."(31) The nature of Kang's offense is best preserved in a memorial by Yang Ci [Chinese Text Omitted] (Eastern Han) in Yuan Hong's [Chinese Text Omitted] (328-76) Hou Han ji [Chinese Text Omitted] "In antiquity, King Kang of Zhou continued the prosperity of King Wen. One morning, he was late to arise. The Lady did not chime her jade crescent pendants. The gatekeeper did not strike the double-hour. The poet of 'Guanju' perceived the germ [of disorder] and wrote."(32) This passage resolves the problem suggested by the reference to King Kang's reign in the Shi ji: though in general Kang carded on the florescence of the age of King Wen, he was responsible for an isolated, but serious violation of proper decorum. A minister saw in this an indication that the robust health of the Zhou dynasty would soon decline. From these texts we can conclude that King Kang's offense had to do with arising late and that this had something to do with his consort.

A parallel story in Liu Xiang's Lienu zhuan fills in the lacunae in the account of King Kang and his consort.(33) In this story, it is a later Zhou king, Xuan [Chinese Text Omitted] (reg. 827-782), who gets up late. His consort, Jiang [Chinese Text Omitted], blames herself for the King's transgression, and awaits her punishment. She sends her duenna to the King to deliver a message that reads in part:

Your lowly concubine's foolishness [lit., lack of talent] and dissolute heart have been made apparent, resulting in our King's breach of etiquette, being late for court. It will be seen as our King's delighting in sex and being oblivious to virtue. Now, if one delights in sex, then being hedonistic and immoderate are what disorder stimulates. The stimulus for the original disorder arose from this lowly maidservant, and I venture to beseech her punishment.(34)

The King is moved by her letter, and himself assumes the blame for the transgression. Henceforth, he assiduously attends to the details of governing, the account saying: "He went to court early, and retired late." A coda to the story describes the proper consort:

In any case of proper etiquette: A Lady, in being intimate with [lit., servicing] her Lord, takes up a lamp and enters. When she reaches Her Lordship's place, she extinguishes the candle and goes into the chamber. She removes her court clothing and puts on a nightgown. Afterwards she goes forward and is intimate with her Lord. At cockcrow, the Music Master [yueshi [Chinese Text Omitted]] strikes the drum to announce the dawn. The Lady, sounding her jade girdle-pendants, leaves.(35)

This anecdote is clearly parallel to the story of King Kang and his consort, and informs us about the latter situation:(36) King Kang offended propriety by rising late and being tardy for court.(37) His transgression was seen as abandonment to the charms of his consort. Ultimate culpability rested with his consort, who should not have corrupted her virtuous lord. Instead, she should have left his chambers at the appropriate time, sounding her jade girdle-pendants as she went on her way. The sound of the jade girdle-pendants would have been an audition of her virtue and suitability as consort.

Zhang Chao'sfu adds information about the Lu School reading of "Guanju" unavailable in other sources. This may be due to the fragmentary nature of the record of this reading, or it may be that Zhang Chao is working with a later, more evolved form of the tradition. He identifies the composer of "Guanju," the important minister alluded to in Lun heng, as the Duke of Bi [Chinese Text Omitted]. The Duke of Bi was a scion of the House of Zhou. Carrying on in the tradition of the Duke of Zhou, Bi insures Ji Zhao's [Chinese Text Omitted] (King Kang's) accession to the throne of King Cheng [Chinese Text Omitted] (ob. 1006 B.C.), and subsequently serves him as his highest minister. He is commissioned with the governance of Luoyi [Chinese Text Omitted], as was the Duke of Zhou. In the "Bi ming" [Chinese Text Omitted] or "The Charge to the Duke of Bi," it is Kang who exhorts Bi to follow "the teachings of old" and "the accomplishments of the former kings," and not to think himself below the task.(38) From Zhang Chao's fu, we are to be persuaded that the Duke of Bi would take such a charge to heart, for he is said to be "repining with sighs, deeply pondering the Way of old."

According to Zhang Chao's version of the Lu tradition, the Duke of Bi takes up the metaphor of the calling ospreys as a symbol consistent with the earliest traditions of the Mao School, i.e., a symbol for maintaining a proper separation between mates. That this is also the reading of the Three Schools is confirmed by texts such as the Lienu zhuan that says about "Guanju": "It ponders finding a good maiden to make a match with an exemplary man. In no particular case has the bird, the osprey, been seen abiding in groups or dwelling in pairs."(39) The Hah shi zhangju [Chinese Text Omitted], by the Eastern Han scholars Xue Fanghui [Chinese Text Omitted] and Xue Han [Chinese Text Omitted], states: "The poet says the osprey is pure and undefiled, and a circumspect mate. It uses song to seek out one another . . . hidden away in a place where there are no people. Hence, the ruler of the people . . . withdraws from court and enters his private palace. The consort's attending to him has limits. . . ."(40)

Zhang Chao further says that the Duke of Bi "hoped to get a Duke of Zhou, / Who'd make a consort of a coy and comely lady." As in the early Mao tradition, the Duke of Zhou's role with respect to "Guanju" is unclear. Is Zhang Chao suggesting that the "exemplary man" of the poem is the Duke of Zhou, rather than King Wen, as in the later Mao tradition?(41) The appeal to the Duke of Zhou is likely to that of a heroic, noble figure, i.e., the exemplary man. The Duke of Zhou was considered second only to Confucius in this respect. Xunzi [Chinese Text Omitted], for instance, describes the Duke of Zhou's achievements and place as a great Ruist.(42) According to the conceit of the Lu reading, the Duke of Bi is the composer of "Guanju," and it would be natural for him, in thinking of a junzi, to have in mind his predecessor, the Duke of Zhou, counsel to the late King Cheng. Moreover, the adoption of the Duke of Zhou as a model is in keeping with the Lu School's reputed ties to Xun Qing [Chinese Text Omitted] (ca. 310-ca. 211 B.C.).(43) However that may be, the Lu/Three Schools' interpretation does not seem to be very concerned with the identification of the figures in the poem. This reading is focused on the historical circumstances of the composition of the song; the later, more evolved Mao tradition is centered on the poem's identified personages.

The final lines on "Guanju" in "Reproaching the 'Rhapsody on a Grisette'" are crucial. Here we are told the aim of "Guanju": the Duke of Bi, "to prevent degeneracy and reproach its progress, / Tactfully criticized and admonished the lord, his father." In other words, the song was a poem of criticism, a form of suasion directed at the king. Suasion was effected by use of the image of an idealized lord as a normative model against which the present circumstances were compared and shown to be lacking. "Guanju" could thus be read as both a poem of praise, extolling the excellent match of the comely and chaste maiden with an exemplary man, and as a poem of criticism, intended to cause the listener, King Kang, to reflect on his and his consort's shortcomings.(44) It is the reading of this song as a poem of criticism that I think caused scholars, sometime after the fall of the Han, to reject the notion that "Guanju" could have been selected on that basis as the first poem in the Shi.(45) This preferential option for a reading of praise is perhaps the main reason why the Lu School interpretation of the poem was eventually rejected: it was considered inappropriate for a poem of criticism to head the Shi. The rejection of this reading may have contributed to the rise of a popular tradition associating the poem with King Wen and Taisi. The King Wen and Taisi tradition, only later associated with the Mao School interpretation of this piece, promotes "Guanju" exclusively as a poem of praise. I have not found any explicit textual evidence of the King Wen and Taisi tradition of "Guanju" prior to the Jin shu [Chinese Text Omitted]. (It is interesting that the first mention in the dynastic histories of Wen and Taisi in connection with "Guanju" should be in an account of the life of Liu Cong [Chinese Text Omitted], a Xiongnu who was Emperor Liezong [Chinese Text Omitted] [reg. 310-18] of the Former Zhao [Chinese Text Omitted]).(46) This dynastic history was compiled under the auspices of Tang Taizong [Chinese Text Omitted] (reg. 627-49), who had also commissioned in 638 the Correct Significance of the Five Classics. The Correct Significance of Mao "Songs" was mentioned above as the earliest extant textual source establishing a clear connection between the King Wen-Taisi tradition and the Mao shi. As the Jin shu was based on materials contemporary with the Jin (265-419), the King Wen-Taisi tradition may date to at least as early as the third century A.D.(47)

The lines concluding Zhang Chao's exegesis of "Guanju," "Mister Kong thought it the best, / Arranging it to cap the head of the book," reflect the tradition that arose in the Hah, and further developed in the Song, of Confucius as editor and arranger of the Shi.(48) As Steven Van Zoeren has pointed out, this tradition probably takes as its basis Lun yu 9.14 in which Confucius refers to "the Elegantiae and Lauds being given their proper places" after he returned to Lu from Wei. Yet the original aim of this passage, Van Zoeren suggests, was "Confucius's making clear in the course of his teaching just where and when they were to be ritually performed."(49) Nevertheless, a tradition developed around the notion of Confucius as editor of the Shi, and Zhang Chao's fu evidences that.

Why does "Guanju" hold preeminent position in the Shi jing? The poem is essentially about the elemental human relationship, the union of male and female. As a memorial by Kuang Heng [Chinese Text Omitted] (Western Han) states,

Confucius, in setting the order of the Songs, made "Guanju" its beginning. He says the great superiors [i.e., the king and queen] are the parents of the people. If the conduct of the queen is not equal to Heaven and Earth, then she lacks the basis to make offerings to the divine spirits, and the appropriateness for setting in order the myriad things. Hence, the Shi says, "Coy and comely the good maiden, / The gentleman's fine mate."(50)

This sentiment corresponds to ideas found in the Zhou yi [Chinese Text Omitted], represented by this passage from the "Xu gua" [Chinese Text Omitted] or "Sequence of the Hexagrams":

After heaven and earth there are the myriad things; after the myriad things, male and female are defined, after male and female are defined, there are husbands and wives; after husbands and wives there are fathers and sons; after fathers and sons there are rulers and vassals; after rulers and vassals superior and inferior are defined; after superior and inferior are defined, ritual and significance have a place to be exercised.(51)

The right relationship between husband and wife is the source from which all fight relationships derive.(52) Therefore Confucius, in the tradition in which he is the editor of the Shi, would have discerned that the theme of "Guanju," the beginning of an ideal husband-and-wife relationship, was wholly suitable to head the Shi as a way of canonizing the primacy of that relationship.

The fu by Zhang Chao summarizes what we know of the Lu School reading of "Guanju": that the song was composed by the Duke of Bi to criticize King Kang for a breach of etiquette, specifically, arising late and being tardy for his morning audience. This transgression was thought to be a symbol not only of the king's concupiscence but of the impending demise of the Zhou. The Duke of Bi held the king's consort answerable for the king's transgression. The language of the poem is that of praise, but the poem's intended effect is that of criticism. Later, Confucius himself so highly regarded the poem that he placed it at the head of the Shi. This Lu School reading was the interpretation most widely held during the Han. That one of its fullest expositions extant today is in a relatively obscure Eastern Han fu is testament to how completely the Mao School later came to dominate Shi jing hermeneutics. More importantly, by appearing in this obscure fu, it is testament to how very pervasive this Lu School reading was during the Hah - in contrast to the King Wen-Taisi reading of the Mao School.

1 A version of this paper was presented at the November 1995 meeting of the Western Branch of the American Oriental Society at the University of California, Los Angeles. I wish to express my appreciation to Professor David R. Knechtges for his assistance and guidance.

2 In the Commentary on Mao's "Songs" (in Mao shi zhengyi [Chinese Text Omitted] [Shisan jing zhushu [Chinese Text Omitted] (Chongkan Song ben Shisan jing zhushu, 1816; rpt., Taibei: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1973)], 1A.20a), this is described as the poem's xing [Chinese Text Omitted]. On the rhetorical term xing, variously translated as "stimulus" or "stimulates," "motif" (Shih-hsiang Chen), and "make metaphorical allusion" (Donald Holzman), see Shih-hsiang Chen, "The Shih-ching: Its Generic Significance in Chinese Literary History and Poetics" (originally published in BIHP 39 [1969]: 371-413), rpt. in Studies in Chinese Literary Genres, ed. Cyril Birch (Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univ. of California Press, 1974), 14-41; C. H. Wang, The Bell and the Drum (Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univ. of California Press, 1974), 6, 8, 12-13, 101-12; Donald Holzman, "Confucius and Ancient Chinese Literary Criticism," in Chinese Approaches to Literature from Confucius to Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, ed. Adele Austin Rickett (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1978), 35-36; Pauline Yu, The Reading of Imagery in the Chinese Poetic Tradition (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1987), 49-50, 56-67, 74; and Steven Van Zoeren, Poetry and Personality: Reading, Exegesis, and Hermeneutics in Traditional China (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1991), 36-37, 50, 71-72, 89, 134, 268 n. 24.

3 Each of these schools has a patriarch attributed to it, and the respective traditions have been given a pedigree: the founder of the Lu School was Shen Pei [Chinese Text Omitted], a Shi erudite under Emperor Wen (reg. 179-158 B.C.); identified with the early Qi School was Yuan Gu [Chinese Text Omitted], a Shi erudite under Emperor Jing (reg. 156-140 B.C.); the Han School founder was Han Ying [Chinese Text Omitted], a Shi erudite under Emperor Wen; the founder of the Mao School was reputedly Mao Heng [Chinese Text Omitted] (third or second century B.C.), a disciple of Xunzi. For a learned discussion of the Three Schools and the problems of identifying their specific interpretations, see James Robert Hightower, "The Han-shih wai-chuan and the San Chia Shih," HJAS 11 (1948): 251-90, esp. pp. 252-53 and n. 26. On all four Han-era schools, see Lin Yelian [Chinese Text Omitted], Zhongguo lidai "Shi jing" xue [Chinese Text Omitted] (Taibei: Xue-sheng shuju, 1993), 87-142.

4 Throughout their book, Thinking Through Confucius (Albany: State Univ. of New York Press, 1987), David L. Hall and Roger T. Ames discuss the meaning and significance of the Confucian interpretation of the term junzi; see, in particular, pp. 182-92.

5 On the dating of the Commentary on Mao's "Songs" and "The Great Preface," see Van Zoeren, Poetry and Personality, 86 and 93, respectively.

6 One of Zheng Xuan's contributions to the explication of this poem is to suggest that it praises Taisi's lack of jealousy in looking for worthy young women to serve in King Wen's harem. See Mao shi zhengyi, 1A.20a.

7 See Mao shi zhengyi, 1A.17b: "Hence, the transformation of 'Guanju' and 'Lin [zhi] zhi' [Mao shi 11] is related to the suasion of the kings. To be sure, they are connected to the Duke of Zhou."

8 For a thorough discussion of the Correct Significance, see Van Zoeren's Poetry and Personality, 117-45. Van Zoeren explains (pp. 123, 129) that the Wu jing zhengyi (Correct Significance of the Five Classics) was actually the work of a committee of scholars, and moreover, that it borrowed extensively from Southern Dynasties-period commentaries that are no longer extant. Van Zoeren also notes (pp. 136-37) that the Correct Significance's "generation of meaning" in the case of "Guanju" attempts to justify a poem that seems to be concerned with "trivial domestic matters" (jiaren zhi xishi [Chinese Text Omitted]; see Mao shi zhengyi, 1A.4b). Kong Yingda et al. are following Zheng Xuan's interpretation of the poem; see n. 6.

A tradition in the fifth century found in Yu Tongzhi's [Chinese Text Omitted] Du ji [Chinese Text Omitted] (cited in Taiping yulan [Chinese Text Omitted], comp. Li Fang [Chinese Text Omitted] [925-96] et al. [Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1960], 521.6a; translation in Richard Mather's Shih-shuo Hsin-yu: A New Account of Tales of the World [Minneapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1976], 353-54) attributes the authorship of "Guanju" to the Duke of Zhou.

9 See appendix A to this paper. Qingyi [Chinese Text Omitted] is a metonym for "servant girl," identifying her lowly status by the color of her clothes. Possibly it refers to any woman of low social station. This seems to be the earliest literary appearance of the term used in this way. Cf. Gan Bao's [Chinese Text Omitted] (Eastern Jin) Sou shen ji [Chinese Text Omitted] (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1931), 124: "Xin Daodu [Chinese Text Omitted] of Longxi, journeying as an itinerant teacher, had gone forty-five li, reaching Yongzhou, when he saw a grand mansion, and blue-smocked girls at the gate."

For Cai Yong's official biography, see Hou Hah shu [Chinese Text Omitted], comp. Fan Ye [Chinese Text Omitted] (A.D. 398-446) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965), 60B. 1979-2008; an English translation can be found in Asselin, "The Hou Hah shu Biography of Cai Yong (A.D. 132/133-192)" (M.A. thesis, Univ. of Washington, 1991), 49-206.

10 See appendix B to this paper.

11 Zhang Chao has a brief biographical note in Hou Han shu, 80B.2652.

12 In using the term "Lu School" I am following convention. Zhang Chao's reading can be grouped with identical or closely similar readings. These readings are ascribed to the Lu in two ways: first, the texts in which these readings can be found are thought to have been written by scholars with a connection to the Lu School (see Chen Qiaocong's [Chinese Text Omitted] [1809-69] preface to his Lu shi yishuo kao [Chinese Text Omitted] [1840; rpt. in Huang Qing jingjie xubian [Chinese Text Omitted], comp. Wang Xianqian [Chinese Text Omitted] (1842-1918), 1888], 1.1a-2a, and the translation in Hightower's "The Han-shih wai-chuan and the San Chia Shih," 279-86; note Hightower's objections to Chen's methodology, 252-53 n. 26); secondly, an early source, Chen Zan [Chinese Text Omitted] of the early Eastern Jin [Chinese Text Omitted] (317-420), identifies one typical presentation of these readings as deriving from the Lu School (see Han shu [Chinese Text Omitted], comp. Ban Gu [Chinese Text Omitted] [A.D. 32-92] [Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962], 60.2670, n. 5). (Very little about this scholar is known; "Chen" is not his surname, but a humble form of self-reference. See Yan Shigu's [Chinese Text Omitted] [581-645] "Han shu xu li" [Chinese Text Omitted], in Hah shu, 1-2, 5. Wang Niansun [Chinese Text Omitted], [1744-1832], in his Du shu zazhi [Chinese Text Omitted] [1812-31; rpt., Jingling shuju, 1870], 4.11.3b, and in the Zhi yu [Chinese Text Omitted] [1832; rpt. together with Dushu zazhi] to this work, B.35b, refers to him as Xue Zan [Chinese Text Omitted].) From the available textual evidence we can infer that the Lu reading of "Guanju" was in fundamental agreement with that of the other two of the Three Schools, Qi and Han.

13 The two historical allusions in this fu refer to consorts: Lady Fan (Fan Ji [Chinese Text Omitted]), the spouse of King Zhuang [Chinese Text Omitted] of Chu [Chinese Text Omitted] (reg. 613-591 B.C.), and the Lady Wei [Chinese Text Omitted], one of the concubines of the Marquis of Pingyang [Chinese Text Omitted].

14 Cai Zhonglang ji [Chinese Text Omitted], waiji [Chinese Text Omitted] (Yang Yizeng's [Chinese Text Omitted] [1787-1856] Haiyuan ge [Chinese Text Omitted] ed. [Liaocheng, 1851]; rpt., Sbby), 3.2b; quotation from Mao shi 57.1. (I follow convention here in referring to the received Shi jing text as Mao shi.) For complete annotation to this and subsequent citations of the "Qingyi fu" and "Qiao 'Qingyi fu,'" see the appendix.

15 Cai Zhonglang ji, waiji (Sbby), 3.2b-3a.

16 Cai Zhonglang ji, waiji (Sbby), 3.3a.

17 Mao shi 199.

18 Chuxue ji [Chinese Text Omitted], comp. Xu Jian [Chinese Text Omitted] (659-729) et al. (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962), 19.465. The last couplet comes from Lun yu 18.5 (references to Lun yu in this paper follow Zhu Xi's [Chinese Text Omitted] [1130-1200] division in Lun yujizhu [Chinese Text Omitted]).

19 Substituting pei [Chinese Text Omitted] for hao [Chinese Text Omitted] ("a good [mate] for" or "fond of"?); see note 29 to this line in the translation in the appendix.

20 Jun fu [Chinese Text Omitted] ("the lord, his father") refers to King Kang, who was not literally the father of the Duke of Bi.

21 Chuxueji, 19.465.

22 Jingxue tonglun (1907; rpt., Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju, 1961), 2.4-6. Although Pi Xirui provides the most complete documentation and discussion of the Lu School reading of "Guanju," others before him laid the groundwork. Weng Yuanqi [Chinese Text Omitted] (1750-1825), in notes to Wang Yinglin's [Chinese Text Omitted] (1223-1296) Kunxue jiwen [Chinese Text Omitted] (Sbby; Wang takes note of the Lu/Three Schools' reading of "Guanju," and of the notion that the Duke of Bi composed it), 3.3b-4a, 4b-5a, provides many of the textual sources for this reading; Wang Niansun, in Du shu zazhi, 4.11.3a/b, and in the Zhi yu, B.35a/b, in textual notes to the Hou Han shu, "Du Zhou zhuan," and to Zhang Heng's [Chinese Text Omitted] (A.D. 78-139) "Si xuan fu" [Chinese Text Omitted], respectively, cites a couple of sources for this reading; Chen Qiaocong compiles all the extant materials relating to the Lu School in Lu shi yishuo kao, and the materials relating to "Guanju" are located at 1.3b- 10a; Han shu buzhu [Chinese Text Omitted], comp. Wang Xianqian (Changsha, 1900), 60.8b, also cites sources for this reading.

James Legge is rare among Western scholars for noting that the Lu/Three Schools' reading of "Guanju" differed from the later Mao interpretation. Although he does not discuss the Lu/Three Schools' reading, he does list several of the sources cited in the works mentioned above. Moreover, Legge states that this reading was "widely prevalent" during the Hah. See The Chinese Classics, vol. 4: The She King, or The Book of Poetry (Cambridge: Oxford Univ. Press, 1871; rpt., Hong Kong: Hong Kong Univ. Press, 1960), 5.

Later scholars to take note of the importance of the Lu/Three Schools' reading of "Guanju" and to provide textual sources include: Takigawa Kametaro [Chinese Text Omitted], Shiki kaichu kosho [Chinese Text Omitted] (1932-34; rpt., Taibei: Hongye shuju, 1987), 14.45; Liu Zhengwu [Chinese Text Omitted], "'Guanju' zhang yiduan" "[Chinese Text Omitted], Wenxue pinglun [Chinese Text Omitted] 1980.2: 77-78; and Yabu Toshihiro [Chinese Text Omitted], "Sankashi to 'Moshi,"Kanshohen' o chushin to shite" [Chinese Text Omitted] "[Chinese Text Omitted]" - "[Chinese Text Omitted]" [Chinese Text Omitted], Shibun [Chinese Text Omitted] 97 (April 1989), 116-23.

23 The dates for Zhou kings given in this paper derive from Edward L. Shaughnessey, Sources of Zhou History: Inscribed Bronze Vessels (Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univ. of California Press, 1991), 148, 241-45.

24 Shi ji, comp. Sima Tan [Chinese Text Omitted] (180-ca. 110 B.C.) and Sima Qian (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959), 4.134.

25 Shi ji, 14.509; cf. "Rulin liezhuan," 121.3115.

26 In Huainan honglie jijie [Chinese Text Omitted], comp. Liu Wendian [Chinese Text Omitted] (Taibei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1992), 13.427.

27 Lun heng [Chinese Text Omitted], "Xie duan pian" (Sbck), 12.14b. It is untenable that because Kang's reign was peaceful and secure, Kang could make no mistakes - in Mao shi 289, King Cheng himself admits he had made mistakes. See C. H. Wang, From Ritual to Allegory: Seven Essays in Early Chinese Poetry (Hong Kong: The Chinese Univ. Press, 1988), 19-20.

28 Lienu zhuan, "Wei Quwo Fu" (Sbck), 3.23a, but emending qi xing [Chinese Text Omitted] (hence, "The inspiration for 'Guanju' arose from this") with yujian [Chinese Text Omitted] "foresees [the decline of the Zhou]," and omitting furen [Chinese Text Omitted] ("lady" or "consort") after "King Kang of Zhou," following the citation of the Lienu zhuan passage in Li Shan's [Chinese Text Omitted] (ob. 689) commentary to Fan Ye's Hou Han shu, "Huanghou ji lun" [Chinese Text Omitted] in Wen xuan [Chinese Text Omitted], comp. Xiao Tong [Chinese Text Omitted] (501-31), ed. Hu Kejia [Chinese Text Omitted] (1757-1816), with Gu Guangqi [Chinese Text Omitted] (1776-1835) and Peng Zhaosun [Chinese Text Omitted] (1769-1821) (1809; modern punctuated edition, Taibei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1987), 49.2195. See also Chen Qiaocong's textual note, Lu shi yishuo kao, 1.5b.

29 Fa yah, "Xiao zhi plan" (Sbby), 13.4b. A problem in this passage arises from interpreting zuo [Chinese Text Omitted] does it mean here "to make (= compose)," "to sing," or "to arise from"? Since other passages clearly refer to the composition of "Guanju," that is how I think it should be read in this context as well. See Hightower, "The Han-shih wai-chuan and the San Chia Shih," 264, n. 89, and for a different view, Liu Shipei [Chinese Text Omitted], "Shi fen sijia shuo" ([Chinese Text Omitted], in Zuo'an ji [Chinese Text Omitted] (Liu Shenshu xiansheng yishu [Chinese Text Omitted], 1934), 1.13b. The last part of Zhang Chao's discussion of "Guanju" indicates that he understands the poem to have been composed at this time, and not merely sung or recited.

The Lauds are the "Song" [Chinese Text Omitted], a division of the Shi. On the covenant at Shaoling, see Zuo zhuan [Chinese Text Omitted], Xi 4, and Shi ji, 32.1489.

30 Han shu, 60.2669. Liu Zhengwu ("'Guanju' zhang yiduan," 77-78) thinks that the passages about "Guanju" in this presentation and in Lienu zhuan ("Wei Quwo Fu" [Sbck], 3.23a) were criticisms by Du Qin and Liu Xiang of Emperor Cheng's licentious behavior. Liu suggests that the King Kang reference was invented by Du Qin and Liu Xiang as a suasive device - comparing the Emperor with a great king, albeit one who had erred (though, according to Liu Zhengwu's conceit, Kang's error was a fiction). Later scholars in the Han were to have accepted this reading as it gained credibility with age, and subsequent scholars attributed it to the Lu School. There are problems with Liu Zhengwu's thesis: Du Qin simply does not name King Kang (neither does Sima Qian, a point made emphatically by Liu Zhengwu); moreover, Liu Xiang's use of this reading is buried deep within the Lienu zhuan, its lack of conspicuousness a great drawback to its potential suasive efficacy. Instead of reading these passages as Du Qin's and Liu Xiang's inventions, one should see them as being consistent with the Shi ji and Huainanzi references mentioned above.

31 Lun heng, "Xie duan pian" (Sbck), 12.14b. This passage does not explicitly refer to "Guanju," yet shi [Chinese Text Omitted] here must be specific to this song.

32 Hou Hah ji (Sbck), 33.17b. The phrase "perceived the germ and acts" [Chinese Text Omitted] derives from the "Xi chi zhuan" B [Chinese Text Omitted] in Zhou yi zhengyi [Chinese Text Omitted] (Shisan jing zhushu), 8.13b (with the graphic variant [Chinese Text Omitted] for [Chinese Text Omitted]). The "germ," in this particular case, is the first indication of the Zhou's impending decline. See n. 27 where a variant to a Lienu zhuan passage cited in the Wen xuan commentary lends that passage a sense similar to this one. Cf. Feng Yan's [Chinese Text Omitted] (fl. A.D. 24) "Xian zhi fu" [Chinese Text Omitted] Hou Han shu, 28B.994): "I praise 'Guanju"s discerning the germ, / And grieve over the impending collapse of the Way of the Kings."

33 See Lienii zhuan, "Zhou Xuan Jiang Hou" (Sbck), 2. 1b-2a.

34 "Zhou Xuan Jiang Hou" (Sbck), 2.1b. The phrase [Chinese Text Omitted] ("hedonistic and immoderate") may be compared to [Chinese Text Omitted]; see Han shu 85.3467.

35 "Zhou Xuan Jiang Hou" (Sbck), 2.1b-2a.

36 "The Annals of the Empresses" ([Chinese Text Omitted]) of the Hou Han shu (10A.397; and in Wen xuan, 49.2195) makes this connection: "Remaining, there is the instruction of the duenna; moving, there is the ringing of the jade girdle-pendants. In advancing the worthy and talented to assist and attend the gentleman, there is sorrow at her seclusion, yet no abandonment to her beauty. The reason that one should state and proclaim the muliebral instructions, and cultivate and complete the distaff regulations, is that the inner apartments shall [thereby] be dignified and harmonious, and improper requests shall not be carried out. Hence, when King Kang was late for court, 'Guanju' served as criticism. When King Xuan was late to arise, Mistress Jiang beseeched her own punishment." On the "sorrow at her seclusion, yet no abandonment to her beauty," cf. the conclusion of "Mao shi daxu" (in Mao shi zhengyi, 1A.18b), and also Lun yu 3.20: "The Master said, 'As for "Guanju," it is joyful yet not wanton, sorrowful yet not injurious.'"

37 Cf. Ying Shao's [Chinese Text Omitted] (ca. second century) Fengsu tongyi [Chinese Text Omitted], cited in the Wen xuan commentary to Ren Fang's [Chinese Text Omitted] (460-508) "Qi Jingling Wenxuan wang xingzhuang" [Chinese Text Omitted], 60.2578: "In antiquity, King Kang of Zhou was late to arise one morning. The poet [shi [Chinese Text Omitted], "attendant," is probably a graphic error for shi [Chinese Text Omitted]] used this as a searching criticism. The Son of Heaven ought to sleep at night and set to work in early morn, himself attending to the myriad details."

38 See Shang shu [Chinese Text Omitted] (Shangshu zhengyi [Shisan jing zhushu]), 19.9b, 10a.

39 Lienu zhuan, "Wei Quwo Fu" (Sbck), 3.23a.

40 Cited in Hou Hah shu, 2.112, n. 4, and 28B.995, n. 2. This passage ends by explaining "Guanju" as a poem of criticism. On the Xue family history, see Hightower, "The Han-shih wai-chuan and the San Chia Shih," 258, n. 62 (romanized as "Hsieh").

41 As Pi Xirui points out (Jingxue tonglun, 2.8), if this passage is suggesting that the "exemplary man" is the Duke of Zhou, then the "coy and comely good maiden" cannot be Taisi, for the obvious reason that the Duke could not be matched with his own mother! Pi also argues against the suggestion that because the "Xiang yin jiu li" [Chinese Text Omitted] section of the Yi li [Chinese Text Omitted] (Yi li zhushu [Shisan jing zhushu], 9.12b) has a reference to "Guanju," and since the Duke of Zhou is supposed to have been responsible for that document, the "Guanju" must already have existed in his time. Pi states (2.8) that the attribution of the Yi li to the Duke of Zhou was made by later Ruists, and hence cannot serve as a tool for dating "Guanju." The dating of the Yi li to the time of the Duke of Zhou no longer has serious adherents; see William Boltz, "I li," in Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographic Guide, ed. Michael Loewe (Berkeley: Society for the Study of Early China, 1993), 237.

42 Xunzi (in Xunzi jijie [Chinese Text Omitted], collated by Wang Xianqian [Taibei: Shijie shuju, 1959]), "Ru xiao," 4.1a-3a. For a discussion of the image and role of Ji Dan [Chinese Text Omitted], the Duke of Zhou, in the classical literature, see Herrlee G. Creel, The Origins of Statecraft in China, vol. 1: The Western Chou Empire (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1970), 72-80; also John Knoblock, Xunzi: A Translation and Study of the Complete Works, vol. 2: Books 7-16 (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1990), 66-69.

43 On the link between Xun Qing and the Lu School, see Hightower, "The Han-shih wai-chuan and the San Chia Shih," 251,252 n. 26; and Lin Yelian, Zhongguo lidai "Shi jing" xue, 88, 90. Lu Ji [Chinese Text Omitted] (third century A.D.), in Mao shi caomu niaoshou chongyu shu [Chinese Text Omitted] (in Han Wei congshu [Chinese Text Omitted], 1791 ed.), B.16b, connects the Mao shi with Xun Qing as well. A discussion of Xun Qing's view of the Shi as normative, and in particular, of the Shi section "Feng" [Chinese Text Omitted] or Airs (among which "Guanju" is first) as normative poems in which the sexual passions are suppressed, see Van Zoeren, Poetry and Personality, 74-79.

44 The use of idealized figures and criticism couched in praise is quite common in Han fu; see, for instance, Sima Xiangru's [Chinese Text Omitted] (179-117 B.C.) "Shanglin fu" [Chinese Text Omitted] (Wen xuan, 8.361-78). Since this genre was the dominant literary form of the period during which the early Shi schools rose and flourished, it is not at all surprising that such a reading of "Guanju" would have developed. Nonetheless, "Guanju" itself does not express criticism in the way that a Han fu like "Shanglin fu" does. In the latter piece, the idealized ruler criticizes himself and makes changes accordingly, i.e., the criticism is internal and self-contained, independent of its effect on the real ruler. For "Guanju" to serve as criticism, the actual ruler would have to see how the idealized portrait is unlike himself and then act to imitate that ideal. The criticism in this case is external, dependent on the ruler's realization of a difference between the ideal and himself; the text by itself betrays no criticism.

In the Mao tradition, the preface to "Guanju" glosses "Feng" [Chinese Text Omitted] as "suasion" (feng [Chinese Text Omitted] as the short form of [Chinese Text Omitted]) and "instruction" (jiao [Chinese Text Omitted]), which is consistent in a general sense with the Three Schools' reading of "Guanju." See Mao shi zhengyi, 1A.4b.

45 Hu Nianyi [Chinese Text Omitted], in "Lun Handai he Songdai de Shi jing yanjiu ji qi zai Qingdai de jicheng he fazhan" [Chinese Text Omitted], Wenxue pinglun 1981.6 (Nov. 1981): 61, comes to a similar conclusion. Pauline Yu, in The Reading of Imagery in the Chinese Poetic Tradition, 50, also notes the transition to an interpretation of "Guanju" as a poem of praise. She suggests that this may have been due to a growing concern that Sima Qian's record of King Kang's reign in Shi ji was inconsistent with the Lu School reading of the poem.

46 See Jin shu, comp. Fang Xuanling [Chinese Text Omitted] (578-648) et al. (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), 102.2676: "Consequently, Wen of Zhou built a pontoon [bridge], and Mistress Si was thus raised; with the transforming feast of "Guanju," there is lasting good fortune for a hundred generations." On King Wen's pontoon bridge and his marriage to Taisi, see Mao shi 236.5, 6, and Lienu zhuan, "Zhou shi san mu" (Sbck), 1.9a.

There is no mention of "Guanju" in the section on Taisi in the Lienu zhuan; see "Zhou shi san mu," 1.9a-10b.

47 Van Zoeren, Poetry and Personality, 128-29; for a comprehensive study of the historiography of the Jin, see Anthony Bruce Fairbank, "Ssu-ma I (179-251): Wei Statesman and Chin Founder, An Historiographical Inquiry" (Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Washington, 1984), 37-278; pp. 250-78 cover the Jin shu commissioned by Taizong.

48 See Shi ji, 47.1936; Van Zoeren, Poetry and Personality, 30, 176.

49 Poetry and Personality, 30; Van Zoeren cites the passage as 9.15 using the division in Yang Bojun [Chinese Text Omitted], Lun yu yizhu [Chinese Text Omitted] (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1958).

50 Han shu, 81.3342. Verses from "Guanju," Mao shi 1.1.

51 See the hexagram for xian [Chinese Text Omitted], Zhou yi zhengyi (Shisan jing zhushu), 9.12b- 13a.

52 Cai Yong, in his "Xiehehun fu" [Chinese Text Omitted] ("Rhapsody on Harmonious Marriage," in Cai Zhonglang ji, waiji [Sbby], 3.1a), states: "As human nature's greatest kind of love, / No pleasure is more complete than that of husband and wife. / . . . / The matter is profound and subtle, dark and mysterious; / This is the beginning of right relationships." See also Lienu zhuan, "Wei Quwo Fu" (Sbck), 3.23a/b.


Cai Yong's "Rhapsody on a Grisette"(1)

Gold comes forth from grains of sand, And pearls emerge from the grit of mussels.(2) O this coy and comely one,(3)

4 Is born in lowliness and humility!(4) An engaging smile and animated eyes, a fair beauty,(5) Gleaming teeth, lovely brows,(6) Black hair, shiny and sleek,(7)

8 Neck long and white like a grub.(8) Across and down, brushing her hair, Are leaves like falling mallow.(9) Longish and dainty-delicate,

12 "A stately woman of goodly height."(10) Damask sleeves, vermilion skirt;(11) Shod with silken slippers.(12) She glides along in mincing steps,(13)

16 Seated or standing, rising or lowering,(14) She is mild and graceful, with a pretty smile, Uplifting her vermilion lips. Elegant and charming, lovely and alluring,(15)

20 She is peerless in her many qualities.(16) Sharp-witted and prudent, She bustles about her work as if in flight. In serving viands and tailoring,(17)

24 No one can rival her. With the purity of "The Calling Ospreys," She does not act perverse or contrary.(18) Behold how she conducts herself,

28 She's a rarity in this world. It'd be fitting that she make a Lady, Act as instructress to a host of women.(19) Wherofore is it your fate

32 To remain here, lowly and humble? Our age lacks a Lady Fan, Zhuang of Chu's consort from Jin.(20) I'm moved by Zheng Ji of olden times,

36 It was he that Pingyang favored.(21) To be sure, he was aptly conferred a fiefdom,(22) And traversed this imperial domain.(23) Even if I have pleasure and happiness,(24)

40 I express and vent my feelings. Cold snow whipping, swirling,(25) Fills the courtyard, covers the steps. My layered robes are burdensome and oppressive,(26)

44 I wheel and stagger, stumble and fall.(27) At morning twilight, just before dawn,(28) Cocks crow, urging me on. I make ready my carriage, hastily pack my bags,(29)

48 About to abandon you and depart. Muddled, rash - muddled, rash -(30) My longing cannot be dispelled.(31) Standing tall on the canal banks,

52 Weeping and sobbing is the grisette. My thoughts travel afar, Your thoughts come in pursuit. The bright moon shines and glistens,

56 Blocked by my door. The northeasterlies come continuously,(32) Blowing my bed curtains. On the He riverbank I saunter,(33)

60 Linger by the courtyard steps,(34) Southward I look up at the Well and Willow,(35) Peer upwards at the Dipper Armillary.(36) We are not like Oxherd and Weaving Maid,(37)

64 Separated by the Sky River. I think about you, muse about you,

66 Aching for satisfaction, I'm utterly famished.(38)

1 The extant text may only be a large fragment of the original. For the Chinese text, see Cai Zhonglang ji, waiji (Sbby), 3.2b3a; Yiwen leiju [Chinese Text Omitted], comp. Ouyang Xun [Chinese Text Omitted] 557-641) et al., ed. Wang Shaoying [Chinese Text Omitted] (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965; rpt., Kyoto: Chumon shuppansha, 1980), 35.63536; Chuxue ji [Chinese Text Omitted], comp. Xu Jian [Chinese Text Omitted] (659-729) et al. (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962), 19.465; and Quan Hou Hah wen [Chinese Text Omitted], in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Hah Sanguo Liuchao wen [Chinese Text Omitted], comp. Yan Kejun [Chinese Text Omitted] (1762-1843) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1958), 69.4a/b. Textual notes can be found in Yang ke "Cai Zhonglang ji" jiaokan ji [Chinese Text Omitted]",[Chinese Text Omitted]"[Chinese Text Omitted], comp. Xu Hah [Chinese Text Omitted] (17991866) (1855; rev. ed., Ji'nan: Qi Lu shu chuban, 1985), Waiji, 3.142-46, and in Quan Hah fu [Chinese Text Omitted], comp. Fei Zhengang [Chinese Text Omitted], Hu Shuangbao [Chinese Text Omitted], and Zong Minghua [Chinese Text Omitted] (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1993), 573-74.

2 Bernard Read, Chinese Materia Medica: Turtle and Shellfish Drugs (1937; rpt., Taipei: Southern Materials Center, 1977), no. 217, p. 43, n. 2, comments that the pearls from the bang[Chinese Text Omitted], a freshwater mussel (Unionidae), were once highly valued in Europe and in America.

3 Cf. Mao shi 1.1. On the riming binome yao tiao [Chinese Text Omitted] (riming [Chinese Text Omitted] and [Chinese Text Omitted] groups, shang sheng), see Bernhard Karlgren, "Glosses on the Kuo Feng Odes," BMFEA 14 (1942): 86, no. 1, and his comments on pp. 82, 83; given the Lu School interpretation of the osprey metaphor in "Guanju," the suggestion that the Lu School regarded this binome as meaning "beautiful" (hao [Chinese Text Omitted]), in contrast to the Mao shi's "dark and secluded" or "retiring" (you xian [Chinese Text Omitted]), is not very convincing. See also Peter Boodberg, "On the Translation of Chinese Binores," from "Cedules from a Berkeley Workshop in Asiatic Philology," in Selected Works of Peter A. Boodberg, ed. Alvin P. Cohen (Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univ. of California Press, 1979), 176, no. 1. ("Cedules" was originally published in The Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies 7.2 [1969]: 1-39.)

4 Yiwen leiju, 35.635, has the lexical variant sheng [Chinese Text Omitted] for the other versions' chan [Chinese Text Omitted], with no substantive change in meaning.

5 Yiwen leiju omits this couplet. This section evokes Mao shi 57.2, and this line echoes the last two lines of this stanza of the Shi song. The Hanyu dacidian [Chinese Text Omitted], s.v. panqian [Chinese Text Omitted], suggests with reference to the "Qingyi fu" that panqian is a compound that, though harkening back to the Shi ode just noted, is here being used to describe the enchanting manner in which a beautiful woman looks about. See Karlgren's "Glosses on the Kuo Feng Odes," 152, nos. 166 and 167, and Gao You's [Chinese Text Omitted] (fl. 205-12) references to these lines in Huainanzi, "Xiu wu xun" (Huainan hongle jijie), 19.659. Wang Xianqian, in Shi sanjia yi jishu [Chinese Text Omitted] (Taibei: Shijie shuju, 1957), 3b.13a, notes that Gao Yu, like Cai Yong, follows the Lu shi tradition. If one follows the traditional Mao shi interpretation, then qian refers to dimples, and pan to the definition of black and white in the eyes; in both cases the beauty of these features is being accented, hence James Legge's (The She King, 95) "What dimples, as she artfully smiled! / How lovely her eyes, with the black and white so well defined!" The Lu shi tradition interprets qian as "red" (from the pigment deriving from the roots of the qian [Chinese Text Omitted] plant, or madder), and pan as "black," referring to the mouth and eyes respectively. (Chuxue ji, 19.465, has the graphic error xi [Chinese Text Omitted] for pan [Chinese Text Omitted].) The binome shuli [Chinese Text Omitted] refers to a woman "good and lovely"; see also Cai Yong's "Jian yi fu" [Chinese Text Omitted] ("Rhapsody on Curbing Excess"), in Cai Zhonglang ji, waiji (Sbby), 3.2a.

6 This line, [Chinese Text Omitted], is also found in Mei Cheng's [Chinese Text Omitted] (2nd c. B.C.) "Qi fa" [Chinese Text Omitted], with the variant [Chinese Text Omitted] ("beautiful") for [Chinese Text Omitted] ("silkworm-like"), in Wen xuan, 34.1560. The line is found with the phrases reversed, [Chinese Text Omitted], in Sima Xiangru's "Meiren fu" [Chinese Text Omitted] (Yiwen leiju, 18.331; Chuxue ji, 19.465; Guwen yuan 3.1lb). The phrase emei [Chinese Text Omitted] appears in Mao shi 57.2; Karlgren's discussion of it ("Glosses on the Kuo Feng Odes," 151-52, no. 165) concludes that the Mao shi ode means "her eyebrows silkworm-like" on the basis of other similes and metaphors with nature in this stanza, but notes that other versions (e.g., Yiwen leiju, 18.324) read [Chinese Text Omitted]. Moreover, Karlgren states that in modern editions of the Chuci [Chinese Text Omitted], [Chinese Text Omitted] appears in the "Li sao" [Chinese Text Omitted] ("Encountering Sorrow") (in Chuci buzhu [Chinese Text Omitted], ed. Hong Xingzu [Chinese Text Omitted] [1070-1135] [Sbby], 1.12a), but that in the oldest extant commentary, Wang Yi [Chinese Text Omitted] (ca. 90?-ca. 1657) discusses it as [Chinese Text Omitted]. Hence, with respect to the Eastern Han, there is some ambiguity here, and indeed there is the suggestion that, no matter the original intention of the phrase, it had come later to mean simply "beautiful eyebrows." Although Cai Yong below returns to the use of comparisons with nature, I have chosen to render [Chinese Text Omitted] with this later sense.

7 This couplet is not included in the Chuxue ji text.

8 The simile compares the woman's neck, the whiteness and tenderness of the flesh and its alluring length, with the caoqi [Chinese Text Omitted], or qicao [Chinese Text Omitted] (grub) in modern Chinese. A line in Mao shi 57.2 is identical but for the name of the grub, qiuqi [Chinese Text Omitted], or "tree-grub." I have interpolated the words "long and white" to underscore the meaning of the simile.

9 Yiwen leiju, 35.635, and Quan Hou Han wen, 69.4a, omit this and the previous line. The couplet is difficult to interpret. With a simile falling in the second line, it appears to be roughly parallel with the previous couplet. It seems unlikely that Cai Yong would return to hair proper as the subject of this couplet since he has already referred to it above. I think it is probable that there is an omission here that eliminates the context for this couplet. If we look at Cao Zhi's [Chinese Text Omitted] (192-232) "Meinu pian" [Chinese Text Omitted] (see Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi [Chinese Text Omitted], ed. and comp., Lu Qinli [Chinese Text Omitted] [Taibei: Muduo chubanshe, 1989], 1.431-32), we see: "The beautiful lass bewitching and modest, / Gathers mulberry between forked paths. / Tender branches abound dainty-delicate, / Falling leaves, how they flit-flutter." As Song Yongyi [Chinese Text Omitted] ("Erotic Archetypes in Jian'an Literature," Chinese Culture 34 [June 1993]: 24-32) points out, the conceit of mulberry picking in Han, Wei, and Jin verse has erotic connotations. Although "Qingyi fu," as we have it today, does not make overt reference to mulberry picking, there are interesting similarities in imagery with those poems that do. For instance, falling leaves is an image shared by both Cai Yong's piece and Cao Zhi's poem. Again, the next line in Cai Yong's piece uses the reduplicative, ranran [Chinese Text Omitted] ("dainty-delicate"), also found in Cao Zhi's poem; the comparison between the branches' appearance and a woman's is deliberate. Moreover, although the work described in Cao Zhi's poem casts the woman in a lowly social position, her later physical description is of one of high social station; similarly Cai Yong's "grisette" is said to be of a lowly background, but bears noble qualities and appearance.

Kui [Chinese Text Omitted] is a tall herb (to six feet) known in English as the Chinese mallow (Malva verticillata) with small white or purple flowers in axillary clusters, and five- or seven-lobed palmate leaves; see Bernard E. Read, Chinese Medicinal Plants from the Pen Ts'ao Kang Mu, A.D. 1596 (1936; rpt., Taipei: Southern Materials Center, Inc., 1982), no. 280, p. 80; and The New Royal Horticultural Society Dictionary of Gardening (New York: Stockton Press, 1992), 3: 175.

10 Quoting Mao shi 57.1. Chuxue ji, 19.465, omits this and the previous line.

11 Cai Zhonglang ji, waiji (Sbby), 3.2b: [Chinese Text Omitted]. Yiwen leiju, 35.635, and Quan Hou Han wen, 69.4a, have the homophone xiu [Chinese Text Omitted] ("embroidery") in place of [Chinese Text Omitted] hence, "Colorfully embroidered vermilion skirt."

12 Yiwen leiju, 35.635, has wei [Chinese Text Omitted] ("leather") in place of fei [Chinese Text Omitted] ("slippers"); Yang ke "Cai Zhonglang ji" jiaokan ji, waiji, 3.143, notes this variant and adds that it means the same thing.

13 Yang ke "Cai Zhonglang ji "jiaokan ji, waiji, 3.143, states that the graph [Chinese Text Omitted] in Cai Zhonglang ji, waiji (Sbby), 3.2b, is an error. Yiwen leiju omits this line and the following three lines. Quan Hou Han wen, 69.4a, has the graph cu [Chinese Text Omitted]. Yang ke "Cai Zhonglang ji "jiaokan ji suggests that since the first two graphs in the line, panshan [Chinese Text Omitted], are riming binomes ([Chinese Text Omitted] rime group, ping sheng), then the latter two ought to be as well. It posits the graph xie [Chinese Text Omitted] in place of cu [Chinese Text Omitted], thus, xiedie [Chinese Text Omitted] ([Chinese Text Omitted] rime group, ru sheng), with the same meaning as cudie ("to walk quickly with mincing steps"). The note gives as textual corroboration for this riming binome a passage in the "Ai ying" [Chinese Text Omitted] section (Yang ke "Cai Zhonglang ji" jiaokan ji mistakenly gives the source as "She jiang" [Chinese Text Omitted]) of the "Jiu zhang" [Chinese Text Omitted] in Chuci (Chuci buzhu [Sbby]) 4.14b, where the riming loan qie [Chinese Text Omitted] is used for xie [Chinese Text Omitted], and the latter is given as a variant in Wang Yi's commentary.

14 I.e., "In her bearing and manner." For zuoqi [Chinese Text Omitted], cf. Li ji zhengyi (Shisan jing zhushu), "Ru xing," 59.2a, "In his sitting and standing, he is reverential and respectful" [Chinese Text Omitted]. For the last two graphs of the line, Cai Zhonglang ji, waiji (Sbby), 3.2b, and Chuxue ji, 19.465, have the order [Chinese Text Omitted]; Quan Hou Hah wen, 69.4a, has the order [Chinese Text Omitted]. Following the rime ([Chinese Text Omitted] rime, ping sheng), the latter version is correct.

15 For the alliterative binome wumei [Chinese Text Omitted] ([Chinese Text Omitted] initials), cf. Sima Xiangru's "Shanglin fu," in Shi ji, 117.3040, and in Wen xuan, 8.375; also in Han shu, 57A.2571, where it is written [Chinese Text Omitted]; see Wen xuan, or Selections of Refined Literature, comp. Xiao Tong (501-31), tr. David R. Knechtges, vol. 2: Rhapsodies on Sacrifices, Hunting, Travel, Sightseeing, Palaces and Halls, Rivers and Seas (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1987), 108, 1.412n.

16 For "peerless," following Cai Zhonglang ji, waiji (Sbby), 3.2b (zhuoluo [Chinese Text Omitted]), and Yiwen leiju, 35.636 (zhuoluo [Chinese Text Omitted]), Quan Hou Hah wen, 69.4a, writes zhuoshuo [Chinese Text Omitted]. In both cases, they are riming binomes ([Chinese Text Omitted] rime, ru sheng). The first set is attested in Kong Rong's [Chinese Text Omitted] (153-208) "Jian Mi Heng biao" [Chinese Text Omitted]: "Upright and honest, of superior talents and eminent [[Chinese Text Omitted] in the Wen xuan, 37.1668, and [Chinese Text Omitted], in the Hou Hah shu, 80B.2653]."

17 For zhongkui [Chinese Text Omitted] (lit., "attending within to the victuals"), see Kong Yingda's gloss in Zhou yi zhengyi, "Jiaren gua," 4.17a; the term refers to the duty of preparing food for family and sacrifice. Zhongkui later came to be a metonym for "wife." Caige [Chinese Text Omitted] (lit., "shearing and cutting") is a metonym for tailoring.

Yiwen leiju omits this line and the next seventeen lines.

18 Following Cai Zhongtang ji, waiji (Sbby), 3.2b, [Chinese Text Omitted] Chuxue ji, 19.465, and Quan Hou Han wen, 69.4b, have: [Chinese Text Omitted]; hence, "She does not stoop to being perverse or contrary," or possibly, "She does not stoop to ridicule or blame."

19 Chuxue ji, 19.465, has niishi [Chinese Text Omitted] ("maidservant") in place of the other versions' nushi [Chinese Text Omitted] (a "matron," "duennainstructress," or "instructress of women"). About Mao shi 2.3, Mao shi zhengyi, 1B.4a, states that "In antiquity instructresses of women taught feminine character, feminine speech, feminine appearance, and feminine merits."

20 The spouse of King Zhuang of Chu [Chinese Text Omitted] (reg. 613-591 B.C.), Lady Fan (Fan Ji [Chinese Text Omitted]) remonstrated with her husband to stop hunting and devote himself instead to governing. She also convinced the complacent and ineffective minister Yu Qiuzi [Chinese Text Omitted] to resign - offering herself as an example of one who had stepped aside in favor of others (in her case, younger consorts) - and promoted the candidacy of the competent Sunshu Ao [Chinese Text Omitted]. See Lienu zhuan, "Chu Zhuang Fan Ji" (Sbck), 2.8a-9a.

21 This is an allusion to the affair between Zheng Ji [Chinese Text Omitted] and the Lady Wei [Chinese Text Omitted], one of the concubines of the Marquis of Pingyang [Chinese Text Omitted]. The product of their illicit union was the great Han general Wei Qing [Chinese Text Omitted] (ob. 104 B.C.). Wei Qing led campaigns to deal with Xiongnu border incursions. In a celebrated campaign in 127 B.C., for instance, he crossed the frontier, reclaimed lands south of the Yellow River, and founded Shuofang and Wuyuan commanderies; see Michael Loewe, "The Campaigns of Han Wu-ti," in Chinese Ways in Warfare, ed. Kierman and Fairbank (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1974), 112; Yu Ying-shih, "Han Foreign Relations," in The Cambridge History of China, vol. 1, The Ch'in and Han Empires, 221 B.C.-A.D. 220, ed. Twitchett and Loewe (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1986), 390. Wei Qing's sister or half-sister was Emperor Wu's second empress. Wei Qing has biographies in Shiji, 111.2921-47, and in Han shu, 55.2471-77.

22 Quan Hou Hah wen, 69.4b, has yang [Chinese Text Omitted], and Chuxue ji, 19.465, has yang [Chinese Text Omitted], in place of xi [Chinese Text Omitted]. For yin [Chinese Text Omitted] as "going by qualifications" or "in accordance with his claims," see John Makeham, Name and Actuality in Early Chinese Thought (Albany: State Univ. of New York Press, 1994), 217, n. 10,

23 This couplet seems to refer to Wei Qing, but it is difficult to make sense of it without concluding that there is an omission in the text.

24 For the alliterative and assonant binome yanwan (both have [Chinese Text Omitted] initials) [Chinese Text Omitted], cf. poem (third of four) attributed to Su Wu [Chinese Text Omitted] (ca. 143-60 B.C.) in Wen xuan, 29.1355: "Delight and joy rest with us tonight, / Pleasure and happiness reach to the good times" [Chinese Text Omitted], [Chinese Text Omitted] (the graph [Chinese Text Omitted] is a variant of [Chinese Text Omitted]).

25 Following Cai Zhonglang ji, waiji (Sbby), 3.3a, and Chuxue ji, 19.465: [Chinese Text Omitted] (with the alliterative - both having the initial [Chinese Text Omitted] - and assonant binome binfen [Chinese Text Omitted]), "flying about, moving chaotically"). Quan Hou Han wen, 69.4b, has the reduplicative binome pianpian [Chinese Text Omitted], and Yiwen leiju, 35.636, has the alliterative (again, both having the initial [Chinese Text Omitted]) and assonant binome pianfan [Chinese Text Omitted], both of which indicate falling, squalling, or rapid fluttering movement.

26 Yiwen leiju omits this and the next seven lines.

27 "Wheel and stagger" is the reduplicative (two homophones) binome zhanzhuan [Chinese Text Omitted] ([Chinese Text Omitted] initial, [Chinese Text Omitted] rime, shang sheng).

28 Chuxue ji, 19.465, has the reduplicative binome xinxin [Chinese Text Omitted] ("growing brighter and brighter") in place of huxin [Chinese Text Omitted] ("morning twilight").

29 In order to avoid use of words homophonous with Emperor Ming's (reg. A.D. 29-75) personal name, Liu Zhuang [Chinese Text Omitted], yan [Chinese Text Omitted] is here used in place of zhuang [Chinese Text Omitted] ("baggage"); see Ci yuan, s.v. yan.

30 I.e., "I'm muddle-headed and I'm acting rashly."

31 This is the last line given in Chuxue ji.

32 The tiaofeng [Chinese Text Omitted] (lit., "ordering winds") are seasonal winds coming from the northeast (or east). See Shi ji, 25.1245: "The tiaofeng occupy the northeast, lording over and producing the myriad things. To tiao means to set in order the myriad things and produce them, hence they are called the 'ordering winds.'" The "Tianwen xun" chapter of Huainanzi (Huainan honglie jijie), 3.92, states: "The forty-fifth day from the winter solstice is when the 'ordering winds' arrive." This coincides with Ii chun [Chinese Text Omitted], or "Beginning of Spring," in early to mid-February. (As easterly winds, see the "Di xing xun" of Huainanzi [Huainan honglie jijie], 4.132.)

33 See Mao shi 79.2.

34 Cf. "Changmen fu" [Chinese Text Omitted], attributed to Sima Xiangru, in Wen xuan, 16.714: "I linger idly in the eastern chamber, / Gazing at its inexhaustible exquisiteness and elegance."

35 Two of the seven constellations comprising the southern quadrant of the "twenty-eight lunar mansions"; see Gao You's commentary to Huainanzi, "Tianwen xun" (Huainan honglie jijie), 3.85.

36 Dou ji [Chinese Text Omitted] refers specifically to the third (Phecda, [Gamma] Ursae Majoris) of the seven stars that make up the Northern Dipper, and is a synecdoche for the constellation itself. See Gustav Schlegel, Uranographie chinoise, 2 vols. (1876; rpt., Taipei: Ch'eng-wen, 1967), 1: 502-3.

37 These are the asterisms, Oxherd (Qianniu [Chinese Text Omitted], [Alpha] Aquilae, or Altair) and Weaving Maid (Zhinu [Chinese Text Omitted], [Alpha] Lyrae, or Vega); according to mythology they were lovers separated by the Sky River (our Milky Way) who could meet only once a year, on the seventh day of the seventh month, by crossing a bridge formed by magpies.

38 Cf. Mao shi 197/2, "my heart is grieved and pained, / I am hungrily dissatisfied as if in bowel-pains" [Chinese Text Omitted] (tr. Bernhard Karlgren, "The Book of Odes: Kuo Feng and Siao Ya," BMFEA 16 [1944]: 239), and Mao shi 10.1: "While I have not yet seen my lord, / I am hungry for him as if famished in the morning" [Chinese Text Omitted].


Zhang Chao's "Reproaching the 'Rhapsody on the Grisette'"(1)

"What sort of man is he"(2) Who delights in such pulchritude? His gorgeous words are praiseworthy,

4 His elegant phrases ornately figured.(3) The style is laudable,(4) But the intent is base, its meaning frivolous.(5) "Oh Phoenix! Oh Phoenix!

8 How thy virtue has waned!"(6) A high ridge can be glorious, There's no need for brambles.(7) Sweet springwater can be drunk,

12 There's no need for mud.(8) It's like using the Sui pearl to shoot down a sparrow,(9) Or using the Tangxi to mow down mallows.(10) If a phoenix pecked at a mouse,

16 How different would it be from an owl?(11) Successively examining past and present,(12) We see that the route to calamity Is mostly due to(13)

20 Wretched concubines and wanton wives. The History Classic warns against hens crowing at dawn;(14) The Poetry Classic records shrewd wives.(15) The termini of the Three Dynasties,

24 Have all come about due to this.(16) Jin procured a Li Rong, Who caused the demise and ruin of the Reverential Heir.(17) Xia took to wife Reng,

28 "Subverting the clan and terminating the rites."(18) Shu Xi took in marriage Shen, And discerned a sound, like that of a wolf.(19) Muzi had a liaison at Geng,

32 Ox the footboy starved him to death.(20) Huang Xie's demise, Began with Li Yuan.(21) When Lu received the dancers from Qi,

36 Zhongni went away.(22) When Duke Wen cherished comfort, Lady Jiang reproached him for his vulgarity.(23) As Zhou gradually neared decline,

40 King Kang was late in rising.(24) The Duke of Bi, repining with sighs, Deeply pondered the Way of old.(25) He was moved by "The Calling Ospreys,"(26)

44 By nature they don't go together in pairs.(27) He hoped to get a Duke of Zhou,(28) Who'd make a consort of a coy and comely lady.(29) To prevent degeneracy and reproach its progress,(30)

48 He tactfully criticized and admonished the lord, his father.(31) Mister Kong thought it the best, Arranging it to cap the head of the book.(32) Yan Ying with chaste resolve,

52 Did not regard Duke Jing's daughter.(33) As for Juan Buyi - Presented a Huo, he did not accept.(34) These were not entranced by nobility,

56 Far less by this sort of lowly maid.(35) The three clans have no ordered hierarchy, Attachments of affection are not properly ranked.(36) Going crabwise he solicits a mate,

60 Slinking sideways he seeks a companion.(37) The marriage lacks a go-between,(38) The ancestral temple is without a host. The family is not called by name,

64 Relying on the place where they dwell.(39) If they produce a girl she'll be a concubine, Produce a boy and he becomes a servant. At the appointed times of the year they pour the libations,(40)

68 Calling upon their ancestors. Either in the stable, Or in the kitchen by the stove,(41) Facing the east they kneel a long time,

72 Offering endless goblets of wine.(42) They invite all of the numerous spirits, Deviant and aberrant they serve as hosts.(43) They beg much and give little:(44)

76 Copper balls and iron poles,(45) Layered silks, piled up in the hundreds of millions,(46) All come gathered up together. Proper wives, submissive and loving,(47)

80 Each has her proper place. As for chattel and wenches and the sort,(48) Those don't amount to much. The freeloading sons-in-law of old,(49)

84 Moreover may be considered dust and filth. How is it that one so bright and wise, Desires to become the father of a servant?(50) Striving to be a gentleman of integrity

88 Does not correspond with self-gratification.(51) One ought, like damming a river,(52) Maintain it with single-mindedness.(53) Mu of Qin pondered Bao,

92 Hence garnered fortune in the end.(54)

1 For the Chinese text of "Qiao 'Qingyi fu'," see Chuxue ji, 19.465, Yiwen leiju, 35.636 (under the title, "Ji 'Qingyi fu'" [Chinese Text Omitted] (incomplete; lexical variant ji presents no semantic change), Guwen yuan [Chinese Text Omitted], probably compiled by Sun Zhu [Chinese Text Omitted], ed. and comm. Zhang Qiao [Chinese Text Omitted] (fl. 1230) (Taibei: Dingwen shuju, 1973), 6.12b-15a; and Quan Hou Hah wen, 84.9a/b. Textual notes can be found in Quan Hah fu, 606-8.

2 Quoting from Mao shi 199.1, 3, 4.

3 Yiwen leiju, 35.636, has variant ci [Chinese Text Omitted] ("words") for ju [Chinese Text Omitted] ("phrases").

4 Guwen yuan, 6.13a, has variant jia [Chinese Text Omitted] for jia [Chinese Text Omitted], with no apparent semantic change.

5 Guwen yuan, 6.13a, and Quan Hou Han wen, 84.9a, have variant bei [Chinese Text Omitted] for bi [Chinese Text Omitted], with no apparent semantic change.

6 Quoting from Lun yu 18.5.

7 Yiwen leiju omits this couplet. The meaning of the couplet is that a high ridge has its own pristine beauty: why ruin it with thorny bushes? Zhang Chao is suggesting that Cai Yong has sullied himself by writing his "Qingyi fu." An alternate translation for line 9 is "On a high ridge flowers can grow."

8 Guwen yuan, 6.13b, has the graphic error chi [Chinese Text Omitted] ("pool") for ni [Chinese Text Omitted] ("mud").

9 Cf. Zhuangzi, "Rang wang plan" (Zhuangzi jiaoquan [Chinese Text Omitted] [Chinese Text Omitted], comp. and annotated by Wang Shumin [Chinese Text Omitted] [Taibei: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo, 1988]), 28.1129: "Suppose there were now a man here who used the pearl of the Marquis of Sui [as a crossbow pellet] to shoot down a sparrow a thousand meters high. The world would inevitably laugh at him. Why is this? Because what he used was of worth, and what he wanted was insignificant." For more on the Sui pearl, see Zhuangzi jiaoquan, 28.1132, n. 16; Gao You's commentary to Huainanzi, "Lan ming" (Huainan honglie jijie), 6.198; Richard B. Mather, Shih-shuo Hsin-yu: A New Account of Tales of the World, 42, n. 3 (top).

10 Tangxi [Chinese Text Omitted] is the "brand name" of a fine sword; actually, it is the place where the swords were made; see Chuci, "Jiu tan" ("Yuan si") (Chuci buzhu [Sbby]), 16.9b: "The Tang-xi is grasped now for chopping straw with" (tr. David Hawkes, The Songs of the South [Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1985], 288, 1.41, also p. 304, 1.41n.); Wang Niansun, Guangya shuzheng [Chinese Text Omitted] [Chinese Text Omitted], "Shi qi" (Sbby), 8A.27b, 28a. The meaning of this line parallels the previous one. On kui [Chinese Text Omitted] (mallows), see Cai Yong's "Rhapsody on a Grisette," n. 9. This is undoubtedly a deliberate reference to Cai Yong's piece.

11 Yuanchu [Chinese Text Omitted] is a fabulous bird akin to the fenghuang [Chinese Text Omitted] (commonly translated "phoenix"), symbolizing a worthy man. See Zhuangzi, "Qui shui" (Zhuangzi jiaoquan), 17.633: "Zhuangzi went to see [Huizi] and said, 'In the south there was a bird whose name was the phoenix [yuanchu]; are you familiar with it? Now then, the phoenix emerged from the South Sea and flew to the North Sea, and there not being a phoenix tree it did not rest [cf. Mao shi 252.9], there not being bamboo seeds [or, fruit of the Persian lilac] it did not eat, and there not being sweet springwater it did not drink. Then, an owl captured a rotten mouse and as the phoenix passed by, [the owl] looked up at it and said, 'Buzz off!'" The bird-name chi [Chinese Text Omitted] can be applied to various kites, sparrow-hawks, falcons, and eagle-owls.

12 Chuxue ji, 19.465, has jin gu [Chinese Text Omitted] ("present and past") instead of gu jin ("past and present").

13 Yiwen leiju omits this and the next thirty-one lines. This line is unusual in that it is only two syllables long; the rest of the piece is tetrasyllabic.

14 An allusion to Shangshu, "Mu shi," 11.16b, that warns against women usurping power, thought to be the perquisite of men, which would lead to the destruction of the household and the state.

15 An allusion to Mao shi 264.3, in which women are identified as the cause of disorder. Zhe [Chinese Text Omitted] is being used in the pejorative sense, hence, "shrewd." The point is that women who think too much or who scheme are dangerous, and that if men utilize women's words the result will be calamity. See Kong Yingda's comments in Mao shi zhengyi, 18E.8b-9a. Cf. this couplet with Hou Han shu, 54.1761: "The History Classic warns against hens cocking and crowing; the Poetry Classic reproaches shrewd wives destroying the state."

16 Cf. Du Qin's presentation preserved in his Han shu biography, 60.2669. The "Three Dynasties" (Sandai) refers to the Xia, Shang, and Zhou. Traditionally, these three dynasties lost their mandates to rule because of their final rulers' inattentiveness to governing and predilections for licentious behavior. The tradition adds that these three rulers, Jie [Chinese Text Omitted], Zhou [Chinese Text Omitted], and You [Chinese Text Omitted] (of Western Zhou) brought ruin to their people by indulging the whims of favorite women, Mei Xi [Chinese Text Omitted](or [Chinese Text Omitted]), Da Ji [Chinese Text Omitted], and Bao Si [Chinese Text Omitted], respectively.

17 Duke Xian of Jin [Chinese Text Omitted] (reg. 676-652 B.C.) subdued the Li Rong [Chinese Text Omitted] and was presented by their leader with two daughters; the eldest daughter, Li Ji [Chinese Text Omitted], became the Duke's favorite. (The "Li Rong" in this line is Li Ji.) She successfully connived to have her own son named heir-designate in place of the previously designated heir, Shen Sheng [Chinese Text Omitted], the eldest son of Duke's principal consort. Shen Sheng, hearing of his father's plans to kill him, committed suicide. See Guo yu, Jin yu (Sbck), 7.2a-8.5a; Zuo zhuan, Zhuang 28, and Xi 4; Li ji zhengyi, "Tan gong" A, 6.14b-15a; and Shiji, 39.1640-46. Guwen yuan, 6.13b, has the graphic error huai [Chinese Text Omitted] for huai [Chinese Text Omitted].

18 This couplet is an allusion to a story-within-a-story (see note 19 below) in the Zuo zhuan, Zhao 28, about a certain Reng [Chinese Text Omitted], whose beautiful daughter was given in marriage to Shun's minister of music, Kui [Chinese Text Omitted]. Their son, Bo Feng [Chinese Text Omitted], was such a covetous and gluttonous beast that he was called "Fat Pig" (Fengshi [Chinese Text Omitted]). Yi [Chinese Text Omitted], ruler of Qiong [Chinese Text Omitted], had Bo Feng killed, and thus Kui had no one to carry out his sacrifices. It was not Bo Feng who was blamed for this calamity, but his mother, the beautiful "Dark Lady" (Xuanqi [Chinese Text Omitted]). The quote in the second line of the couplet comes from Shangshu, "Wuzi zhi ge," 7.7a; the original text, though concerned with the affairs of Xia, is otherwise unrelated to the story at hand. Zhang Qiao's [Chinese Text Omitted] (fl. 1230) Guwen yuan commentary, 6.13b, suggests that Xia [Chinese Text Omitted] is a graphic error for Kui [Chinese Text Omitted].

19 According to the Zuo zhuan, Zhao 28, Shu Xi [Chinese Text Omitted] of Jin, also known as Yangshe Xi [Chinese Text Omitted], Yang Xi [Chinese Text Omitted], and Shu Xiang [Chinese Text Omitted], married a daughter of the duke of Sheri [Chinese Text Omitted]. His mother opposed the marriage on two grounds: that the duke's wife, Xia Ji [Chinese Text Omitted], had caused the death of three husbands, a ruler, and a son, and also that beautiful women like Xia Ji were, in general, the cause of great misfortune. Here Shu Xi's mother relates the anecdote given in the previous note. Duke Ping [Chinese Text Omitted] compelled Sbu Xi to go through with the marriage. After Shu Xi's bride gave birth to their son, her mother-in-law heard the baby cry and denounced him, saying the cry sounded like that of a wolf. She predicted that this "wolf" would destroy the Yangshe ("Sheep's Tongue") clan. See also Lienii zhuan, "Jin Yang Shu Ji" (Sbck), 3.15b-17a.

20 Muzi [Chinese Text Omitted] (or Shusun Bao [Chinese Text Omitted]) of Lu [Chinese Text Omitted], according to Zuo zhuan, zhao 4, was the head of the Shusun clan. He once went to Qi [Chinese Text Omitted] and on the way stopped in Gengzong [Chinese Text Omitted] where he met and slept with a woman. After reaching Qi he married a woman of the Guo clan [Chinese Text Omitted]. In a dream one night he saw the sky crashing down on him. Not being able to hold up the sky alone, Muzi called out "Ox!" (Niu [Chinese Text Omitted]) and an odd beast of a man came to his rescue. When Muzi later became a minister in Lu he discovered that the woman in Gengzong had borne him a son. Muzi, upon meeting his son, cried "Ox!" in recognition, and the boy responded to the name. Over time, Ox (Shu Niu [Chinese Text Omitted]), the "footboy," successfully schemed to rid himself of his rivals, Muzi's sons by his marriage to Guo. Then, when Muzi became ill, Ox managed to starve his father to death. The Quan Hou Hah wen, 84.9b, has ji [Chinese Text Omitted] in place of yi [Chinese Text Omitted] in Chuxue ji, 19.465, hence, "Ox, the footboy, starved himself," which conflicts with the original story.

21 See Shiji, 78.2396-98. Huang Xie [Chinese Text Omitted], Lord Chunshen [Chinese Text Omitted] of Chu [Chinese Text Omitted] (oh. 237 B.C.), was a trusted envoy for and advisor to the king of Chu. Concerned that King Kaolie [Chinese Text Omitted] had no sons, he sought to procure fertile women for him. A man from Zhao [Chinese Text Omitted], Li Yuan [Chinese Text Omitted], wished to present his younger sister to the king. Li Yuan first introduced her to Huang Xie, who proceeded to have intercourse with her; she became pregnant. She then convinced Huang Xie that he should go ahead and present her to the king: after having relations with the king, she would deceive him into thinking she had become pregnant by him. This was done, and the woman subsequently gave birth to a boy. A few years later, the king died. Seeking to secure his own position, Li Yuan had Huang Xie assassinated.

22 See Shiji, 47.1917-18, and Lun yu 18.4. Qi [Chinese Text Omitted] was concerned about Confucius' (Zhongni [Chinese Text Omitted]) gaining high position in Lu, and predicted that under Confucius Lu's power would wax and become a threat. In the fourteenth year of Duke Ding [Chinese Text Omitted] of Lu, Qi sought to undermine Lu by sending the duke a gift of eighty of the most beautiful dancing girls they had. The duke, as a result, neglected government and the rituals for three days. Confucius thereupon left Lu in disgust.

23 See Zuo zhuan, Xi 23. The future Duke Wen [Chinese Text Omitted] of Jin (reg. 635-628 B.C.), Chong'er [Chinese Text Omitted] (a son of Duke Xian of Jin [Chinese Text Omitted]; see n. 17), had wandered in exile for many years. He once settled in Qi, where he took as wife the Lady Jiang [Chinese Text Omitted]. Although Chong'er enjoyed his life in Qi, his retainers voiced their desire to move on. Lady Jiang admonished Chong'er for his reluctance to leave her and for his love of comfort, which would surely bring ruin to his claim as pretender to Jin. Chong'er would not heed her, so she made him drunk and had him taken away. Guwen yuan, 6.14a, and Quan Hou Han wen, 84.9b, have the variant xiao [Chinese Text Omitted] ("ridiculed") for qiao [Chinese Text Omitted] ("reproached") in Chuxue ji, 19.465.

24 Ji Zhao [Chinese Text Omitted], posthumously known as King Kang, was the grandson of King Wu and followed his father King Cheng to the throne. Sima Qian says in Shi ji, 4.134, that "in the period of Cheng and Kang, the entire realm was secure and at peace," but that after Kang "the way of the Kings became weak and deficient."

25 Gao [Chinese Text Omitted], the Duke of Bi (a small area northwest of Chang'an), was instrumental in ensuring that the son of King Cheng, Ji Zhao (see preceding note), succeed him on the throne. After his ascension, Kang charged the Duke of Bi with assisting him in the governance of Zhou, specifically in the region of Cheng-Zhou [Chinese Text Omitted], or Luoyi [Chinese Text Omitted] (east of modern Luoyang), where the former Shang-Yin people then resided. See Shangshu, "Bi ming." Another tradition reflected in this passage, and deriving from the Lu School of the Shi, has the Duke of Bi admonishing King Kang for devoting too much attention to his consort, and hence not assiduously carrying out his duties.

Zhang Chao is also evoking here the beginning of "Li yun," in Li ji, in sentiment and in language. There Confucius, at the conclusion of a sacrifice, "repining, sighs" ([Chinese Text Omitted]) over the situation in Lu. When his disciple Yan Yah [Chinese Text Omitted] asks him why he sighed, Confucius laments that he had not witnessed the "carrying out of the great Way" (dadao zhi xing [Chinese Text Omitted]); Confucius is referring to antiquity, including the early Zhou kings. See Li ji zhengyi, 21.1a/b.

26 The Commentary on Mao's Songs (in Mao shi zhengyi, 1A.20a) identifies the jujiu [Chinese Text Omitted] as the wangjiu [Chinese Text Omitted], or osprey.

27 Guwen yuan, 6.14a, has xing [Chinese Text Omitted] ("nature") for the other versions' de [Chinese Text Omitted]; there is little semantic difference here. This verse accords with the statement in Mao shi zhengyi, 1A.20a, that ospreys are "devoted and yet maintain separation."

28 Following Guwen yuan, 6.14a: [Chinese Text Omitted]; Chuxue ji, 19.465, has [Chinese Text Omitted] ("Only hoping for a Duke of Zhou"; the dan [Chinese Text Omitted] may be a result of contamination from the preceding graph lu [Chinese Text Omitted]); Quan Hou Han wen, 84.9b, transposes the first two graphs.

29 Chuxue ji, 19.465, has the lexical variant hao [Chinese Text Omitted] ("a good [mate] for" or "fond of "?) for the other versions' pei [Chinese Text Omitted].

30 Following Chuxueji, 19.465: [Chinese Text Omitted]. Guwen yuan, 6.14a, and Quan Hou Han wen, 84.9b, have [Chinese Text Omitted], hence, "To prevent degeneracy and dispel its progress." Obviously, xiao [Chinese Text Omitted] and qiao [Chinese Text Omitted] are graphic variants here, but which word is intended.'?

31 Jun fu [Chinese Text Omitted] ("the lord, his father") refers to King Kang, who was not literally the father of the Duke of Bi.

32 Cf. preface to the Shangshu attributed to Kong Anguo (in Shangshu zhengyi, 1.16a): "Consequently, I drew from it [i.e., Confucius' preface], making each [i.e., his comments] cap the head of a book."

33 Yan Ying [Chinese Text Omitted] was a minister of Qi, known for his personal integrity and austerity. Duke Jing [Chinese Text Omitted] wished to give his "young and lissome" daughter in marriage to Yan Ying after seeing that his minister's wife was "old and ugly," but Yan Ying refused the offer. See Yanzi chunqiu [Chinese Text Omitted] (Sbby), 6.9a.

34 See Han shu 71.3038: The highly respected governor of the capital under Emperor Zhao (reg. 87-74 B.C.), Juan Buyi [Chinese Text Omitted], was once offered a daughter of the famed general-in-chief Huo Guang [Chinese Text Omitted] (ob. 68 B.C.) in marriage, but Juan humbly turned down the proposal.

35 Following Yiwen leiju, 35.636. Chuxue ji, 19.465, Guwen yuan, 6.14a, and Quan Hou Han wen, 84.9b, have the lexical variant li [Chinese Text Omitted] ("pretty") for li [Chinese Text Omitted] ("lowly servant"), hence, "Far less by this sort of pretty maid." Yiwen leiju omits the next eight lines.

36 This refers to failing to maintain the appropriate hierarchy of the clans of father, mother, and wife. Choumou [Chinese Text Omitted] is a riming binome ([Chinese Text Omitted] rime, ping sheng), here represented by "attachments of affection."

37 I.e., such a person goes about seeking a consort in an oblique manner, not in an upright way.

38 Following Chuxue ji, 19.465, and Quan Hou Han wen, 84.9b; Guwen yuan, 6.14b, has [Chinese Text Omitted] ("the marriage lacks the matchmaking protocols").

39 These two couplets refer to the ritual surrounding the marriage arrangements. According to the Liji and Yi Ii, a marriage is to be arranged through the assistance of a go-between (mei [Chinese Text Omitted]); if the proposal is acceptable to the girl's family, the prospective groom sends them the gift of a goose. Among other preliminary activities, the prospective groom's party formally inquires as to the girl's clan-name; this is a ritualization of the taboo on consanguineous marriage. These preliminaries take place at the prospective bride's ancestral temple; the hosts at the temple are identified by Zheng Xuan (commentary, Yi li zhushu [Chinese Text Omitted] [Shisan jing zhushu], "Hun li," 4.2a) as the girl's father, and by Kong Yingda (subcommentary in Liji zhengyi, "Hun yi," 61.Sa) as the girl's father and mother. This section further illustrates that the suitor being described in the lines above is heterodox in his behavior: he does not follow the prescribed rites. See Yi li zhushu, "Hun li," especially 4.1a-8a, and Liji zhengyi, "Hun yi," 61.4b-5b; on the taboo on consanguineous marriage, see, e.g., Li ji zhengyi, "Fang ji," 51.25a/b.

40 Yiwen leiju, 35.636, has the nearly synonymous zhui [Chinese Text Omitted] in place of lei [Chinese Text Omitted] (sprinkling or pouring out libations).

41 Yiwen leiju, 35.636, has "at the kitchen door" [Chinese Text Omitted] in place of "in the kitchen" [Chinese Text Omitted]].

42 Yiwen leiju, 35.636, has "receiving the spirits [Chinese Text Omitted] with goblets of wine" instead of "offering endless goblets of wine."

43 Following Chuxue ji, 19.465, and Quan Hou Han wen, 84.9b: [Chinese Text Omitted]. Yiwen leiju, 35.636, has "being deviant and aberrant, rich hosts [Chinese Text Omitted]" (where [Chinese Text Omitted] is probably a graphic error for [Chinese Text Omitted]); Guwen yuan, 6.14b, has "deviant and aberrant, they lack a host" or "deviant and aberrant with abandon" [Chinese Text Omitted] (possible influence from line 62).

44 Yiwen leiju, 35.636, has "they beg much and walk little [Chinese Text Omitted]" instead of "... and give little [Chinese Text Omitted]."

45 Chuxue ii, 19.465, has "copper tiles" (tongwa [Chinese Text Omitted]) in place of the other versions' "copper balls" (tongwan).

46 Following Chuxueji, 19.465, Guwen yuan, 6.14b, and Quan Hou Hah wen, 84.9b, which have "hundred million" (yi) in place of jia [Chinese Text Omitted] ("good," "excellent") in Yiwen leiju, 35.636.

47 Chuxue ji, 19.465, has "cultivated and good" (qi) in place of "the proper wife" (di) in Guwen yuan, 6.14b, and Quan Hou Han wen, 84.9b. Yiwen leiju omits this couplet.

48 On zang [Chinese Text Omitted] and huo [Chinese Text Omitted], which are derogatory terms for slaves and maidservants, see Ying Shao's [Chinese Text Omitted] (ca. 140-ca. 206) note to a passage in Han shu, 62.2735, n. 25, citing Yang Xiong's (52 B.C.-A.D. 18) Fang yan [Chinese Text Omitted].

49 On the term "freeloading sons-in-law" (zhuixu [Chinese Text Omitted], here the latter graph is written with a [Chinese Text Omitted] signific), see Sima Zhen's [Chinese Text Omitted] (8th c.) Shiji suoyin [Chinese Text Omitted] in Shiji, "Gu Ji zhuan," 126.3198, n. 2. For xu [Chinese Text Omitted], Guwen yuan, 6.14b, has [Chinese Text Omitted] (a graphic variant?).

50 This is the final line in the Chuxue ji version.

51 Cf. Mao shi 193.8: "I dare not imitate my friends in self-gratification."

52 Cf. "damming a river" (fang shui) in Shi ji, 4.142, and in Zuo zhuan, Xiang 31 (fang chuan), where the stories have different contexts but are similar in language and intent. The idea is that complete repression of people's grievances towards government is like damming a river: eventually the dikes are breached and catastrophe results. It is better to let the water out of a small opening. This suggests that the state should allow a certain degree of political expression. Here, in reference to maintaining personal integrity, Zhang Chao turns the trope on its head, speaking in favor of complete repression of wayward behavior; presumably he does not think one's own "dam" would be breached by a flood of pent-up feelings and desires. See also Han shu, 29.1692.

53 Duke Mu of Qin [Chinese Text Omitted] (or) [Chinese Text Omitted] (reg. 659-621 B.C.) is said to have been "single-minded with respect to his people" [Chinese Text Omitted] [Chinese Text Omitted] (Zuo zhuan, Wen 3); see following couplet and note.

54 Following Yiwen leiju, 35.636, and Quan Hou Han wen, 84.9b. Though I have not found a source that says that Duke Mu of Qin "pondered Bao" [Chinese Text Omitted], that is to say, the case of King You of Zhou and Bao Si (see n. 16), it would certainly be appropriate to his situation if he had. King You had set aside his heir-designate, his son by his proper consort, and installed his concubine Bao Si's son in his place. You's obsessive affection for Bao Si ultimately led to his demise at the hands of the Western Yi [Chinese Text Omitted], Quan Rong [Chinese Text Omitted], and the state of Zeng [Chinese Text Omitted]. Duke Mu, on the other hand, assisted the wronged son of Duke Xian of Jin (reg. 676-652 B.C.), Chong'er (who was also Duke Mu's wife's half-brother - Duke Mu having married a daughter of Duke Xian), to gain his usurped position; see Zuo zhuan, Xi 24; Shi ji, 39.1656, and 5.190; and Guo yu, Jin yu (Sbck), 9.10b. Just before his death, Duke Mu, in contrast to King You's experience, subdued the Rong [Chinese Text Omitted] (in his case, the Western Rong [Chinese Text Omitted]); see Zuo zhuan, Wen 3; Shi ji, 5.194. Guwen yuan, 6.15a, has "Mu of Qin repented of his error" [Chinese Text Omitted].
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Author:Asselin, Mark Laurent
Publication:The Journal of the American Oriental Society
Date:Jul 1, 1997
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