The Litsevoi Svod as Graphic Novel: Narrativity in Iconographic Style.
At much the same time, artists in the Kremlin were facing similar stresses, as revealed by the complaints of Ivan Viskovatyi, an educated, worldly-wise bureaucrat (d'iak) in the Foreign Affairs Chancery. In 1 553, he denounced the artists of the new frescoes and icons in the Kremlin, declaring their work to be painted "according to their own minds, not according to Holy Scripture." He declared these works' subjects and symbols without precedent in Orthodox theology and iconography and condemned them as heretical Latin imports. Viskovatyi defended the otherworldly iconographie style of art and insisted that sacred art should represent only God's grace incarnated--that is, only living people (Jesus, Mary, the saints) in their earthly existence, not allegorical representations of theological concepts or depictions of God the Father. In countering Viskovatyi at the Moscow Church Council of 1554, Metropolitan Makarii and church hierarchs identified Orthodox precedents for most of the symbolic and allegorical ways of painting that Viskovatyi had condemned, thereby approving in the guise of tradition a new approach to sacred painting. In this the 1554 Council sharply contrasted to the 1551 Stoglav Church Council that had taken a position similar to Viskovatyi's: namely, that icon painters should reproduce old models, "changing nothing." (2) The controversy reflects the swirling currents of artistic change at Ivan IV's court.
From the 1550s through the 1590s, the church hierarchy, tsarist court, and wealthy monasteries commissioned immense projects of painting and illustration--frescoes, icons, illuminated hagiographies, and chronicles. Many of these tasks asked artists to depict subjects lacking iconographical precedents and to work on a scale they had never experienced before. In response, Kremlin artists embodied all sides of Viskovatyi's complaint: they maintained iconographie style and dabbled in realism; they borrowed from European printed books and experimented with theological symbolism; they hewed to old genres and created new ones. In one spectacular project produced in Kremlin workshops in the 1560s-70s, the Illustrated Chronicle Compilation or Litsevoi letopisnyi svod (hereafter LLS), artists trained in iconographie style evolved a new genre of book illumination, a breathtaking advance in visual narrativity. (3)
The LLS is a vast compendium of over 10,000 manuscript pages in folio size tracing the history of the Rus' lands from Creation and biblical times to the mid-16th century. Scholars have remarked on the unusual multi-episodic composition of many of its images and the overall narrative flow of the LLS. They have struggled to identify the sources of its unprecedented style, postulating evolution from previous Slavonic illustrated chronicles, the training and "life experience" of the artists, and their exposure to new artistic influences. (4) This essay extends these arguments, arguing that the LLS did not organically evolve from previous Slavonic chronicles and exploring the styles of narrative art that were available to the artists of the LLS. It explores the LLS as a new genre of Russian book illumination, like unto a graphic novel. This was, after all, a time when genres were being remade at the Kremlin court: frescoes and icons, despite Viskovatyis critique, were introducing new themes and new allegorical and symbolic modes of representation; (5) another dynastic history, the Stepennaia kniga, was organized in chapters according to rulers. Although it kept annalistic listing of events within chapters and thus was not a breakthrough into narrative historia in the Greek or Renaissance European meaning, the Stepennaia kniga does mark a step toward a new genre. (6) Where all this artistic ferment led in the history of Russian sacred art constitutes our concluding discussion.
Narrative in Iconographie Style
Muscovy was not immune from the tension between iconographie style and realism that animated the 16th century. As we shall see, there was ample influence of European art in Moscow at the time, and that meant realism. Going back to the seventh century, when Pope Gregory the Great declared that imagery possessed the same authority as sacred Scripture (with which the Orthodox world would not disagree) and should be used to instruct in the faith, sacred art in the Latin West began to move toward the realistic. Viewers were to "read" imagery for God's intent. In the medieval centuries, religious painting maintained stylized faces and gestures, but it also depicted contemporary costume and architecture. (7) When the Italian Trecento and Renaissance developed more fully realistic depictions of body face, and material objects, it was fulfilling the Gregorian theory of the actively engaged viewer. (8)
But well into the 16th century, the Orthodox world did not take that path. Its victory over iconoclasm in the ninth century resulted in the reaffirmation and further development of a consciously otherworldly painting style. Sensitive to the iconodule criticism that imagery leads to idolatry, Orthodoxy made canonical "the ethereal, the symbol, geometrism, hyperbolic asceticism," producing what Alain Besancon called "a compromise between the full vision of Christ's humanity and the symbolic abstractions tolerated by iconoclasm." Acknowledging critics' Platonic distrust of the emotional power of imagery, Orthodox iconography rejected the realism that was its legacy from the ancient world in favor of conventions of pose and gesture to represent emotions and actions and of costume and facial hair to identify specific individuals. Painting was mythologized as emerging not from man's creativity but from God himself or from his disciples under divine inspiration; templates were created for depicting church holy days and revered saints. (9) Change, of course, occurred, emanating from artistic genius, the local availability and preference for certain colors, the creation of new saints, or conjunctions of artistic influences in given geopolitical areas. But such differences did not undermine the essentially two-dimensional style and contemplative intent of icons, frescoes, and book illuminations for centuries.
When confronted with the massive illustration project of the LLS, its artists maintained this style. As the great scholar of antique manuscripts Kurt Weitzmann remarked, artists working in an iconographic style are fundamentally conservative; their first recourse is to what they know. (10) Thus, drawing on techniques they deployed in frescoes and icons, the artists of the LLS used conventions of color and clothing, pose and gesture. (11) Their training was grounded in a distinguished tradition of icon and fresco painting and book illustration in East Slavic lands from the late 14th century, inspired by great artists such as Theophanes the Greek, Andrei Rublev, and Dionysii. Monasteries and cathedrals in Novgorod, Pskov, Tver', Smolensk, Pskov, and the Far North produced exquisite icons, frescoes, and illuminated manuscripts. But narrative painting was relatively uncommon in book illustration in this tradition. Illumination focused on psalters and gospels that were decorated with portraits of the evangelists, ornate ornament, and only rarely narrative images from biblical history. (12) Nor did the artists of the LLS have models of illustrated chronicles in the Muscovite or Novgorodian traditions.
Only two illuminated histories written in Slavonic had been produced in the East Slavic lands before the LLS: the Chronicle of George Hamartolos and the Radziwill Chronicle. Their illustrations replicate Byzantine approaches to narrative illustration: they are relatively few, simple in composition, small in size. Text dominates the page. The Hamartolos Chronicle was a Slavonic translation (done in Kiev in the 1040s) of a world chronicle attributed to the Greek monk George Hamartolos; the extant manuscript was compiled in the 14th century in Tver'. It was not amply illustrated: 127 images on a total of 564 pages (273 folios) are focused on a few narrative cycles--biblical history, the tale of Alexander the Great, and others--and thus cluster unevenly in the manuscript. The images are spare, depicting a single episode, inserted into columns and surrounded by a frame. Overall they produce "no rhythmic or ornamental unity" or narrative pace; the visual is not the focus of this book. (13)
The same can be said of the Radziwill Chronicle, composed in the 1490s (Fig. 1). (14) It has been associated with Smolensk, Novgorod, Tver', and Beloozero. Narrative through imagery is somewhat stronger here, although text still dominates. There is often more than one illustration on each page (618 miniatures on 302 pages); although they are small, some represent successive episodes side by side. Illustrations often formed horizontal "belts" connecting across the open pages for stronger visual impact. Although architectural and other details show some influence of West European engravings, the layout of these two texts is typical of Byzantine chronicles, as we will see below. (15)
The LLS does not look like either of these chronicles. It tells its story through almost full-page images more than text. Its text did what all chronicles were intended to do: namely, to legitimize the state by situating it in the march of God's providential history. Its compilers also emphasized Moscow's ruling dynasty, creating what one scholar calls a "hagiography" of the ruling clan by the selective editing of constituent texts. (16) But text is usurped by image; the nearly 16,000 images in 20,000 folio faces each fill two-thirds or more of the page, accompanied by a few lines of text. (17) Sometimes the illustrations are stand-alone representations of one event; often they are part of a pictorial cycle that narrates a tale over time in successive increments, not unlike a modern graphic novel or comic book. This form of dynamic narrativity was unprecedented in the East Slavic lands and in contemporary Europe as well. Let us first examine how its narrativity works, and then explore its artistic context and potential inspirations.
Reading a Graphic Novel
Calling the LLS a graphic novel is in some ways inaccurate: this is not fiction but a work of history. Its authors fully intended to depict real events. But their narrative approach was much like modern-day graphic novels in which text is minimal and the picture tells most of the story. Reading such a primarily visual work challenges the reader in ways that a text-based book does not. Reading discursive text and absorbing an image demand different skills from our eyes and minds. As a rule, the viewer of an illustrated book looks first at the image, taking it in holistically before exploring in detail. Then the viewer becomes reader, taking in the text and then returning to the image thus informed. Word and image can never depict everything, however, so the reader fills in that space by creating his or her own imaginative world: graphic novels, as Scott Bukatman argues in his study of Mike Mignola's Hellboy comics series, "require the reader to animate the space of the page, restoring or producing movement--the movement of the narrative, the movement (action) within the narrative, and the reader's movement through the narrative." (18)
This is nothing new for the premodern reader. Bukatman in fact turns to scholarship on medieval illuminated manuscripts to explain visual reading. Martha Dana Rust in particular focuses on the "matrix" created by the physicality and multi-semioticity of the medieval illuminated work. Text, image, ornament, binding, gilding, color, and handwriting create "an imagined, virtual dimension in which physical form and linguistic content function in dialectical reciprocity: a space in which words and pages, 'colours' of rhetoric and colors of ink, fictional characters and alphabetical characters, covers of book and veils of allegory function together in one overarching, category-crossing metasystem of systems of signs." (19) The visual--composition, color, gesture, clothing, symbolism--intertwines with text to tell the tale.
The pages of the LLS function as such a matrix, not so much through physical attributes as through the images themselves. The LLS had no binding (the folios were not bound until modern times) and rarely used gilding. But the pages draw the viewer in visually. Ornaments, initials, and section headings are set off in red to direct the eye; text below an image often tapers to a "V" to close off the event described. Filling most of the page, the imagery leads the reader through the story. The LLS is much more profusely illustrated than typical medieval or early modern illustrated manuscripts: the Hamartolos and Radziwill Chronicles, as we have seen, were not as fully illustrated; in the Khludov Psalter, produced in Novgorod before 1300, 291 folios include only 3 full-page miniatures and 116 smaller ones. Examples can be multiplied. (20) Thus the reader has to combine text and imagery to create a full, imaginative world of the events.
The individual images of the LLS also drew the reader into visual reading through their multi-episodic composition. Many images depicted a single event--such as a wedding, an audience, or an army on the march--but many also assembled in one frame pieces of a story or a whole tale, putting together two or three events separated by place and/or time. (21) A typical example might show a grand prince handing down a verdict of corporal punishment at the left middle of the frame, his envoys arresting the guilty party in the upper right and the punishment being levied at front center. Landscape (ravines, craggy outcrops, lakes, and rivers) and architecture (gates, doorways, walls) separated such episodes. (22) Unlike anything in the Hamartolos or Radziwill Chronicles, this narrative style had rarely been used before in book illumination, and it added tremendous energy to the manuscript.
The images of the LLS can be read in various directions: top to bottom, bottom to top, diagonally. Single-event images were sometimes repeated successively with incremental changes such that T. A. Karmanenko sees them progressing like "cadres of a film." (23) Above or below the illustration, brief segments of text elucidated the scene, but sometimes images added details not in the text. (So, for example, a chronicle text relating a judgment of execution often used a generic term for "punish," leaving the choice of hanging or beheading to the artist.) As a visual composition the LLS communicated on several levels: the images' iconographic style preserved their role as sacred art, allowing readers to connect to the "inner meaning" of depicted events; like a graphic novel, with its variety of images and their visual complexity, the LLS provided readers ample opportunity to envision an imaginative world. (24) Let us explore the narrativity of the LLS in action.
The Litsevoi Svod as Graphic Novel
The LLS's depiction of Ivan III's campaigns against Novgorod in the 1470s marches forward inexorably. (25) Early volumes of the LLS include some tales that celebrated Novgorod's republican past, but in the segment dealing with Moscow's conquest (taken primarily from the Nikon Chronicle), text and imagery are decidedly pro-Muscovite. (26) They convey the LLS's overriding theme of grand-princely legitimacy: the justice of the grand prince's cause, his righteous use of force against ungrateful subjects, his benevolence and mercy, his consultation with righteous advisers, the people's love for him. The approximately 135 pages covering the 1471 campaign (15:165-295, 307-10) move with pace and verve, beginning with a group of images of traitorous Novgorodians (15:165-73). The initial illustration combines time and place dramatically (15:165, Fig. 2). Its bottom tier depicts the grand princes envoy entering Novgorod through a gate in right foreground; on the left he announces the grand princes orders to the hierarchs and lay leaders of Novgorod. The crowded center of the image shows unruly men armed with sticks, a tumultuous town assembly (veche) that is being called together by Marfa Boretskaia, pictured at right center, and her brother, shown ringing the assembly bell at left center. The crowd argues between loyalty to the Grand Duchy or Moscow; stones are distributed to the crowd in middle center. Looking on from great distance are the opposing forces: at the upper left, Casimir, King of Poland and Grand Duke of Lithuania, and at the upper right, Ivan III and his boyars, each group separated from Novgorod by a jagged outcrop. Successive pages then shift to less frenetic images depicting the grand princes preparation for battle. Starting with a rare several pages of text devoted to letters by the metropolitan and archbishop of Novgorod (15:174-79), the series moves to images grounded by the grand prince on the bottom tier consulting with advisers (depicted by hands spread open) and issuing orders with the gesture of pointing (15:180-91), (27) while in the middle and upper tiers his orders are carried out. Often behind a craggy outcrop in an upper corner apprehensive Novgorodians watch from hundreds of miles away (15:180, 182-83).
As Ivan III prepares to leave Moscow for battle, most images depict a single episode as he visits Kremlin cathedrals (15:192-99); they become multi-episodic with the successive arrival of Tatar, Tver', Pskov, and other troops (15:200-9). God's blessing on Ivan III's united army is clear in the fact that the usually marshy Novgorodian suburbs have become so parched by drought that the army is able to stream across a barren landscape (15:212-13). As the grand prince's troops ravage the countryside (15:210-11, 214-15, 220, 223, 234-40, 259-66), images overflow with clashing swords, fires, spurts of red blood, and dead bodies in three or four tiers of action. The Novgorodians' perfidious attack across Lake Ilmen plays out over several maritime scenes (15:217-19, 221-22); the tumultuous disarray of routed Novgorodian troops fleeing "like drunken men" is manifest in the trampling of bodies, horses running wild, banners askew, and men lost in the forest (15:239-40). The Muscovite forces' ultimate righteousness is attested by the pursuing army of saints and angels (15:235).
As Ivan III receives Novgorodian emissaries and makes peace, the pace of imagery slows with pictures grounded by the figure of the grand prince (15:147-50, 268-82). The legitimacy of his victory is underscored by images of scribes writing treaties from which hang dozens of seals, oaths being taken and the ruler seated on a pillow on a throne, often with scepter in hand, all symbols of legitimacy (15:272, 279, 280-81). The cycle ends with several majestic scenes of Ivan III and his army returning home, laden with booty and gifts, to be greeted with bread and salt by the people of Moscow (15:283-85, 292-95).
The variety of imagery and artistic techniques in this extended tale is striking. Here, we see multiple registers of time--the parched countryside of a dry autumn (real time), different scenes of battle in one image (simultaneous time), the ruler in one corner delivering an order that is fulfilled, later and in a different place, in an opposite corner (historical time). To the eye accustomed to early modern European art, these images might seem stiff and primitive, but Orthodox viewers' eyes were trained to appreciate the emotion in such imagery. (28) Movement and violence in the LLS were balanced by the reassuring iconography of a legitimate ruler: Ivan III was shown as forceful but pious, merciful, and surrounded by righteous advisers. At the time, other dynasties were producing histories of quite different type. (29) Here the LLS shaped the iconographic canon into a powerful statement of Christian rulership.
Strategies of Narrative Art
Where did the artists of the LLS get the inspiration for their multi-episodic compositions and graphic novel visual density? There is no single answer--no extant collection of Serbian icons or West European books known to be present in the Kremlin in the 16th century that we can identify as models. Rather, we can identify myriad artistic influences that were accessible to the talented painters of the Kremlin workshops.
The iconographic tradition itself, rooted in Greek and Roman art, for example, provided several approaches to depicting narrative. Most common was what scholars call "continuous" narrative: that is, a series of single-episode illustrations set side by side, sometimes separated by a frame, but often not, in a way that Kurt Weitzmann likened to "a modern cartoon strip." (30) Sometimes images of disparate events sat side by side, sometimes images repeated the same character as a narrative progressed. The LLS artists indeed often presented single-event pictures advancing a tale; they would have seen this continuous approach in hagiographical icons where successive, single-event episodes in the life of the saint are arrayed around the frame of a central portrait icon; the viewer looks across the top and then down and back and forth from left to right across the central image to tell the tale. Similarly, in frescoes, episodes from the life of Christ, the Mother of God, the saints, or Old Testament events were depicted as separate episodes side by side; artists skillfully used the architectural divisions of a building, such as squinches and corners, to contain a scene. Far less common in Roman, Byzantine, and medieval Latin art was a multi-episodic composition in which different, often successive, times and episodes were placed in a single frame, similar to what we see in the LLS. (31) These various narrative styles are depicted in a luxurious collection of the sermons of Gregory of Nazianzus produced in Constantinople in the ninth century. Its 46 miniatures include more than 200 distinct scenes in full-page images of two to five tiers, each composed of one or two episodes, side by side, usually not separated by a frame; their explanation depended upon the sermon they were adjacent to. (32) Leslie Brubaker found only one instance in this manuscript of a multi-episodic composition: it depicted several episodes in the tale of Jonah and the whale that move in what Brubaker calls a "circular" manner. She calls this sort of composition "unprecedented and exceptional," but it is precisely what the LLS artists thought of centuries later. (33)
Exceptional though it became in early Christian book illumination, a multi-episodic composition was perpetuated in some Orthodox icon templates. The Transfiguration icon provides the best example: on the left middle range it shows Christ and three apostles walking up the side of a mountain; the full space of the center from top to bottom shows the apostles being cast down by the blinding light of the Transfiguration; on the right center the four men are shown walking down the mountain afterward. The template of the icon of Christ's Nativity does not flow so successively, but includes several scenes separated in time. Mary recumbent in the manger creates the central focal point around which are arrayed stages in the Nativity story: shepherds surround Mary; on either side of the foreground are depicted the washing of the baby and the devil enticing Joseph; on one side or the other the Magi arrive, and in the upper register angels sing.
Book illustration in the Byzantine tradition, however, provided fewer potential inspirations for the overall composition of the LLS. The demand for narrative illustration in the Byzantine world was small, as sacred books tended to be illuminated with portraits and ornaments and the more secular genre of history was rarely illuminated. (34) Only two illuminated Byzantine chronicles survive, and each uses the single-episode, continuous style that we have seen in the Slavonic Hamartolos and Radziwill Chronicles. One is a copy of an 11th-century Byzantine chronicle by John Skylitzes done in Sicily in the early 12th century. It has over 600 illustrations dispersed on almost every one of 230 parchment folios; they are small and set across the page in narrow bands, often two episodes side by side, not separated by frames. The illuminated Manasses world history of 1344-45 is a Bulgarian copy of a Greek work by Konstantinos Manasses (c. 1130-c. 1187), done at the court of Tsar Ivan Alexander of Bulgaria. Its 69 illustrations on 206 folios are set in the text, usually filling a quarter of the page; unframed, they are captioned with a few words. (35) Rare as a genre, far from Muscovy, and not as visually rich as the LLS, these two illuminated chronicles are not close models.
In the Latin West, book illustration was similarly reserved for religious texts; historical works were not generally illustrated until the 12th century, when workshops in German and French lands took up the genre. Often their illustrations were not narrative at all, depicting coats of arms, portraits, genealogies, and even maps. The number of illustrations in a given text was generally limited, and single images were small, placed in margins, in one column of text, or spanning two columns; when a full page was used, the illustration generally placed several episodes in rows of friezes as in Brubakers ninth-century Byzantine codex. Multi-episodic images are rare. (36) An illustrated copy of Otto of Friesing's universal chronicle, The Two Cities, in eight books, for example, includes only 14 drawings arranged as separate images in a frieze; other German works included only portraits of the Carolingian and Ottonian dynasties (Fig. 3). (37) These medieval works provide a static narrative example.
In the 14th and 15th centuries, European narrative book illustration took off in a profusion of the visual. Rulers, nobles, and burghers of wealthy towns patronized workshops in French, German, Swiss, Spanish, Dutch, Italian, and English lands. (38) A beautiful mid-14th-century chronicle of the early centuries of Hungarian history, for example, is profusely illustrated, with 43 miniatures and over 100 decorated initials and marginal ornaments on 73 folios (146 page faces). Reflecting the "authentic realism" of Italian narrative art of the Trecento, the Hungarian artist depicts contemporary costume and armament. Most of the images are single-event and small, fitting into a column of text, but a handful are multi-episodic, with iconographic craggy outcrops separating scenes. (39) So this approach was not lost.
In the first half of the 14th century across Europe, illustration proliferated in devotional works and histories. Books of hours became a popular genre, thickly decorated, generally not with cycles of narrative but with images of individual events from a psalm or the Bible. They were produced in lay workshops that also produced illuminated chronicles, meeting a growing demand of wealthy laymen. Several masterpieces of illumination were produced in France and the Low Countries early in the century. The Tres riches heures of the Duc de Berry, illustrated by the three Limbourg brothers from 1413 to 1416 (completed in the 1480s by Jean Colombe), is justly considered the apex of devotional illumination: on 206 folios it included 65 exquisite full-page illustrations and 63 half-page miniatures placed in columns. (40) At the same time, Parisian workshops were illustrating Jean Froissart's French vernacular chronicle of the Hundred Years' War with scenes of battle and medieval court life; approximately half of its surviving manuscripts, stretching across the 15th century, were illustrated each with 10 to 30 illustrations, often large, filling half the page. (41) Similar to the Froissart chronicle but grander in scope, the Grandes chroniques de France endured from the late 13th through the 15th century. Hundreds of illustrated copies of this official history composed in French by the king's official historians, the monks of St. Denis, survive. Like the Froissart chronicle, its manuscripts contain no standardized illustration cycle: those prepared under royal patronage showed preference for illustrating the dynasty, while those commissioned by nobles reflected an interest in national history. A typical manuscript of the Chroniques, illustrated by Jean Fouquet in 1459, places 51 miniatures in 457 folios; most are single-episode scenes filling half the page. (42)
Such elegant books of hours set a standard for lavish illustration; other illustrated histories continued more pedestrian modes of painting, such as the familiar frieze style of episodes placed in rows or the "continuous" strips of single-event vignettes. The latter is visible in an illustrated universal history by Giovanni Colonna of 1447/53, the Mare historiarum: 730 miniatures spreading over seven books take up only part of a page, arranged in strips of single-event vignettes. (43) These works do not have graphic novel density, but the visual is getting more attention in narrative.
A flourishing school of Swiss German-language illustrated chronicles in the late 15th century comes closer to the LLS in its visual density. Diebold Schilling the Elder wrote the texts of three illustrated chronicles; his illustrated Great Burgundy Chronicle (describing the uprising of the Swiss Confederation against the princes of Burgundy in the l460s-80s), completed around 1485, contains fewer images than does the LLS (199 images in over 1,000 folio faces), but they fill most of the page, with only a handful of lines of text. The artist's style is different from that of the LLS: while faces and bodily pose are intentionally stiff and generic in a somewhat iconographic style, each image is composed of a single event surrounded by plenty of open space; clothing, architecture and insignia are contemporary and perspective is realistic. Schilling's nephew, also named Diebold, produced in 1513 a chronicle of Lucerne history that makes a similarly strong visual statement. It includes smaller but more images--around 450 in almost 700 pages (Fig. 4)--that cover less than half the page but are done in a bold and realistic style. Some dramatically extend across two pages. (44) Swiss chronicles approach a graphic novel's emphasis on the visual.
Not so printed books, despite the fact that book printing embraced illustration from its very beginning: about a third of books printed before 1500 were illustrated. (45) By the 16th century, illustrated printing was popular in Italy, France, and England, but the German lands took primacy, publishing secular works such as Aesop, Virgil, Petrarch, and Boccaccio as often as religious works. Woodcut artists replicated iconographical pictorial style, with generic faces and stiff poses; copper engraving allowed more graceful and painterly lines, as witnessed by Albrecht Durer's brilliant Apocalypse of 1498. But most illustrated printed books used illustrations sparsely and generically, for multiple reasons. Since Reformed churches urged individuals to read their Bible and not apprehend it through pictures, German printed books in the mid- to late 16th century privilege text over image. (46) Furthermore, woodcuts and engraved plates were expensive to make and tedious to print; printers repeated the same woodblock image throughout the text, occasionally providing some distinction by adding color later. Printers' and readers' acceptance of this practice suggests that, as Andrea Worm remarks, the intent of illustration was more to "indicate the content in a more general way" than to provide an "authentic" image of a person, city, or event; the text provided exact identification. (47) Single-event depiction was the norm, as narrative imagery was difficult in woodcut technology. Among hundreds of religious, historical, and fictional illustrations in early German books, only a few images suggest more than one episode, using separators such as ravines, craggy outcrops, and architecture. (48)
Hartmann Schedels World Chronicle of 1493 is considered a high point of early illustrated book printing for having achieved "a level far superior to any previous publications with regard to its large-scale images, the unprecedented number of illustrations, and its large-size format." (49) Still, it is hardly a graphic novel. In about 675 pages (1,350 faces), it contains 1,809 illustrations of historical scenes, biblical events, maps, cityscapes, portraits, and even genealogies; many were composed of 645 small wood blocks used repeatedly. A few images were full-page and narrative, such as the expulsion of Adam and Eve from Eden, but most were small, generic thumbnails scattered through columns of text or margins. This illustration scheme contributes little narrativity.
Quite the opposite, however, was the intent of the early modern broadsheet. Here the visual came to dominate. Even before the advent of printing, woodblock prints depicting single episodes in a successive tale were being combined on a single broadsheet or were bound in a pamphlet, sometimes with extensive, but usually with little or no, text. With the advent of printing, this genre took off. Initially dedicated to religious and moral themes, strips depicted the Seven Deadly Sins, "The Paupers Bible," biographies of saints. Soon narrative strips were being turned to religious polemic, on all sides. Political topics and moral satire soon followed, crowned in the 18th century by William Hogarth's biting visual critiques. Thus calling the LLS a graphic novel is not anachronistic; it was contemporary to the ancestors of modern comics. (50)
These contemporary European sources constitute a potential reservoir for LLS artists; so also was the broader world of Orthodox art. Artistic contacts were constant: in the l4th century, Greek painters brought the Paleologan style of fresco and icon painting to East Slavic lands; in the wake of the 1453 Ottoman conquest of Constantinople, Greek and Serbian artists traveled north. The influx of art from Mt. Athos, Moldavia, and the Greek diaspora continued in the 16th century. Particularly interesting at the time was icon painting in Crete, which, because of Venice's control over the island, featured ornate compositions, decorative detail, and realistic painting of the Venetian school. (51)
Artists of the LLS had access to these many stimuli. There was tremendous energy of book illumination in artistic centers across the Muscovite lands in the first half of the 16th century. Novgorod, always an entry point for artistic, religious, and political innovation, led the way. (52)
Through the 14th and 15th centuries, Novgorod was a thriving center of art and book illumination. Illumination was lavished on gospels with elaborate ornament and initials and exquisite frontispieces. (53) A dense network of artists in the archbishop's Sofiia Cathedral and in a plethora of nearby monasteries shared artistic inspiration. Novgorod had active Hanseatic trade ties to northern Europe (particularly with Lubeck and Magdeburg) and with the Orthodox world through Ukraine and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania; books and art flowed in. (54) In the 16th century, Archbishop Makarii of Novgorod (1526-42) patronized the production of icons, frescoes, and illuminated hagiographies in which E. A. Gordienko has identified two styles. One echoed the spiritual ethos of Rublev and Dionysii, while the other, which Gordienko calls "Gothic," was more concrete and representational, taking motifs from Western printed books imported from Germany. (55) Gordienko sees this style in, for example, the 1530s Life of St. Nifont. Its images are small (about the equivalent of eight or nine lines of script) and horizontal and the book is not profusely illustrated (only 170 images on 320 pages), but the images regularly include two episodes and fill the frame with figures and background detail. The Life of St. Nifont's more complex images work to blend picture and text organically and thus mark a step toward a more complex style. (56)
Novgorod artists brought and developed this style in Moscow when Makarii became metropolitan in 1542; the Kremlin priest Sil'vestr (himself from Novgorod) also filled his Annunciation Cathedral workshop with Novgorod and Pskov artists. A massive fire in 1547 in the Kremlin provided an opportunity to create new imagery in frescoes and icons, in architecture, and in objects such as banners and an ornate carved pew, all to promote church, state, and dynasty. (57) As artists flowed in from artistic centers across the East Slavic lands, including Tver', Smolensk, Pskov, and Novgorod, the Kremlin became a hotbed of artistic innovation. A more dramatic style emerged in frescoes from the Kremlin to monasteries as far away as Sviazhsk near Kazan; it combined dense scenes of people and action in bold colors and line with new symbolic content. Book illumination replicated some of the same dynamic tension. (58)
Cross-fertilization among workshops was constant, judging by the frequency with which the same supply of paper and the same styles show up in different works; books of the 1530s through the 1560s show the evolution of the LLS's multi-episodic style. (59) A Novgorodian painter is credited with an Interpretive [Uchitel'noe] Gospel of the 1530s or 1540s and later, working in the Kremlin Chudov Monastery in the late 1560s or early 1570s, with a miscellany composed of three illustrated works--tales of the miracles of the Archangel Michael, of the conception of John the Baptist, and of the Dormition of the Mother of God. Both manuscripts use the same multi-episodic compositions that the LLS artists were deploying at the time (the Chudov miscellany and the LLS used the same paper); they occasionally inserted fragments of European engravings. (60) A splendid Life of St. Nicholas, also done in the Kremlin in the 1570s on the same paper as the LLS, was thickly illustrated in the same style. (61) Kremlin workshops continued such artistic production through the artistic ferment of Boris Godunovs reign, with illustrated hagiographies and psalters. (62)
Illuminated manuscripts of the second half of the 16th century present a thickly illustrated graphic novel style; the LLS is the high point in its immense size and richness. Individual images retain an iconographic two-dimensional style of painting--faces are not individualized, emotion not realistically depicted, bodily movement is minimal. But the use of complex multi-episodic composition and the dominance of imagery over text draws the viewer into reading in a visual way.
Origins of the LLS Style
Where did this style come from? Ultimately, it comes down to the artists. Very talented illustrators, they seem to have constructed it out of the many influences whirling about and inside them. Clearly, artists in Novgorod and Moscow knew European printed books; in Russian manuscripts from the 15th century onward scholars have identified motifs and images from works and artists including Schedel's World Chronicle, engravings by Lucas Cranach, Albrecht Durer, Hans Holbein the Younger, Georg Pencz, the Beham brothers, and their students. (63) Late medieval Italian miniatures might have arrived in Muscovy with the influx of Italian architects and clerics that began in the 1470s with Sofiia Paleologas entourage and extended at least to the 1510s, when Maxim Trivolis (Maksim Grek) arrived with Italian books in his luggage. Although N. P. Likhachev has remarked on an absence of Italian influence in Muscovite art of the late 15th and 16th centuries, the legacy might be more complex. (64) Avenues of transmission from Mt. Athos, Crete, and the Orthodox diaspora continued via Moldova, Ukraine, and Belarus'.
The LLS artists did not need an exact model to follow to create the compositional style and visual structure of the whole work. Creativity in the Orthodox iconographic tradition should not be underestimated. As we have seen, from their training in iconography alone our LLS artists knew of a wide array of pictorial strategies; the icons of Crete in the later 16th century suggest as much. There artists trained in Orthodox iconography and Venetian painting were producing "hybrid" icons that combined Orthodox templates with European realism; in the 1580s, Michael Damaskenos produced such a "hybrid" icon that also uses a multi-episodic composition shaped by craggy outcrops familiar from the LLS. (65) Damaskenos's icon can be seen as a parallel response to similar artistic influences. The Byzantine iconographic style was never immobile; reflecting on the transmission of "visual knowledge" in Byzantine art, John Lowden argues that accomplished icon painters knew their basics so well that "new texts could in fact be illustrated, new saints represented, and old texts or old saints given visual form for the first time, all without challenging the authority of the church fathers." Orthodox art, he argues, was always innovating through the "deceptive creativity of its makers." (66)
The artists of the LLS possessed a reservoir of iconographic techniques with which they could apply the imagery and compositional strategies they saw in European manuscripts or books or in other Orthodox works. They could have been inspired to illustrate almost every page by seeing contemporary Swiss chronicles or satirical German broadsheets; they could have found in iconographic templates a means to portray the thousands of events their text described in a multi-episodic composition. Putting it all together, with the flexibility of painting in tempera on paper, they created a work that moves with pace and drama. Stylized gestures indicate sorrow and happiness, order and obedience. Splashes of red shock the reader with blood spilled in executions or flames destroying heretics. Hills and ravines separate place and time, a single gate indicates city borders, a roofline suggests an interior. The eye travels quickly across, up and down, and around the image, while referring to the scant lines of text to clarify understanding. Page follows page in step-by-step narrative increments. The viewer and reader is invited into a world ripe for imagining. Whatever artistic influences our artists in the Kremlin had at hand, they created something original.
Roads Not Taken
Let us end by reflecting on the long-term legacy of this innovative work. In terms of genre, the LLS was not followed by a new vogue of illustrated histories. It was never completed, never copied, and it never left the Kremlin; only a few copies of illustrated hagiographies in this style were disseminated. The production of official chronicles waned after the 1570s, and when history writing started up again in the 17th century, it barely looked back at the chronicle genre. The few chronicles produced were shorter and more focused, and by the end of the century works in the genre of historia were appearing. Illumination continued in devotional and liturgical books and apocalypses, but not histories.
As for the style of art, the tension in painting over symbolic imagery continued through the 16th century. What did not happen was a move toward realism, despite the fact that Kremlin artists were exposed to the essence of Renaissance art--true perspective, naturalism, humanistic portraiture--in the European books they viewed. They hewed to Orthodoxy's otherworldly style. This stands in sharp contrast to very similar interactions happening elsewhere at this time. European engraved books were spreading around the world with English and Dutch merchants and with Jesuit missionaries; they were being encountered by local artistic traditions not only in Russia but also in the Ottoman Empire (as Pamuk reminds us), Mexico and Latin America, China and Japan. The experience of the Mughal court in India provides a remarkably close contrast to the Muscovite case. There, around the turn into the 17th century two rulers--Akbar (1556-1605) and his son Jahangir (1605-27)--welcomed Jesuits who brought with them Portuguese painters and the same illuminated works that are known to have been present in Muscovy--cosmographies, works by the Beham brothers, Georg Pencz, Albrecht Durer, and Flemish artists.
Akbar and Jahangir openly engaged with the Christian missionaries, debating their theology, employing their artists and having Mughal court artists copy European engravings and study with the painters. Mughal art of their time displays a hill range of assimilation of the new art. Some Mughal painters simply, like Russian artists, inserted European imagery statically, putting the figure of a European or a crucifix in a decorative Persian-style border. But unlike Russian artists, others assimilated European art organically, creating the realism, shading and chiaroscuro seen in nature imagery and portraits of Jahangir and sons. (67) They also learned from European art ways of depicting the ideology of kingship. One celebrated portrait of Jahangir integrates native and foreign: Jahangir is shown consulting a Sufi in a traditional cross-legged pose, but sitting on an hourglass with visages of the Turkish sultan and English king taken from European printed books on the side (Fig. 5). In another image, Jahangir stands atop a globe amid symbols of world domination. (68) Thus, Mughal painters intertwined techniques of perspective, naturalistic depiction, body mass and political symbolism with their Persian and Hindu traditions.
Novgorodian and Moscow painters encountering European printed engravings did not accept these same influences in the same way; they inserted motifs statically. Many scholars have reacted negatively to this road not taken. Writing in the 1930s, M. Vladimirov and G. P. Georgievskii lamented, "Never did the miniature attain the genuine realism of the Dutch School, nor that of the Italian School of the Quattro Cento, but, intruding upon the abstract contemplative attitude of Russian fifteenth-century icon-painting, and destroying its austere harmony, the miniature cleared the road for a further and more systematic search for realism." But that search was unfulfilled, "an arbitrary transplantation" that did not lead to any "profound remodeling of the painted image" but was "destructive and negative" for Russian art as a whole. David Miller and O. I. Podobedova both lament this art's replacing of inner spirituality with external, representational realism; Podobedova called it an artistic "crisis." Other scholars were more positive: Popov critiqued the school of Dionysii as conservative and retroactive in style and praised the new narrative art as energetic and powerful, calling it "refined" realism. (69)
While these scholars reveal their biases for Western art or hesychast spirituality, what is interesting here is the choice made by Russian painters. They saw enough of European realism--true perspective, portraiture, and the like--to judge it, and they left it aside. The great scholar of Islam Sir Hamilton Gibb helps us think about why that was. Reflecting on cultural influence, he noted that cultures borrow when they are ready, when it makes sense for them. (70) Different traditions can exist side by side, interacting in various ways, with no "influence" until a moment when borrowing fits a perceived need and is compatible enough with the receiving culture to take root. In 16th-century Russia, a central factor contributing to the choice no: to embrace humanistic realism related to the paucity of people engaged in art. There were very few centers of artistic production, and they were monopolized by the state and church. The medium of printing, which might have disseminated new imagery more widely, was rejected with the printer Ivan Fedorov's expulsion from Moscow after only two years (1563-65). There was no vogue, and perhaps no resources, for the collecting of books or art by the secular elite. Literacy was extremely limited, with bureaucrats as a rule practicing functional chancery literacy and only an elite of educated monks and clerics engaged in art that was not intended for a market or a reading public. Its painters, meanwhile, were strategically creative, innovating within the iconographic framework. Like Orhan Pamuks Ottoman miniaturists, they believed that their style--representing God's reality--was superior.
It is worth pointing out in conclusion, however, that within 100 years, in mid-17th-century Russia, Muscovy's artists were willing to adopt new styles from Ukraine, Belarus', Poland, and elsewhere in Western Europe. Decades of reforming church books had led some to conclude that "tradition" itself was hard to define and change necessary; some embraced European-style realism as compatible with a fundamental goal of iconography--to represent the earthly, incarnated embodiments of God's grace; others simply found it appealing. That they were ready to "borrow" and change traditions of sacred painting suggests a new psychology for a new time. (71)
Dept. of History
Stanford, CA 94305 USA
(1) Orhan Pamuk, My Name Is Red, trans. Erdag M. Goknar (New York: Vintage, 2001), 109, 160,79.
(2) David B. Miller, "The Viskovatyi Affair of 1553-54: Official Art, the Emergence of Autocracy, and the Disintegration of Medieval Russian Culture," Russian History 8, 3 (1981): 307; N. E. Mneva, "Moskovskaia zhivopis' XVI veka," in Istoriia russkogo iskusstva 3, ed. I. E. Grabar', V. S. Kemenov, and V. N. Lazarev (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Akademii nauk SSSR, 1955), 580-82; O. I. Podobedova, Moskovskaia shkola zhivopisi pri Ivane IV: Raboty v Moskovskom Kremle 40kh-70kh godov XVI v. (Moscow: Nauka, 1972), 40-58; V. V. Bychkov, 2000 let khristianskoi kul'tury: Sub specie aesthetica (Moscow: Universitetskaia kniga-URAO, 1999), chap. 6.
(3) Russian scholars debate tradition and change in the LLS. V. V. Morozov criticized A. V. Artsikhovskii for overly emphasizing realistic depiction and explored its iconographie style: Litsevoi svod v kontekste otechestvennogo letopisaniia XVI veka (Moscow: Indrik, 2005), 201 and chap. 5; Artsikhovskii, Drevnerusskie miniatiury kak istoricheskii istochnik (Moscow: Vodolei, 2004). O. I. Podobedova struck a middle road: Miniatiury russkikh istoricheskikh rukopisei: K istorii russkogo litsevogo letopisaniia (Moscow: Nauka, 1965), 226-46. Dating: B. M. Kloss, Nikonovskii svod i russkie letopisi XVI-XVII vekov (Moscow: Nauka, 1980), 226; Morozov, Litsevoi svod, 253-54.
(4) A. A. Amosov, Litsevoi letopisnyi svod Ivana Groznogo: Kompleksnoe kodikolagicheskoe issledovanie (Moscow: Editorial URSS, 1998), 238-39, 311-20; Artsikhovskii, Drevnerusskie miniathiry, 79, 207-8; Podobedova, Miniatiury, 144, 275-311, 315-21; Morozov, Litsevoi svod, 187, 223.
(5) B.V. Mikhailovskii and B. I.Purishev, Ocherki istorii drevnerusskoi monumental'noi zhivopisi so vtoroipoloviny XIV v. do nachala XVIII v. (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1941); Bychkov, 2000 let. See the remarkable frescoes of Revelations scenes and symbolic icons in the Assumption Cathedral of this time: L. Ia. Kachalova, N. A. Maiasova, and L. A. Shchenikova, Blagoveshchenskii sobor Moskovskogo kremlia (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1990), figs. 57-68, 178-86.
(6) Gail Lenhoff and Ann Kleimola, eds., The "Book of Royal Degrees" and the Genesis of Russian Historical Consciousness (Bloomington, IN: Slavica Publishers, 2011); A. S. Usachev, Stepennaia kniga i drevnerusskaia knizhnost' vremeni Mitropolita Makariia (Moscow: Al'ians-Arkheo, 2009); David B. Miller, "The Velikie Minei Cheti and the Stepennaia Kniga of Metropolitan Makarii and the Origins of Russian National Consciousness," Forschungen zur osteuropaischen Geschichte 26 (1979): 263-382. On chronicles and historia in Byzantine history writing, see Emmanuel C. Bourbohakis and Ingela Nilsson, "Byzantine Narrative: The Form of Storytelling in Byzantium," in A Companion to Byzantium, ed. Liz James (Maiden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010), 263-74. Official French histories were organized according to genealogy by the late 13th century (Gabrielle M. Spiegel, "History, Historicism, and the Social Logic of the Text in the Middle Ages," Speculum 65, 1 : 59-86).
(7) Andrea Worm, "Illustrated Chronicles," in The Encyclopedia of the Medieval Chronicle, ed. R. Graeme Dunphy, 2 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 1:846-69; Peter Brown, "Images as a Substitute for Writing," in East and West: Modes of Communication, ed. E. Chrysos and Ian Wood (Leiden: Brill, 1999), 15-34; Lawrence G. Duggan, "Was Art Really the 'Book of the Illiterate'?" Word and Image 5, 3 (1989): 227-51; Otto Pacht, The Rise of the Pictorial Narrative in Twelfth-Century England (Oxford: Clarendon, 1962), 1-13; Jules Lubbock, Storytelling in Christian Art from Giotto to Donatello (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006), 1-13, 269-91; Herbert L. Kessler, Seeing Medieval Art (Peterborough, Ont.: Broadview Press, 2004); Herbert L. Kessler, "Pictures as Scripture in Fifth-Century Churches," in his Studies in Pictorial Narrative (London: Pindar Press, 1994), 357-92.
(8) Hans Belting, "The New Role of Narrative in Public Painting of the Trecento: Historia and Allegory," in Pictorial Narrative in Antiquity and the Middle Ages, ed. Herbert Kessler and Marianna Shreve Simpson (Hanover: University Press of New England, 1985), 151-68.
(9) Alain Besancon, The Forbidden Image: An Intellectual History of Iconoclasm, trans. Jane Marie Todd (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), 1-9, 131-46, quotation 144; Henry Maguire, The Icons of Their Bodies: Saints and Their Images in Byzantium (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996); Hans Belting, Likeness and Presence: A History of the Image before the Era of Art, trans. Edmund Jephcott (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), chap. 8; Herbert L. Kessler, Spiritual Seeing: Picturing God's Invisibility in Medieval Art (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000); Egon Sendler, S.J., The Icon: Image of the Invisible. Elements of Theology, Aesthetics, and Technique, trans. Fr. Steven Bigham (n.p.: Oakwood Publications, 1988), 60-65; Jaroslav Pelikan, Imago Dei: The Byzantine Apology for Images (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2011).
(10) Kurt Weitzmann, Illustrations in Roll, and Codex: A Study of the Origin and Method of Text Illustration (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1970), 143.
(11) Frank Kampfer likens the LLS images to the narrative cycles of frescoes (Das russische Herrscherbild von den Anfangen bis zu Peter dem Grossen: Studien zur Entwicklung politischer Ikonographie im byzantinischen Kukurkreis [Recklinghausen: A. Bongers, 1978], 193). Scholars note the accuracy of material objects in the LLS (Artsikhovskii, Drevnerusskie miniatiury, 75-223; Podobedova, Miniatiury, 102-314; Morozov, Litsevoi svod, chap. 5). Amosov emphasizes formal characteristics over realism (Litsevoi letopisnyi svod, 225).
(12) There was no complete Slavonic Bible until 1499 in Novgorod, and it was not illustrated. On illumination in East Slavic centers, see A. N. Svirin, Iskusstvo knigi drevnei Rusi, XI-XVII vv. (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1964), 94-134; E. S. Smirnova, Iskusstvo knigi v srednevekovoi Rusi: Litsextye rukopisi Velikogo Novgoroda XV vek (Moscow: Severnyi palomnik, 2011); G. V. Popov, Zhivopis' i miniatiura Moskvy serediny XV--nachala XVI veka (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1975); Popov, "Puti razvitiia Tverskogo iskusstva v XIV-nachale XVI veka (Zhivopis', miniatiura)," in Drevnerusskoe iskusstvo: Khudazhestvennaia kul'tura Moskvy i prilezhashchikh k nei kniazhestv, XIV-XVI vv. (Moscow: Nauka, 1970), 310-58; N. N. Rozov, "O genealogii russkikh litsevykh psaltirei XIV-XVI vekov," in Drevnerusskoe iskusstvo, 227-57; and Olga Popova, Russian Illuminated Manuscripts, trans. Kathleen Cook, Vladimir Ivanov, and Lenina Sorokina (London: Thames and Hudson, 1984).
(13) On the Hamartolos Chronicle, see Podobedova, Miniatiury, 11-48, quotation 47; Popov, "Puti razvitiia," 311-14; D. Ainalov, "Letopis' Georgiia Amartola (Krinitsa)," in Compte rendu du II-e Congres international des etudes byzantines: Belgrade, 1927, ed. D. Anastasijevic and Ph. Granic (Belgrade: Imprimerie de l'etat, 1929; repr. Nendeln: Kraus Reprint, 1978), 127-35 with 10 plates; Svirin, Iskusstvo knigi, 72-74, 191-92 (illustr.); G. I. Vzdornov, "Illiustratsii k khronike Georgiia Amartola," Vizantiiskii vremennik 30 (1969): 205-25; Ol'ga A. Kniazevskaia, "The Chronicle of George Hamartolos, an Old Russian MS of the 14th Century," Polata Knigopisnaia: An Information Bulletin Devoted to the Study of Early Slavic Books, Texts, and Literatures 27-28 (1995): 90-112; and O. S. Tvorogov, "Khronika Georgiia Amartola," in Slovar' knizhnikov i knizhnosti drevnei Rusi, ed. D. S. Likhachev (Leningrad: Nauka, 1987), 1:467-70. For a facsimile, sezTverskoi spisok Khroniki Georgiia Amartola (Moscow: AKTEON, 2010).
(14) On the location, see Podobedova, Miniatiury, 49-101 ; V. D. Chernyi, Russkaia srednevekovaia knizhnaia miniatiura: Napravleniia, probl-emy i metody izucheniia (Moscow: Rosspen, 2004), 446-54; M. V. Kukushkina, ed., Radzivilavskaia letopis', 2 vols. (St. Petersburg: Glagol, 1994), 2:5-12; Artsikhovskii, Drevnerusskie miniatiury, 29-74. Podobedova argues that in the 1520s this chronicle's text was edited in Moscow to promote grand-princely ideology (Miniatiury, 98-99). Facsimiles: Kukushkina, Radzivilovskaia letopis ' and Radzivilovskaia, ili Kenigsbergskaia letopis', 2 vols., OLDP, no. 118 (St. Petersburg: OLDP, 1902).
(15) A late 15th-century illuminated Pilgrimage of John the Theologian (Ioann Bogoslov) is similar, with 81 small miniatures on 174 pages, including European motifs (N. P. Likhachev, Khozhdenie Sv. Apostola i Evangelista Ioanna Bogoslova: Po litsevym rukopisiam XV i XVI vekov, OLDP, no. 130 [St. Petersburg: OLDP, 1911]). On the Pilgrimage, see Popov, Zhivopis' i miniatiura, 71-72.
(16) V. V. Morozov says such an approach would have been "unthinkable" for the Nikon Chronicle fifty years earlier (Litsevoi svod, 137-68, quotations 152 and 258). On dynastic ambitions, see Sergei Bogatyrev, "Ivan IV (1530-84)," in The Cambridge History of Russia, vol. 1, ed. Maureen Perrie (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 240-63.
(17) On the number and size of images, see G. V. Popov, "Knizhnaia kul'tura XVI v. i khudozhestvennoe oformlenie Zhitiia Zosimy i Sawatiia iz sobr. I. A. Vakhrameeva v GIM," in Popov, Rukopisnaia kniga Moskvy: Miniatiura i ornament vtoroi poloviny XV--XVI stoletiia (Moscow: Indrik, 2009), 248; and Podobedova, Moskovskaia shkola, 152n. Elsewhere she says two-thirds of the entire work is given to illustrations (Miniatiury, 131). On the LLS's style, see also L. I. Antonova, Istoriia izucheniia russkoi rukopisnoi miniatiury epokhi Ivana Groznogo (Moscow: n p., 1992), 4, 53.
(18) Scott Bukatman, Hellboy's World: Comics and Monsters on the Margins (Oakland: University of California Press, 2016), 126; Perry Nodelman, Words about Pictures: The Narrative Art of Children's Picture Books (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1988), chaps. 5, 6, 9.
(19) Martha Dana Rust, Imaginary Worlds in Medieval Books: Exploring the Manuscript Matrix (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 9.
(20) On the Khludov Psalter, see Ingo F. Walther and Norbert Wolf, Codices Illustres: The World's Most Famous Illuminated Manuscripts 400-1600 (Cologne: Taschen, 2001), 190-91. Other examples of illustrations constituting only a small proportion of Books of Hours, Gospels, Bibles, histories, see ibid., 112-13, 192-95, 230-33, 235-37, 272-73, 328-29, 356-59, 412-15.
(21) On kinds of time represented in LLS images, see T. A. Karmanenko, Osobennosti khudozhestvennogo iazyka miniatiur russkikh litsevykh letopisei XVI veka (Moscow: Moskovskii gosudarstvennyi universitet pechati, 2002), 25-44.
(22) For illustrations, see my "Representing Legitimacy in Early Modern Russia," Russian Review 76, 1 (2017): 1-16.
(23) On reading the images, see Karmanenko, Osobennosti, chap. 3, quotation 38; Amosov, Litsevoi letopisnyi svod, 242-45; V. F. Pokrovskaia, "Kakchital drevnerusskii knizhnik miniatiury litsevykh istoricheskikh rukopisei?," Trudy Otdela drevnerusskoi litemtury 24 (1969): 167-70; and Chernyi, Russkaia srednevekovaia knizhnaia miniatiura, 451.
(24) On the LLS as sacred art, see Chernyi, Russkaia srednevekovaia knizhnaia miniatiura, 390; Podobedova, Moskovskaia shkola, 181-88; and Karmanenko, Osobennosti, 38.
(25) To follow along, the facsimile in print and online provides modern Russian translations of the 16th-century text: Litsevoi letopisnyi svod XVI veka: Russkaia letopisnaia istoriia, 24 vols. (Moscow: AKTEON, 2009-10; http://akteon-elib.ru/). For the English reader, the facsimile publication of the LLS's Life of Alexander Nevskii (itself also a good example of the LLS narrative style) provides a translation: N. N. Rozov, The Life of St. Alexander Nevsky: From a Sixteenth-Century Russian Illuminated Codex (St. Petersburg: Aurora Art Publishers, 1992).
(26) On the Novgorod theme in the LLS, see Artsikhovskii, Drevnerusskie miniatiury, 20717; Podobedova, Miniatiury, 298-302; and Morozov, Litsevoi svod, 158-59. On Muscovite ideology in the LLS, see Artsikhovskii, Drevnerusskie miniatiury, 219-22; and Podobedova, Miniatiury, 124-27.
(27) On gesture, see my "Representing Legitimacy." Elena N. Boeck analyzes how two chronicles manipulated imagery of princely legitimacy (Imagining the Byzantine Past: The Perception of History in the Illustrated Manuscripts of Skylitzes and Manasses [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015]).
(28) See Karmanenko on registers of time (Osobennosti, 25-44). On the emotive power of iconographic imagery, see Henry Maguire, "The Depiction of Sorrow in Middle Byzantine Art," in his Image and Imagination in Byzantine Art (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate Variorum, 2007), Selection VI; and David Freedberg, The Power of Images: Studies in the History and Theory of Response (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989).
(29) Tudor dynastic histories were not illustrated: F. J. Levy, Tudor Historical Thought (San Marino, CA: Huntington Library, 1967), chap. 5; Daniel Woolf, "From Hystories to the Historical: Five Transitions in Thinking about the Past, 1500-1700," in The Uses of History in Early Modern England, ed. Paulina Kewes (San Marino, CA: Huntington Library, 2006), 31-67. Islamic dynastic histories focused on portraits: Emine Fetvaci, Picturing History at the Ottoman Court (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2013); Selmin Kangal, ed., The Sultans Portrait: Picturing the House of Osman, trans. P. Mary Isin (Istanbul: Isbank, 2000).
(30) For the terminology of "continuous" imagery and/or cartoon analogy, see David Diringer, The Illuminated Book: Its History and Production, rev. ed. (New York: Praeger, 1967), 30, 42, 68, 76; Weitzmann, Illustrations in Roll and Codex, 13-31; and Kurt Weitzmann, "The Selection of Texts for Cyclic Illustration in Byzantine Manuscripts," Byzantine Books and Bookmen (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, Center for Byzantine Studies, 1975), 72.
(31) On terminology for narrative styles, see Diringer, Illuminated Book, chaps. 1-2; Weitzman, Illustrations in Roll and Codex, 13-18; and Roger David Von Dippe, "The Origin and Development of Continuous Narrative in Roman Art, 300 B.C.-A.D. 200" (PhD diss., University of Southern California, 2007), 1-26.
(32) Leslie Brubaker, Vision and Meaning in Ninth-Century Byzantium: Image as Exegesis in the Homilies of Gregory of Nazianzus (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), figs. 1-47.
(33) Ibid., 98-99, 105, and fig. 6.
(34) Worm, "Illustrated Chronicles," 846, 868; Lars Martin Hoffmann, "Byzantine Historiography," in Encyclopedia of the Medieval Chronicle, 1:229-36.
(35) Boeck, Imagining the Byzantine Past, 32-49.
(36) Worm, "Illustrated Chronicles"; James Clark, "Illuminators," in Encyclopedia of the Medieval Chronicle, 1:843; Paula Mae Cams, "Illustration Formats," in Encyclopedia of the Medieval Chronicle, 1:869-71; Armanda Luyster, "Text-Image Relationship," in Encyclopedia of the Medieval Chronicle, 2:1415-17; Worm, "Layout," in Encyclopedia of the Medieval Chronicle, 2:1000-11; Janet Backhouse, The Illuminated Page: Ten Centuries of Manuscript Painting in the British Library (London: British Library, 1997). Some suggest that multi-episodic images were considered "archaic" by the 14th century: Dezso Dercsenyi, "The Illuminated Chronicle," in The Hungarian Illuminated Chronicle: Chronica De Gestis Hungarorum, ed. Markus Kalti and Dercsenyi (New York: Taplinger, 1970), 48; David Kunzle, History of the Comic Strip, 1: The Early Comic Ship. Narrative Strips and Picture Stories in the European Broadsheet from c. 1450 to 1825 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973), 4.
(37) For The Two Cities, see Worm, "Illustrated Chronicles," fig. 29, p. 852; portraits: ibid., 850.
(38) On workshops, see Clark, "Illuminators," and his "Workshops," in Encyclopedia of the Medieval Chronicle, 2:1525-27.
(39) Kalti and Dercsenyi, Hungarian Illuminated Chronicle, 21, 32, 72, 143, 146. On these multi-episodic images, see Tunde Wehli, "The Illuminated Chronicle," in The Book of the Illuminated Chronicle, ed. Laszlo Veszpremy, Tunde Wehli, and Jozsef Hapak (Budapest: Kossuth, 2009), 38-40. On the realism of Trecento, see Belting, "New Role of Narrative," 153.
(40) Pol de Limbourg, Jean Colombe, Jean Longnon et al., The Tres Riches Heures of Jean, Duke of Berry: Musee Conde, Chantilly (New York: G. Braziller, 1969).
(41) Godfried Croenen, "Froissart Illustration Cycles," in Encyclopedia of the Medieval Chronicle, 1:645-50.
(42) Anne Dawson Hedeman, The Royal Image: Illustrations of the Grandes Chroniques de France, 1274-1422 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991); Jean Fouquet, Francois Avril, et al., Les Grandes Chroniques de France: Reproduction Integrale ... (Paris: P. Lebaud, 1987). On illustration to promote legitimacy, see Linde Brocato, "Visual Propaganda," in Encyclopedia of the Medieval Chronicle, 2:1484-86.
(43) Worm, "Illustrated Chronicles," fig. 33, p. 859.
(44) Die grosse Burgunder Chronik "Zurcher Schilling": Faksimile-Edition ... (Lucerne: Faksimile-Verlag, 1983); Stefan Ragaz, Luzern im Spiegel der Diebold-Schilling-Chronik, 1513--2013 (Adligenswil: Ragaz Medien, 2013). The 1513 Lucerne Chronicle is online with particularly dynamic images on folios 417, 436, 438, 448: http://www.e-codices.ch/en/kol/S0023-2. On Swiss chronicles, see Andre Gutmann, "Berner chronik des Schwabenkriegs," in Encyclopedia of the Medieval Chronicle, 1:172-73; Regula Schmid, "Tschachtlan-Dittlinger Chronik," in Encyclopedia of the Medieval Chronicle, 2:1448-51; Regula Schmid, "Diebold Schilling, Jr.," in Encyclopedia of the Medieval Chronicle, 2:1338-40; and Schmid, "Diebold Schilling, Sr.," in Encyclopedia of the Medieval Chronicle, 2:1340-42.
(45) Daniela Laube, "The Stylistic Development of German Book Illustration, 1460-1511," in A Heavenly Craft: The Woodcut in Early Printed Books: Illustrated Books ..., ed. Daniel de Simone (New York: George Braziller, 2004), 47-71; Lilian Armstrong, "Venetian and Florentine Renaissance Woodcuts for Bibles, Liturgical Books, and Devotional Books," in Heavenly Craft, 25-45.
(46) Robert W. Scribner, For the Sake of Simple Folk: Popular Propaganda for the German Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 7.
(47) Worm, "Layout," 2:1010.
(48) Herbert Zschelletzschky, Die "drei Gottlosen Maler" von Nurnberg: Sebald Bekam, Barthel Beharn und Georg Pencz (Leipzig: VEB E. A. Seemann, 1975); Adolf Laube and Max Steinmetz, Illustrierte Geschichte der deutschen fruhburgerlichen Revolution (Berlin: Dietz, 1974); Heinrich Roettinger, ed., Die Holzschnitte des Georg Pencz (Leipzig: K. W. Hiersemann, 1914); Richard Muther, German Book Illustration of the Gothic Period and the Early Renaissance (1460-1530), trans. Ralph R. Shaw (Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1972), plates 95, 108, 118, 139, 140, 151-52; David Landau and Peter W. Parshall, The Renaissance Print, 1470-1550 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994).
(49) Laube, "Stylistic Development," 65; Hartmann Schedel, Weltchronik: Kolorierte Gesamtausgabe von 1493, ed. Stephan Fussell (New York: Taschen, 2001).
(50) Kunzle, History of the Comic Strip; Pierre Couperie, Maurice C. Horn, et al., A History of the Comic Strip, trans. Eileen B. Hennessy (New York: Crown, 1968).
(51) On Orthodox influence, see Popova, Russian Illuminated Manuscripts, 13-22. Frescoes of the Kremlin Assumption Cathedral show influence of Moldavia and Mt. Athos: M. I. Antypko, "Sivilly i ellinskie mudretsy': Novaia ikonografiia v russkom iskusstve XVI v. i ee istochniki," in Ikonograficheskie novatsii i traditsiia v russkom iskusstve XVI veka, ed. O. A. D'iachenko and L. M. Evseeva (Moscow: Indrik, 2008), 235-50; Kachalova, Blagoveshchenskii sobor, 37-42. On the art of Crete, see Angeliki Lymberopoulou, "Late and Post-Byzantine Art under Venetian Rule: Frescoes versus Icons, and Crete in the Middle," in Companion to Byzantium, 351-70.
(52) On Novgorodian influence, see Sergei Bogatyrev, "Reinventing the Russian Monarchy in the 1550s: Ivan the Terrible, the Dynasty, and the Church," Slavonic and East European Review 85, 2 (2007): 271-93.
(53) Smirnova, Iskusstvo knigi; V. K. Laurina, "Novgorodskaia ikonopis' kontsa XV-nachala XVI veka i moskovskoe iskusstvo," in Drevnerusskoe iskusstvo, 386-436. Paradoxically, Novgorod was a booming center of chronicle writing, but none was illustrated; Artsikhovskii postulates that one must have been (Drevnerusskie miniatiury, 207-8).
(54) On German books, see Iu. A. Nevolin, "Novoe o kremlevskikh khudozhnikakh-miniatiuristakh XVI v. i sostave biblioteki Ivana Groznogo," Sovetskie arkhivy, no. 1 (1982): 68-70. The Ukrainian artist Andriichna worked in late 16th-century Novgorod: E. A. Gordienko, Novgorod v XVI veke i ego dukhovnaia zhizn ' (St. Petersburg: Dmitrii Bulanin, 2001), 401-3 (she calls him "West European"); Iu. N. Dmitriev, "Odna iz litsevykh rukopisei Novgoroda," in Iz istorii russkogo i zapadnoevropeiskogo iskusstva: Materialy i issledovaniia (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Akademii nauk SSSR, 1960), 61-80; Hrihory Lohvin, Into the Deep Past: Miniatures and Ornaments in Old Manuscripts of the 11th-18th Centuries, trans. Gladys Evans (Kiev: Dnipro, 1977), 182-84.
(55) Gordienko, Novgorod v XVI veke, 197-293, 399-401, "Gothic," 210.
(56) On the Life of Nifont, see Gordienko, Novgorod v XVI veke, 214-15, quotation 214; Podobedova, Miniatiury, 136, 140-44; and Svirin, Iskusstvo knigi, 125-26. For a facsimile, see Zhitie Prepodobnogo Nifonta iz rukopisi, prinadlezhashchei Kniazia P. P. Viazemskomu, no. 71, OLDP, nos. 39, 62, and 70 (St. Petersburg: OLDP, 1879-85).
(57) On art and architecture, see Michael S. Flier, "Filling in the Blanks: The Church of the Intercession and the Architectonics of Medieval Muscovite Ritual," Harvard Ukrainian Studies 19, nos. 1-4 (1995): 120-37; Flier, "The Throne of Monomakh: Ivan the Terrible and the Architectonics of Destiny," in Architectures of Russian Identity, 1500-Present, ed. James Cracraft and Daniel Rowland (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. 2003), 21-33; Daniel Rowland, "Biblical Military Imagery in the Political Culture of Early Modern Russia: The Blessed Host of the Heavenly Tsar," in Medieval Russian Culture, vol. 2, ed. Flier and Rowland (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 182-212; and Rowland, "Two Cultures, One Throne Room: Secular Courtiers and Orthodox Culture in the Golden Hall of the Moscow Kremlin," in Orthodox Russia: Belief and Practice under the Tsars, ed. Valerie A. Kivelson and Robert H. Greene (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2003), 33-57.
(58) On frescoes, see Mikhailovskii and Purishev, Ocherki istorii, chap. 3; and Kachalova, Blagoveshchenskii sobor. Early books printed in Moscow were not illustrated: they include the Belarus' printer Ivan Fedorov's Apostol of 1564 and Chasovnyk of 1565 (extant in 41 and 6 copies, respectively) and 7 unattributed publications of the 1550s-60s (3 gospels, 2 psalters, and 2 liturgical collections [Triodium]), surviving in a total of 69 books. Decorated with ornaments and initials, only the Apostol has a rudimentary engraving of the Evangelist Luke (E. L. Nemirovskii, Vozniknovenie knigopechataniia v Moskve: Ivan Fedorov [Moscow: Kniga, 1964], 146-317).
(59) Podobedova, Miniatiury, 125, 136-44, 154, 275-311; Morozov, Litsevoi svod, 203-7; Amosov, Litsevoi letopisnyi svod, 304-20.
(60) Nevolin found motifs from a 16th-century publication of the Seven Planets by Georg Pencz in both these manuscripts ("Novoe o kremlevskikh khudozhnikakli," 69-70). For Interpretive Gospel images, see G. P. Georgievskii and M. Vladimirov, Old Russian Miniatures: Hundred Miniatures (Moscow: Academia, 1934), illus. nos. 48, 55 (Judgment Day). For a Chudov miscellany facsimile and a multi-episodic image from it, see Litsevoi sbornik Chudova monastyria (Moscow: AKTEON, 2010); and Georgievskii and Vladimirov, Old Russian Miniatures, no. 25. On paper and cooperation among workshops, see Kloss, Nikonovskii svod, 217-18; and Popov, "Knizhnaia kul'tura," 251.
(61) More than 400 large illustrations, generally taking up about half the page, are distributed through 482 pages (241 folios) (Kloss, Nikonovskii svod, 219-20; Popov, "Knizhnaia kul'tura," 262). Facsimiles: Zhitie Nikolaia Chudotvortsa: Izd. po rukopisi XVI veka, prinadlezhashchei Moskovskomu Publichnomu i Rumiantsevskomu Muzeiu (folio no. 15), OLDP, nos. 28 and 40 (St. Petersburg: OLDP, 1882); Litsevoe zhitie sviatitelia Nikolaia Chudotvortsa (Moscow: AKTEON, 2012). Examples of multi-episodic imagery are in Zhitie Nikolaia Chudotvortsa, 9-10, 24-25v., 31-32, 103v.-105v., etc. On the artists' unsure grasp of perspective, see N. E. Mneva and M. M. Postnikova-Loseva, "Miniatiura XVI veka," in Istoriia russkogo iskusstva 3, 603, 605-8.
(62) E. L. Keenan, "The Stepennaia kniga and the Godunovian Renaissance," in "Book of Royal Degrees," 69-81; Popov, "Knizhnaia kul'tura," 239-43, 251-68. Hagiography of SS. Zosima and Sawatii, facsimile: Povest' o Zosime i Savvatii, ed. M. M. Chernilovskaia, G. V. Popov, and B. P. Zhuravskii, 2 vols. (Moscow: Kniga, 1986). The Godunov Psalters are illustrated in Georgievskii and Vladimirov, Old Russian Miniatures, nos. 20a, 27-28, 38, 48, 54, 86, 90-95. Hagiography of St. Sergii is discussed in Artsikhovskii, Drevnerusskie miniatiury, 251-77; and Pierre Gonneau, A L'aube de la Russie muscovite: Serge de Radonege et Andre Roublev. Legendes et images, XLVe-XVIIe siecles (Paris: Institut d'etudes slaves, 2007). On the text, see B. M. Kloss, Zhitie Sergiia Radonezhskogo (Moscow: Iazyki russkoi kul'tury, 1998), 217, 222. Many illustrations in Georgievskii and Vladimirov, Old Russian Miniatures, nos. 6-9, 13-14, 21-23, 53, 60-65, 78-82, 85, 87-88, 96; and Artsikhovskii, Drevnerusskie miniatiury, 251-77. Chronograph: illustrations in Georgievskii and Vladimirov, Old Russian Miniatures, nos. 2, 4-5,10-12, 15-17, 19-20, 39, 56-59, 66-67, 69-71, 76, 83-84.
(63) On images from Western books in the 15th century, see Svirin, Iskusstvo knigi, 101, 106-7; Popov, Zhivopis' i miniatiura, 72. For the 16th century: Svirin, Iskusstvo knigi, 109, 130; N. V. Rozanova, "Pamiatniki miniatiury moskovskogp kruga pervoi poloviny XVI veka," in Drevnerusskoe iskusstvo, 272-74; Nevolin, "Novoe o kremlevskikh khudozhnikakh," and "Pervoe izobrazhenie Venetsii v russkom iskusstvo: XVI v., kremlevskie khudozhestvennye masterskie," in Drevniaia Rus ' i Zapad: Nauchnaia konfaentsiia. Kniga reziume (Moscow: Nasledie, 1996), 139-43; Dmitriev, "Odna iz litsevykh," 72-78; Lohvin, Into the Deep Past. On the import of German books, see Nemirovskii, Vozniknovenie, 58-75. Svirin sees Persian and Buddhist artistic influences coming in with trade through Iran (Iskusstvo knigi, 99-100, 126-31).
(64) N. P. Likhachev, Litsevoe zhitie sviatykh blagovernykh kniazei Borisa i Gleba: Po rukopisei kontsa XV stoletiia, OLDP, no. 124 (St. Petersburg: OLDP, 1907), 7 n. 1.
(65) For the Damaskenos icon, see Lymberopoulou, "Late and Post-Byzantine Art," fig. 27.10.
(66) John Lowden, "The Transmission of 'Visual Knowledge' in Byzantium through Illuminated Manuscripts: Approaches and Conjectures," in Literacy, Education and Manuscript Transmission in Byzantium and Beyond, ed. Catherine Holmes and Judith Waring (Leiden: Brill, 2002), 76-77; Diringer, Illuminated Book, 73-74.
(67) Milo Cleveland Beach, The New Cambridge History of India, vol. 1, pt. 3: Mughal and Rajput Painting (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 52-56, 70-107; Gauvin Alexander Bailey, The Jesuits and the Grand Mogul- Renaissance Art at the Imperial Court of India, 1580-1630, Occasional Papers 1998, vol. 2, Freer Gallery of Art, Arthur M. Sackler Gallery (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution, 1998). For broader examples, see G. A. Bailey, Art on the Jesuit Missions in Asia and Latin America, 1542-1773 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999).
(68) Beach, Mughal and Rajput Painting, 100-4, figs. 74-76.
(69) Georgievskii and Vladimirov, Old Russian Miniatures, 11-12; Miller, "Viskovatyi Affair"; Podobedova, Moskovskaia shkola, 181-88; Popov, "Knizhnaia kul'tura," 262-63; Popov, Zhivopis' i miniatiura, 122. Chernyi spars with Podobedova over "crisis" (Russkaia srednevekovaia knizhnaia miniatiura, 406-8).
(70) Sir Hamilton Gibb, "The Influence of Islamic Culture on Medieval Europe," Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 38 (1955-56): 82-98.
(71) E. L. Keenan repeatedly remarked on 17th-century cultural change. See Keenan, "'The Jarlyk of Akhmad-xan to Ivan III: A New Reading," International Journal of Slavic Linguistics and Poetics 12 (1969): 33-47; and Keenan, "Coming to Grips with the Kazanskaya Istoriya: Some Observations on Old Answers and New Questions," Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the United States 9, nos. 1-2 [31-32] (1964-68): 143-83. On 17thcentury art, see Bychkov, 2000 let, chap. 7; and Svirin, Iskusstvo knigi, 135-51.
Caption: Fig. 1. Lively illustrations placed across some pages in belts in the Radziwill Chronicle, c. 1495, create a sense of movement--here a battle between Prince Vsevolod and Prince Gleb of Riazan Source: Radziwill Chronicle fol. 224 v., Academy of Sciences, St. Petersburg, Russia. Lessing Images.
Caption: Fig. 2. Riots in Novgorod greet Moscow's emissary in the Illuminated Chronicle's cycle on Moscow's conquest of the city Source: Litsevoi svod 15:165. Reproduced with permission of AKTEON Publishers.
Caption: Fig. 3. The Adam and Eve tale from Genesis, depicted in six episodes in four rows in the 12th-century Pantheon Bible, illustrates the frieze style of narrative of early medieval illumination Source: Pantheon Bible, Vatican Museums. Heritage Image Partnership, Ltd./Alamy Stock Photo.
Caption: Fig. 4. Diebold Schilling the Younger's Lucerne Chronicle moves the narrative with framed images full of action and detail, moving from page to page Source: Battle of Nancy, Diebold Schilling the Younger, Lucerne Chronicle, 1513. INTERFOTO/Alamy Stock Photo.
Caption: Fig. 5. The Mughal artist Bichtir, whose self-portrait sits at lower left, depicts the Mughal ruler Jahangir celebrating a Sufi sheik while other world rulers look on; the portrait (c. 1615-18) intertwines Persian miniature style and European realism Source: Heritage Image Partnership, Ltd./Alamy Stock Photos.
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|Author:||Kollmann, Nancy S.|
|Date:||Jan 1, 2018|
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