The Jewish community in Denmark: history and present status.
Yet this historical event is also the subject of myth-making. There is an oft-told fiction of how the Danish king, Christian X, either threatened to wear, or in some versions actually wore the yellow Star of David when his Jewish subjects were forced to do so, until the German authorities relented. In fact, at no time was the wearing of the Star of David one of the German demands in Denmark. In the same way that storks are in reality virtually extinct in Denmark, yet are still exploited for the purpose of enticing potential tourists to the country, so too are the events of 1943 utilized to give Denmark a positive image, thereby even covering up certain aspects of Danish cooperation with the German authorities during the Nazi occupation. But just as Denmark has plenty to offer visitors without patronizing tourists with invented folklore, so too King Christian's personal integrity and the courage shown by many Danes should be sufficient and need no further enhancing. Nor is the history of Danish Jewry limited to those terrible times. By focusing on the wartime situation, the broader role of the Jewish community in Danish society and culture has often been ignored.
A brief look at the history of Jews in Denmark and the role of Jews in Danish society today is appropriate. I write as an American Jew who has resided in Denmark for the past eighteen years and who teaches Danish, English, and German in a Danish secondary school, a Gymnasium, in the center of Copenhagen. Much of the inspiration for this article I gained while teaching, for I was surprised by the limited knowledge Danish students possess about Jews in Denmark. All know about how the Danish Jews were rescued during the war, but that was about the limit of their knowledge despite the fact that quite a number of Danish Jews are highly visible in the Danish media. The explanation for this apparent paradox is that the Jewish people who are visible in the media are not usually thought of as being Jewish; they are simply viewed as newscasters, entertainers, politicians, and intellectuals.
In some ways the history of the Jewish community in Denmark resembles that of Jews in the United States of America. The first Jews in modern times arrived in Denmark about the same time the first Jews arrived in New Amsterdam. As in America the first Jews were Sephardic. Just as one of the oldest surviving cemeteries in Manhattan is the Shearith Israel burial ground from 1682 near Chatham Square, so too the oldest surviving cemetery in Copenhagen is the Jewish cemetery from 1693. It has survived because it dates back to a time when all Christian burials took place within the city walls. The Jews, however, buried their dead far outside the city limits, hence the Jewish cemetery survived when burials within the city were forbidden because of hygienic reasons and all the old graveyards were razed. Denmark, too, saw an influx around the turn of the century of Eastern European Jews and there were Yiddish newspapers and theaters in Copenhagen as on New York's Lower East Side. As in the States, Jews have contributed greatly to Danish literature, medicine, law, politics, the sciences. One Danish Jewish entertainer has even become world famous - Borge Rosenbaum, better known by his stage name, Victor Borge. However, one must remember that the number of Jews in Denmark is microscopic. There are probably only about 8,000 Jews in the whole country out of a population of some 5 million. This means that most Danes have never actually met anyone who is Jewish. True, Danes see Jewish public figures on television, but these figures seldom refer to their Jewish identity. Limited contact is reflected in the Danish language, too. Unlike American English, which has borrowed innumerable words from Yiddish, the Danish language hardly shows any indication of a Jewish presence. One notable exception is the word for the poppy seeds used on the ubiquitous breakfast rolls seen by all visitors to Denmark and on other baked goods. The Danish word for poppy seeds used in baking is birkes, a word derived from the Hebrew word brakhot - no doubt the word has entered Danish because Danes saw Jewish Sabbath loaves sprinkled with poppy seeds.
Whether Jews ever visited Denmark in the course of the Middle Ages is not known. There are images of Jews in medieval Danish art - recognizable because of the pointed Jew's hat - but this is not proof of the presence of Jews, for it might be an artistic convention, part of medieval iconography. From the time of the Reformation in 1536, only followers of the state Lutheran faith were permitted in Denmark, at least officially, and even followers of other Protestant sects, especially Calvinists, faced dire consequences and even death. We must turn to the seventeenth century before we can find tangible evidence of a Jewish presence in Denmark.
In the seventeenth century, Denmark was a far different country than the tiny, peaceful nation easily overlooked today. At that fame, Denmark was engaged in an intense military and geopolitical rivalry with Sweden for the role of the leading northern European nation. Denmark consisted not only of the land area we currently associate with the country, but was united with Norway and Iceland and possessed what is now southern Sweden, as well as much of what is now northern Germany, with the duchy of Schleswig-Holstein remaining under the Danish monarchy until 1864. In an attempt to entice lucrative commerce away from Hamburg, Christian IV founded in 1616 a rival town on the river Elbe, Gluckstadt, in what is now Schleswig-Holstein. Gluckstadt never proved much of a success and in 1619, in order to bolster the foundering town, Christian IV granted a Jewish merchant from Hamburg, one Albert Dionis, the right to settle in the new town. Other Jews followed and in 1628 were granted protection, the right to hold services in private homes, and the right to have a cemetery. This settlement marks the beginning of Jewish history on Danish territory.(1)
As in other northern European nations and the German states, certain privileged "Court Jews" (hofjoder in Danish) like Albert Dionis, were utilized by the Danish monarchs when they were in financial straits and had to borrow money. One of them, Gabriel Gomez, managed in 1657 to persuade the king, Frederik III, to grant entry to all Sephardic Jews wishing to engage in trade in the possessions of the Danish monarchy - however Ashkenazim were forbidden entry unless they were specifically granted a letter of entry and were liable to pay a sizable fine if caught without such a permit.(2) Nevertheless, the vast majority of Jews who did end up moving to Denmark were of Ashkenazi origin, many of whom came from Hamburg. One of these "Court Jews," Gabriel Milan, converted to Christianity and in 1684 became governor of the island of St. Thomas in the Danish West Indies (presently the U.S. Virgin Islands) - he was executed for corruption and abuse of office in 1689.(3)
Following the Thirty Years War and a disastrous war with Sweden in 1658, which cost Denmark its wealthiest territories, and very nearly the independence of the whole country, Denmark was in a state of total economic, military, and political chaos. In 1660, by means of a veritable coup d'etat, the Danish king seized control over the country, an absolute monarchy was imposed and a written constitution drawn up confirming the monarch's new position. This absolute monarchy was to last until 1848 and was to be of decisive importance for the Jewish community in Denmark. To get the nation back on its feet, the government started to welcome immigrants who were thought to be able to bring capital or initiative to the country, among them Jews. In order to encourage settlement of the new fortress town of Fredericia, built to protect the strategically vulnerable straits between Jutland and the Danish islands, religious toleration was shown to other otherwise forbidden religious denominations - Calvinists, Roman Catholics, and Jews - hence the oldest Jewish settlement in what is present-day Denmark occurred in Fredericia. In 1682 the congregation in Fredericia received official permission to hold services.(4) In 1684 an Ashkenazi congregation in Copenhagen likewise received official sanction and the right to hold services in private homes, and the document granting these privileges is considered the birth certificate of the Copenhagen congregation - oddly enough the Sephardim were not given comparable permission until eleven years later? Copenhagen quickly became the largest Jewish community in the country, which is not so surprising since it was the largest city in the country and the seat of the court and administration.
Though there were some 1,600 Jews in Copenhagen by 1780, Jews still had to have special permission to enter and settle in the country. To get permission, they had to show that they were solvent by proving that they possessed 1,000 rix-dollars, would build a house, and open a manufacturing business. Jews even had to pay a special entry fee of 100 rix-dollars to the police to pay for the police's work in finding, arresting, and expelling Jews who resided in Denmark illegally. At first Jews were forbidden from having Christian servants or employees, though this was later changed. Nor were Jewish men permitted sexual contact with Christian women. In addition, there were various constraints on trade, so many Jews were forced into becoming simple itinerant peddlers, often of ribbons, or became pawn brokers or money lenders. Though there were many impoverished Jews, some families did become exceedingly wealthy. Jews were not forced to live in special ghettos and were pretty much allowed to administer their own religious and social affairs, and though there was one attempt in 1728 by the authorities to force Jews to attend Protestant services, this did not last long.(6)
Jews were no doubt an exotic element in eighteenth-century Copenhagen; from contemporary illustrations we can see that some Jews were clad in the traditional garb: belted caftan and fur cap while others wore the normal clothing of the period: knee breeches, fitted coat, and tricorn hat. Contemporary literary views of Copenhagen's Jews can be found in the works of Ludvig Holberg (1684-1754), professor at the university of Copenhagen and considered the father of Danish theater for a series of comedies written between 1723 and 1728. Holberg is regarded as one of the great observers of life in eighteenth-century Copenhagen and his comedies are filled with typical figures from daily life, hence the inclusion of Jews. The Jews in these comedies, often victims of coarse jokes, are invariably portrayed as pawn brokers, or money lenders, and speak a mixture of Danish, High German, and Low German - perhaps reflecting the fact that many of the immigrants came from Hamburg. Though Holberg's plays make fun of Jews, as they make fun of Germans, academics, Francophiles, lawyers, and doctors as well, he also published a sympathetic history of the Jewish people in 1742. Culturally, Jews seem to have been completely isolated from the surrounding society and maintained a strict orthodoxy.
Towards the end of the eighteenth century, there were forces within the Jewish community, some of whom had close connections with Moses Mendelsohn in Berlin, who were adherents of the enlightenment and worked towards ending the community's isolation by encouraging better education and the use of the Danish language. Though other groups within the community were opposed to increased contacts with the Danes, for fear of losing control over their own affairs, the absolute monarchy actively encouraged integration. In 1788 Jews were permitted to join guilds in Copenhagen, in 1798 Jews were given permission to study at the university and other schools of higher learning, by 1802 they were allowed to purchase real property, in 1805 a school for boys was founded and in 1810 a school for girls. The government's interest in this process can be illustrated by the fact that this new school, Carolineskolen, was named after the youngest daughter of the king.
The monarchy, which had been more or less forced into an alliance with Napoleon after Britain bombarded Copenhagen in 1807, was aware of the French emancipation of the Jews and was keenly interested in improving the conditions of the Jewish community - probably because the country was involved in a disastrous war, which would end in 1814 with national bankruptcy and the loss of Norway, and viewed a wealthy and loyal Jewish community as advantageous. The most important event in this process occurred in 1814 with the almost complete emancipation of the Danish Jews and bestowal of the rights of citizenship.(7) Of course there was a price, and the price was integration and assimilation. Judaism was now known as the "Mosaic Faith" (still its official designation) and many measures were taken by the civil authorities to bring it in line, in terms of administration, with the state church.(8)
It is interesting to compare the emancipation of Denmark's Jews with contemporary events in Norway. As a result of the chaos ensuing from the Napoleonic wars Norway declared its independence from Denmark, elected a Danish prince as king, and set about writing a constitution, perhaps the most democratic in Europe at this time. Complete independence lasted only about a hundred days, as the peace treaties ending the Napoleonic wars handed Norway over to the king of Sweden, but the new democratic constitution and elected parliament were maintained. One striking thing about this democratic constitution was paragraph 2, which was passed by a vote of 94 to 7 and is unique in the history of written democratic constitutions. At the same time that the Danish Jews were being emancipated, paragraph 2 expressly prohibited Jews from living in or even entering Norway. This article was retained as part of the Norwegian constitution and was strictly enforced until 1851.(9)
Perhaps because of the Jewish congregation's close identification with the Danish absolute monarchy, Jews were the victims of rioting in 1819, which lasted for some five months during which time shop windows were smashed, stores looted, homes attacked, and Jews physically abused. Police and the army enforced a curfew and in the end the violence more or less just petered out. Presumably, economic depression and unemployment coupled with political dissatisfaction with the monarchy were the causes of the violence.
There is no doubt, though, that the emancipation of Danish Jewry led to an enormous increase in economic prosperity and influence. The nineteenth century is in many ways the Golden Age of Danish literature and the arts, and for Jews, too, this period was extremely rich in cultural achievements. A sign of this new self-confidence was the erection in 1833 of a magnificent synagogue in Copenhagen designed by the German-Jewish architect G. F. Hetsch in a mixture of ancient Near Eastern and classical styles.
Not only were prosperous Jews collectors of art; some of the finest portraits of this period on exhibition at the Danish State Museum of Art are of the wealthy art patron Mendel Levin Nathanson (1780-1868) and his family. Jews could be creative as well, especially in the fields of literature and journalism. After having lost his fortune, this same Mendel Nathanson became editor-in-chief of Denmark's oldest newspaper, Berlingske Tidende. Others followed this new career possibility, including Meir Aron Goldschmidt (1819-1887) and Edvard Brandes (1847-1931), who founded the other major Danish daily, Politiken. Even today,Jewish journalists are active not only in the written press, but as television commentators as well.
Unlike another leading figure in nineteenth-century Danish literature, Henrik Hertz (1798-1870), who converted to Christianity in 1832 and who, like many converts, seems to have turned his back on his past, since his works show a complete lack of Jewish themes, Meir Aron Goldschmidt was not only one of the foremost and most critical journalists of his day, but an author who never attempted to disguise his faith, but used it as a source for literary inspiration. Goldschmidt's first novel simply had the title En Jode (1845) - translated into English as "Only a Jew" - and concerns the main character's relationship to the surrounding Lutheran-Germanic society and how this society, through prejudice, lack of understanding, and suspicion, shapes the personality of this promising young man so that he ends up as a usurer. Other novels by Goldschmidt followed up on this same theme; Fortoellinger af Adolf Meyer - "Tales by Adolf Meyer" (1846), a trilogy, Hjemlos - "Homeless" (published 1853-1857), Ravnen - "The Raven" (1867), the play Rabbien og Ridderen - "The Rabbi and the Knight" (1869), as well as in numerous short stories. In much of Goldschmidt's literature one can read a personal revolt against the accepted standards and values of his literary contemporaries. Whereas nineteenth-century Danish literature, inspired by Goethe, normally expressed limitless admiration for classical Greece and Rome and viewed the ancient world as the epitome of a Golden Age, Goldschmidt gives the reader quite a different view in "Et Dagbogsblad fra Rom-Titusbuen" - "A Diary Page from Rome - The Arch of Titus" (1863). Here, Goldschmidt opens the story by letting the first person narrator suddenly remember the long forgotten words of the Shema; after wandering around Rome, coming to the Forum, admiring the exquisite beauty of the place, the narrator feels the shock of suddenly confronting the Arch of Titus - that symbol of the destruction of the Jewish people. This shock forces the narrator to recall all the horrors that have befallen Jewry through the ages and to realize who and what he is. In the end, peace comes to the narrator with the realization that divine retribution and justice have prevailed ". . . the sky was infinitely clear and the eternal sun was shining with all its splendor on the broken columns, on the piles of earth, on the nearly unrecognizable ruins of where Rome had stood and Titus reigned."
Another Jewish figure towards the end of the nineteenth-century Danish literary world was the internationally famous literary critic and theorist Georg Brandes (1842-1927), who along with his brother, the journalist, publisher, politician, and cabinet minister Edvard Brandes were catalysts in the growth of modern, Scandinavian literature, influenced contemporary European literature, especially in Germany, and were decisive in reforming and liberating Danish society and shaping modern Denmark. Though Georg Brandes did not exactly attempt to hide his Jewish inheritance, he distanced himself from Judaism and wished to be regarded not as a Jew, but as an atheist, freethinker, exponent of free love and cosmopolite, proclaiming that "the only God is intelligence." At one point Brandes professed antipathy towards Jews and claimed that though he had fallen in love fifty times, he had never fallen in love with a Jewish woman. This statement is not exactly true since at one point in his life he lived openly with a married Jewish woman, Caroline David. Nevertheless, Brandes was invariably attacked by his opponents for this same Jewishness from which he wished so desperately to escape. To do Brandes justice, one should not neglect to mention that he was opposed to all anti-Semitic behavior - just as he was opposed to all forms of irrational hatred. In 1908 the by-then famous Brandes visited Helsinki, Finland and in an ironic interview let it be known that he had broken Finnish law three times, "I have committed three serious offenses here. As a Jew I was only permitted to stay in your country for three days - but I stayed four days in a row. As a Jew I was only permitted to sell used clothes - but I have lectured on world literature. As a Jew, I was forbidden to marry here - but in spite of this fact no one has prevented me from courting the ladies of this country."(10) In later life Brandes even welcomed the Balfour declaration.
Yet another Jewish writer worth mentioning is Henri Nathansen (1868-1944) who, like Goldschmidt, concentrated on Jewish themes, including a play about Brandes. Virtually all Danes are familiar with his popular play Indenfor Murene - "Inside the Walls" from 1912, which has been filmed, televised, and even made into a musical. A young upper middle class Jewish woman, Esther, wants to marry a non-Jewish university lecturer, Dr. Herming, and promises her coming mother-in-law to raise any future children as Christians. When she sees how her fiance's parents treat her own parents, and how her future father-in-law admits to nurturing anti-Semitic sentiments, she flees his home, but is later reunited with Dr. Herming. The religious question is not really solved, there are indications that the young couple will raise their children without any formal religious beliefs at all, but love conquers all. What makes this play so moving is the sympathetic view it gives of Jewish life; it is famous for its first act, which captures the intimacy and atmosphere of a Sabbath evening. Who knows? Perhaps this play was one of the factors that convinced Danes not to follow the anti-Semitic slogans of the 1920s and 1930s and led to the rescue of Denmark's Jewish population. Nathansen himself fled to Sweden where he took his own life in 1944.
Emancipation brought negative aspects as well as positive social and economic changes. Increased contacts with Christians and Danish society in general, prosperity, influence, and for some even fame, led not just to integration into Danish society, but also to assimilation, intermarriage, and conversion. While many Jewish intellectuals or other prominent Jews remained true to their faith, others chose the state's Lutheran belief. Some of those who converted might well have done so out of opportunism, much like Heinrich Heine in Germany, while for others it was no doubt a question of faith. One leading member of the Jewish congregation, Moses Delblanco, wrote a letter in 1848 to his children in which he explained why he chose to remain Jewish, but had his children baptized. In this letter Delblanco stated that he found it "demoralizing raising you in a faith whose precepts you see me violate daily."(11)
By 1901 18.3% of all marriages were with non-Jews.(12) It became increasingly difficult for congregations in provincial towns to maintain their activities, and by the end of the nineteenth century, the majority of Jews had moved to Copenhagen, leaving smaller towns with virtually no Jews whatsoever. This migration meant that it became increasingly difficult, if not impossible, for religious Jews seeking to live a traditional life outside of Copenhagen, since there was no longer enough population to maintain a minyan or to have a kosher butcher.
Events outside of Denmark were, however, to change dramatically the composition of the Danish Jewish community. The Kishinev pogrom in 1903, the Russo-Japanese War in 1904, the 1905 revolution in Russia, World War I, and finally the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 sent hundreds of thousands of Eastern European, Yiddish speaking Jews on the march. For most of these Jews the United States, Canada, or South Africa was the promised land, but some who lacked money for passage overseas ended up in Scandinavia, either temporarily, until enough money was scraped together for the boat fare, or permanently. In terms of absolute numbers this immigration is not impressive when compared with contemporary emigration to the United States, but the figures are noteworthy when one takes into consideration the total number of Jews who were living in Denmark at the time. There are no exact statistics since many of these immigrants were wary of the authorities, but as many as twenty to thirty thousand Eastern European Jews may have entered Denmark during this period and approximately 3,000 stayed permanently, thus doubling the Jewish population.(13) Why did not more stay? For one thing, the existing assimilated Jewish community was eager to send these brethren on their way and paid for their passage out; the Danish Jews felt that their own position in society was threatened and that latent anti-Semitism would spread. The Jewish congregation even actively cooperated with the police and other authorities in having unemployed or unwanted elements expelled from the country. Some Danish Jews attacked the immigrants for being mere draft dodgers and undesirables.(14) Nor is there any doubt that the police did their best to inconvenience and bother immigrants in innumerable ways in order to encourage them to emigrate to America.
Those who stayed, mostly tailors, shoemakers, and textile workers, soon started to make their way up the social ladder and assimilated quickly. For one thing, most of the immigrants were not religious, but were largely Bundists, who soon identified with Denmark's growing Social-Democratic party. For a short while Yiddish culture thrived, a Yiddish theater was started in 1907, there was a Yiddish song club, a reading room and Yiddish newspapers, Das wochenblat, Di jugendstime, Di tribune, and Judische folksstime. One of Denmark's leading producers, Sam Besekow, began his theatrical career in Yiddish productions.
By the beginning of the 1920s, the last of the Yiddish newspapers folded and immigration of Danes ceased with the end of America's open door policy. The future seemed secure. In April of 1933 King Christian X was due to visit the Copenhagen synagogue to celebrate the 100th anniversary of its construction; between the day the visit was to take place and the day the invitation had been sent out by the Jewish congregation Hitler had come to power. The congregation therefore suggested that the king postpone his visit, but Christian X insisted on coming and was in fact the first monarch in Scandinavia to visit a synagogue.(15) This incident is symptomatic of the way the Jewish community reacted to the growing threat in Germany. The attitude seems to have been that it was best not to call attention to the community's existence and thus avoid risking the growth of anti-Semitic attitudes in Denmark.
A policy of silence, appeasement, and even cooperation with German authorities was characteristic of the government and news media in the 1930s for a variety of reasons. Ever since Denmark lost the German speaking duchy of Schleswig-Holstein to Prussia and Austria in 1864, successive Danish governments feared and tried to avoid provoking Germany. Furthermore, after World War I Denmark had been reunited with the northern, largely Danish speaking part of Schleswig, and the Danish government was anxious about German irredentism. Although anti-Semitic behavior was not widespread in the Danish population, there was a Nazi party with as many as 12,000 members and some conservative political groups emulated the dress and rhetoric of the Nazis. In 1939 the Danish Nazis received about 2% of the vote and were represented in parliament by three members. Apparently the Danish government feared that helping the German Jews would mean importing the "Jewish problem" into Denmark and would feed anti-Semitic sentiments, the excuse being that Denmark was "a little land" and there was no room for all the refugees seeking to leave Germany. While they actively helped Social-Democrats and celebrities out of Germany, including Bertolt Brecht, Jews were not considered political refugees and were generally denied visas. Even close relations of Danish Jews were hindered from entering the country and immigration officials were instructed to return any Jews they apprehended. One police officer with a leading position in the department of immigration, Max Pelving, was not only a Nazi, but actively spied for the Gestapo and turned over confidential papers to the Germans. Pelving was eventually caught, convicted of espionage and jailed for six months, and later joined the Gestapo in Germany, but returned to Denmark during the German occupation of the country and continued to assist the Nazis with his expertise.(16)
In 1935 a Jewish writer and caricaturist, Hans Bendix, published a book in which Hitler was portrayed as a new Pontius Pilate washing his blood-dripping hands. The German government protested; the Danish prime minister announced that the "Danish press should neither insult nor in other ways attack the responsible leaders of other countries," a policy which, thankfully, is no longer in effect.(17) On the other hand there were many people who actively fought Nazi propaganda and criticized German policies. In general there was widespread anti-German feeling. One of the positive measures undertaken in cooperation with Danish authorities was the training of 1,450 agricultural workers destined for kibbutzim in Palestine, but some 400 of these Chalutzim were caught in the country when the German occupation began.
With the beginning of the war Danish self-censorship became worse, as Denmark vainly hoped to maintain the same neutrality enjoyed during World War I. When the German invasion came on the 9th of April, the government had little choice but to give up within hours. Unlike other occupied countries in Europe the Danish government and the monarch did not flee; government work, led by the Social-Democratic prime minister Thorvald Stavning, continued as normally as possible in Hitler's model protectorate, and elections were even held in March of 1943.
Germany was interested in maintaining a regular flow of agricultural products and munitions from Denmark, and as long as the country was peaceful and German security demands were fulfilled the Danes could pretty much do as they liked, so the Danes collaborated. They built airports for the Germans and sent unemployed Danes to German factories. If workers refused to go they were threatened with the loss of unemployment benefits. All sabotage against German installations or personnel was forbidden, and saboteurs were imprisoned. In June of 1941 the Germans asked for the arrest of leading members of the Communist Party. The police promptly and unconstitutionally arrested as many communists as they could, including members of parliament who supposedly enjoyed constitutionally guaranteed immunity from arrest. The Danish government presumably felt that by arresting and detaining without trial these Danish citizens, they were saving the communists from a worse fate in Germany. On the other hand, when the Danish government did finally resign, and the Germans cracked down, they did not let the communists go and they were carted off to German concentration camps. In November of 1941 Denmark signed the Anti-Comintern Pact and a regiment of Danish Waffen-SS volunteers, Frikorps Danmark, was sent off to the Russian front. Among the constantly growing number of German demands was also a request for the solution of Denmark's "Jewish problem." On this point the Danes refused to cooperate, stating that there was no "Jewish problem" in Denmark. The Germans did not press the point as long as Danish collaboration went smoothly, since they feared it might lead to the Danish government's fall and to disruptive general strikes, but as the tide of war turned in favor of the Allies, more and more Danes became disenchanted with Danish collaboration and started to join illegal resistance groups. Jews on the other hand felt that their position was becoming increasingly precarious. The Danish constitution and the government's cooperation with the Germans were their guarantee and had prevented measures such as the wearing of the Star of David and ghettoization, but this same guarantee had not helped their communist fellow citizens.
By the summer of 1943, three years of growing frustration with the German occupation resulted in a massive series of popular strikes, demonstrations, and shootings, leading the Germans to demand serious counter-measures, including capital punishment. As Denmark was still officially a neutral country, the Germans could not legislate directly, but negotiated with the elected Danish government on all issues concerning the occupation. By this point, however, it must have been clear to Danish politicians that Germany was going to lose the war and that continued cooperation and intensified collaboration could easily lead to Denmark's being regarded and treated at any coming peace conference as an outright German ally. On August 29, 1943 the Danish government resigned, the Danish fleet was scuttled by its own officers, the Germans declared martial law, imposed a curfew, and interned all members of the Danish armed forces that they could find. Though there was no longer a Danish government the permanent under-secretaries in the various ministries kept the country functioning.
With the government gone there was no reason left for the Germans not to arrest and deport the Danish Jews as they had done elsewhere in Europe. On September 8, 1943 Dr. Werner Best, the German plenipotentiary in Denmark and now its real ruler, sent a telegram to Berlin sketching out plans for the arrest and deportation of Denmark's Jews and asking for police reinforcements and a transport ship. Best was, however, really double-dealing: he knew that a solution of the "Jewish problem" would make him popular in Berlin and hence give him greater power, but at the same time it was clear to him that any action against the Jews would endanger future cooperation with the Danes and the continued flow of Danish products - his primary interest. Best's solution was to leak the contents of the telegram to Georg Ferdinand Duckwitz of the German legation who had contacts with leading Social-Democrats.
SS and Gestapo police units were arriving in Copenhagen, and on September 17th the offices of the Jewish congregation were raided by uniformed police units, possibly as a signal to the Danish Jews to disappear. On September 28th orders were given that arrest of the Danish Jews would take place October 1st, and Duckwitz informed his contacts of the German move. On September 29th Rabbi Marcus Melchior (1897-1969) told participants at morning services of the German plans and announced that holiday services would be canceled. At this point the Danish authorities seriously considered interning the Jews themselves in order to protect them from deportation.(18) At the same time, Sweden offered the Danish Jews asylum and started to hand out temporary Swedish passports until this was discovered by Danish police in the department of immigration who informed the German authorities.(19)
On October 1st, Rosh Hashanah, the German action began. Most of the Jews had disappeared by this time and the Germans, with their Danish Nazi helpers, only succeeded in catching 202 people the first day, many of whom were too old or infirm to flee. In the course of the following few months 7220 Jews made their way to Sweden, 464 were deported to Theresienstadt, some committed suicide, some drowned trying to escape while a few remained in hiding in Denmark for the rest of the war.(20) Jews who were married to "Aryans" were not normally arrested, though the Germans made occasional errors. In fact, on January 1st 1944, five Danish Jews who had been arrested by mistake were actually sent from Theresienstadt back to Copenhagen.(21) Those Jews who sailed to Sweden paid for their passage, which cost from 1,000 to 2,000 kroner per person, but some couples had to pay up to 50,000 kroner, a very sizable fortune at the time. Many wealthy Jews paid for the passage of poorer members of the community; there seems to have been widespread understanding that boat owners should be paid, for they risked having their vessels confiscated under Danish law if they were caught, and, in addition, they feared torture and death at the hands of the Germans for helping the Jews, though this did not prove to be the case. In some cases German soldiers seemed to have looked the other way when they came upon refugees. On the other hand, calamities did occur as when a Gestapo detachment caught 80 refugees hidden under the roof of a church in the fishing town of Gilleelje and sent them off to join the other Danish Jews already in Theresienstadt.
Among the Danish Jews who ended up in Theresienstadt and who survived was Dr. Max Friediger, the chief rabbi in Copenhagen; Marcus Melchior, who was to become chief rabbi in 1947 after Friediger's death, had made it to Sweden. Those Jews who were caught and sent to Theresienstadt were not forgotten in Denmark, and Danish authorities negotiated with the Germans so that the Danes were given special treatment. Not only were the Danish Jews not expedited on to Auschwitz, but from January of 1944 they were able to receive packages from Denmark containing sugar, cheese, canned fish, pork, soap, and butter thus enabling them to survive. Similar packages were sent to other concentration camps where Danish communists and policemen were incarcerated, so presumably the inclusion of pork was to show that this help was being extended because the people in question were Danes, not because they were Jewish.(22)
On June 23rd 1944, an international Red Cross committee, accompanied by Frants Hvass from the Danish Foreign Office, and Eigil Juel Henningsen from the Danish Department of Health, visited Theresienstadt, which had been fixed up by the Germans for propaganda purposes. Following the visit, the Germans produced their infamous movie Theresienstadt. Ein Dokumentation aus dem judischen Siedlingsgebiet (Theresienstadt. A Documentary from the Jewish Area of Colonization), better known by the title Der Fuhrer schenkt den Juden eine Stadt (The Fuhrer Gives the Jews a City), and promptly sent off to Auschwitz all those who had participated in these propaganda efforts, with the exception of the Danish Jews. This Red Cross visit has often been criticized, for the participants had apparently been duped into believing all the German lies. After the war, Frants Hvass claimed that he had really seen through the German propaganda.(23) By writing a positive report the Foreign Office ensured the continued distribution of food packages to the Danish Jews and continued cooperation with the Germans. Towards the end of the war, Danish government officials managed to persuade the Germans to let the Danish prisoners go to Sweden, and on April 15, 1945 the surviving Danish Jews were evacuated from Theresienstadt; all told, 52 out of the 464 had died.
On May 5, 1945 the German occupation ended, and the Jews living in Sweden could go home at last, some even in triumph as soldiers in a military unit formed in Sweden, The Danish Brigade. A few of these Danish Jews were later to use their military training during Israel's fight for independence. Many Danish Jews returned to their apartments and discovered that neighbors had taken care of everything, even cleaning and painting the apartments or watering house plants; others were not so fortunate and found that their apartments had been rented out to other tenants.
By and large, there is an excellent relationship between Jews and non-Jews in post-war Denmark. From 1967 to 1972 Denmark accepted approximately 2,500 Jewish refugees from Poland without any problems whatsoever - unlike the situation in the 1930s. Jews participate actively in all facets of Danish life ranging from politics (Erling Olsen, Arne Melchior, Isi Foighel, Henry Grunbaum) to television and newspaper journalism (Herbert Pundik, Samuel Rachlin, Hanne Foighel, Mogens Rubinstein). Economically and socially, Jews are completely integrated into Danish society and are, by and large, successful businessmen or professionals. Important events, such as the fiftieth anniversary of the rescue of the Danish Jews from the Nazis, have been marked by commemorative stamps, exhibitions, and publications, many of them aimed at informing young people and children.
Interestingly enough, the Danish Royal Library possesses one of the largest collections of Judaica and Hebraica in Europe with some 85,000 volumes covering everything from a richly illuminated Hebrew translation by Samuel ibn Tibbon of Moses Maimonides's Moreh Nevukhim (Cod. Hebr. XXXVII) copied by Levi ben Isak and presumably illuminated by Ferrar Bassa in Barcelona in 1348, to a subscription to the Yiddish newspaper, Forverts, from New York City.(24) Some 40,000 of the Royal Library's volumes originally belonged to Professor David Simonsen (1853-1932), who was chief rabbi from 1892-1902 and who presented his collection of Judaica to the library in 1931.
Because the number of Jews in Denmark is so small, the congregation attempts to maintain a united front. As a "unified congregation," enhedsmenighed, it is, according to its statutes, open to ". . . all Jews in Denmark regardless of their religious or political beliefs. . . . The purpose of the congregation is to maintain and strengthen Jewish tradition and religion, culture, and ethics as well as to boost solidarity with all Jews in Denmark through social work and strengthen the individual member's Jewish identity." This means that in religious questions the rabbis try to compromise and reach a balance between Orthodox and more Conservative or liberal groups within the congregation, but basically, the Copenhagen congregation is moderately Orthodox, though tolerant of even non-religious Jews. In 1910 then chief rabbi Tobias Lewenstein was dismissed by the congregation because he wished to follow more Orthodox practices than the congregation could accept. A group of Orthodox members were dissatisfied with the way Rabbi Lewenstein had been treated and formed their own independent organization around him, Machasike Hadas, which still exists, though with very few members, and has its own synagogue, religious activities, and rabbi. These two synagogues and congregations are the only ones that exist in present-day Denmark. Jews who would be attracted by a Reform synagogue do not really have any place to go. In October 1996 the Chabad-Lubavitch movement opened a center in Copenhagen under the aegis of an American rabbi, Yitzi Loewenthal. The Lubavitchers claim that they wish to work within the Copenhagen congregation, but at the same time have attempted to distribute information and material to other members of the congregation, leading to some fears that the missionary activities of the Lubavitchers could result in discord and division and an end to the tradition of tolerance.(25)
Despite the small size of the Copenhagen congregation, there are a surprising number of organizations, social activities, and even a radio station with programs in Danish and Hebrew. Activities range from sports, bridge, and sewing clubs, to associations of Israeli and Polish Jews, clubs for former Chalutzim, and for survivors of Theresienstadt, organizations for young people and retired people, a choir, folk music ensembles, a club for those interested in Yiddish, as well as burial societies, and a society to ensure that there is always at least one mohel in Copenhagen. There are also chapters of international Jewish organizations such as B'nei Akiva, B'nai B'rith, B'nai B'rith Young Leadership, Keren Hayesod, Keren Kaymeth Leisrael, The World Zionist Organization, and Wizo. Many of these organizations have their own publications. The congregation itself publishes a monthly periodical entitled Jodisk Orientering - "Jewish Orientation," which seeks to keep members of the congregation informed about important developments within the Jewish community in Denmark and among Jews abroad and serves, too, as a forum for debate.
Two Danish publications concern themselves with Jewish culture. Rambam, which is published by Selskabet for Dansk Jodisk Historie - the Society for Danish Jewish History, a non-sectarian organization that originally specialized in articles on Danish-Jewish history, but now publishes material on Jewish culture in general, philosophy, philology, and research. The other periodical, Alef, primarily concerns itself with literature, the arts, and social criticism, and often presents poetry or short stories by either Danish-Jewish or foreign Jewish authors in Danish translations. One of the editors of Alef, Lasse Dencik, professor of social psychology, has formulated an intriguing theory about a role for Judaism in a post-modern world. Dencik attempts to distinguish between practicing Judaism through celebrating Shabbes, keeping kosher, and having a mezuza on your door, and religious beliefs; he argues that one can be a practitioner without being a believer, and that Jewishness is more than mere religion, but shared social, historical, cultural, and ethic traditions and values developed through thousands of years of Diaspora existence. Traditionally, Jews have been rebels; in the modern world to follow tradition is to be a true rebel, and in his view, the easiest thing in the world today is to merely let oneself be engulfed by society at large, a society dominated by mass-culture and cost-benefit logic. According to Dencik, to be a rebel today does not mean to rebel against tradition, but live with the traditions.(26) Dencik's view is particularly interesting because it reflects a reaction to the uncritical way Jews have let themselves be assimilated into Danish society.
Living in Denmark today, one sees few, if any, signs of overt anti-Jewish thought or behavior. There are still some traces of anti-Semitism in the language; the noun jode - Jew - is still occasionally used as a synonym for usurer, the question "Has a Jew spat on your big toe?" is asked if one has holes in one's socks and there are other similar phrases. These slurs are offensive, but Danes claim that they are merely empty phrases and it appears that younger people generally do not use these disparaging remarks, though some of my informants do tell me that among 11-year-old boys these terms are not uncommon and are used viciously. There are few, meaningful limitations imposed by belonging to the Jewish faith in what is ostensibly a Christian society with a state church. About the only organizations where one has to be a professed Christian in order to be a member are the highest orders of Danish knighthood and membership in the Danish Freemasons.
But has assimilation had a cost? What is it like to be a Jew in Denmark today? Compared with the United States, Denmark is an extremely homogenous nation. Until recently, the only non-Lutheran, non-"Danish" elements were tiny groups such as Polish migrant workers - and Jews. Though Danes pride themselves on their openness and tolerance, the pressure to conform to the opinions and way of life of the Danish majority is powerful. This means that Danish Jews, like everybody else in the country, are under great constraint to conform to mainstream values and lifestyle, and this has resulted in more or less complete assimilation. One aspect of this assimilation is a loss of religious faith or an indifference to religion because Danish society is extremely secular. People who voice interest in religious affairs or attend church are often considered a bit peculiar or even ludicrous. It is not so very surprising then, that only about half of the approximately 8,000 Jews who live in Denmark are actually members of the Jewish congregation or that there are no longer any active congregations outside of Copenhagen.(27)
By and large one sees little indication of an active Jewish presence in Denmark, though this is not to say that Jews are not active in society. They are, but only as individuals and as Danes. The community itself has its various institutions including nursing homes and homes for the aged, but has, until recently in any case, maintained a low public profile. Relatively few Danish Jews advertise their beliefs; most lead a life of complete secularized assimilation little different from their Gentile neighbors. The many Jews who are public figures seldom refer to their Jewishness, though there are exceptions - Rabbi Bent Melchior, who recently retired as chief rabbi of the Copenhagen congregation, is a highly respected and articulate figure who often voices his views in the media.
To a certain extent the path of invisibility is obviously due to the limited number of Jews in the country. When I visit the States today I am immediately aware of the presence of a large Jewish population in the big cities and surrounding suburbs simply by visiting a supermarket and looking at the shelves of kosher goods or by seeing the selection of books dealing with Judaism available at virtually any bookstore. Even card shops cater to a large Jewish populace with special cards for Jewish holidays, bar mitzvahs, weddings and so on. In Denmark, a Jewish child attending a public school, would most likely not only be the sole Jewish child in the class, but in the entire school. True, there are Jewish institutions and there are a couple of shops that fulfill the needs of those who try to keep kosher, but there are so few of them that they merely serve to emphasize how small the community is.
I suspect the drive to assimilate and conform means that many feel they must emigrate to Israel if they wish to live as Jews rather than as a "normal," everyday Dane. On the other hand, some Danish Jews among those opting for assimilation assiduously attempt to disassociate themselves from the State of Israel and from Israeli politics. Until the Six-Day War, Israel generally had a good popular reputation in Denmark; the Israeli Labor government had a friendly and close relationship with Scandinavian Social-Democrats, many young people visited Israel and worked on kibbutzim, and the Jewish experience during World War II had not been forgotten. In recent years, this image has changed dramatically in media portrayals, and many Danes now regard Israel as a neo-colonial nation inhabited by gun-toting, bearded fanatics who oppress and blow up the homes of innocent Palestinians. Danes tend to side with underdogs, and for them the Palestinian cause is a noble fight for independence against a hostile occupation.
There are, however, Danes who do sympathize with Israel from a Christian point of view and even support Zionism on the assumption that God had a special mission for Jewry, that the Land of Israel was promised to the Jews by God, and that this promise was fulfilled through divine intervention in 1948. The Danish-Jewish Friendship Society, which has about 500 members, is one of these Christian organizations and supports Jewish immigration from Eastern Europe, encourages Danes to work on kibbutzim, supports reforestation and does charitable work in Israel. A very different organization, founded in 1989 at the time of the war in the Persian Gulf, is Foelleskommiteen for Israel - The Joint Committee for Israel, which coordinates the activities of 31 Christian and Jewish organizations that support Israel, and is led by a non-Jewish member of the Danish parliament, Peter Duetoft.
One reason Danish Jews may be reticent about advertising their Jewishness or may even choose to suppress their origins may well be latent fear. Terrorism does exist in Europe, even in a peaceful nation like Denmark. In 1985 a bomb exploded in front of the office of Northwest Orient Airlines in Copenhagen killing an innocent bystander. A second bomb was set off in front of the synagogue, causing damage to the entranceway. Presumably Palestinians were behind this action. But there appears to be the feeling among some Danish Jews that it is best to keep a low profile - one never knows what can happen. A group of Danish terrorists who sympathized with the Palestinian cause and who were involved in various illegal activities such as the production of bombs and armed robbery of post offices (which led to the death of a policeman), also had a list of the names and addresses of prominent Danish Jews; whether these people were to be kidnapped or if another fate was in store for them is still not clear. The group was exposed by the police in 1989.
One aspect of life in Denmark, which has also come to the attention of American and German authorities, is the existence of small groups of neo-Nazis who have chosen Denmark, because of the country's very liberal laws on free speech, as a base from which they can disseminate their propaganda. There are probably no more than a few hundred of these people, and not all of these Nazi activists are in fact Danes, some are Germans while others are American; recently for example, Gary (also known as "Gerhard") Lauck was arrested and handed over to the German judicial system. But neo-Nazis have been vociferous and have even attempted to start their own radio station in a Copenhagen suburb so it is hard to know how seriously their threats should be taken; the bombing of the office of a left wing political group in Copenhagen, in which a man was killed, may have been linked to groups on the extreme right, but nothing has been proved so far. In many of the seamier parts of Copenhagen one can see posters advertising neo-Nazi organizations as well as graffiti proclaiming "White Power" often embellished with swastikas - so far these organizations have been aiming their threats and hatred at the very visible population of immigrants and refugees from Turkey, Pakistan, the former Yugoslavia, and Africa and not so much at Jews, but threats do exist.
Fortunately, many young people protest actively against the neo-Nazis and have either forced the Danish authorities to take action or have simply made life so unpleasant for these groups that the neo-Nazis have moved. Interestingly enough, prominent Jews have voiced highly divergent attitudes towards dealing with the neo-Nazis. In September 1992 the Danish television news magazine "45 Minutes" presented a program on the subject of freedom of speech and whether Nazis should be allowed to voice their opinions in public forums. As part of this program a panel consisting of Arne Melchior, a member of parliament and former cabinet minister whose brother was, until recently, chief rabbi; Jorgen Kieler, a doctor who had been imprisoned in a German concentration camp; Karl Otto Meyer, member of parliament in Schleswig-Holstein who represents the Danish minority there; and Herbert Pundik, the former editor in chief of one of the major daily Danish newspapers, Politiken, discussed the limits of democracy. In the course of this discussion Pundik voiced the belief that all political groups should be permitted the right to express their opinions and that it was wrong of Germany and France to punish neo-Nazis for disseminating their ideas or for claiming the Holocaust never existed. When pressed, Pundik even went so far as to avow that if a neo-Nazi party were to place an advertisement in his newspaper, complete with swastikas, he would print it, as it was up to the people to decide whether a party should be elected to office or not and not the duty of an editor. The other members of the panel protested vociferously. Pundik himself lives in Jerusalem for much of the year where he has edited the periodical Davar, and often contributes editorials on developments in Israel to Politiken.
A final reason for striving for complete and total assimilation, may be due to the way recent groups of immigrants are treated in today's Denmark. True, Denmark is still a liberal nation; the country has accepted refugees from such diverse regions as the former Yugoslavia, Sri Lanka, Ethiopia, Somalia, and Chile, yet Denmark is certainly not devoid of discrimination. Recent immigrant groups, the two largest being from Turkey and Pakistan, are highly visible in the major cities and one often hears derogatory remarks. Certain groups of xenophobic Danes voice fears that Danish culture is going to disappear, the Protestant religion is threatened, and Denmark is going to turn into an Islamic republic. Since these Muslim groups amount to perhaps one percent of the total population, these fears are unjustifiable, yet such hysterical views about non-Christian denominations might well make some Danish Jews nervous about their own apparently solid position in Danish society. Many of the slurs may seem painfully familiar to Jews since they refer to the Muslim ritual slaughter of animals and aversion to pork. Recently, certain political parties on the right wing of Danish politics have specifically attacked the practice of shechita, claiming that it is cruel to animals and demanding to have it forbidden, as is the case in Norway and Sweden, and have found support among veterinarian organizations. Another recent occurrence likewise reflects a general lack of empathy in regards to the feelings of non-Christians. The Danish passport authorities have started to emboss new passports with an image of the crucified Christ taken from a tenth-century runic stone that marks the conversion of Denmark to Christianity. This decision has led to a heated debate in Danish newspapers with Rabbi Bent Melchior defending the action and other members of the Jewish community attacking it. The question still remains, why did the passport authorities choose this particular motif instead of the Danish coat of arms, the royal crown, or some other secular symbol?
For the secularized, assimilated Jews there are really no reasons left to hinder them from completely disappearing into the Danish population at large. A low birth rate coupled with intermarriage and emigration means that the Jewish population will invariably shrink in the long run - a phenomenon which has occurred earlier in the history of Danish Jewry and was stopped because persecution elsewhere in Europe brought about renewed waves of Jewish immigration to Denmark and hence renewed growth. To end on a more optimistic note, however, it should be mentioned that there are indications that the present situation could change in the future, that Jews in Denmark will not only openly acknowledge their culture, traditions, and history, but articulate its values and express them to their Gentile neighbors. For some time now, a committee has been working on plans for a Jewish Museum in order to display some of the unique material in the possession of the Copenhagen congregation, either in conjunction with Copenhagen's old Jewish cemetery, or with the Royal Library's impressive collection. In recent years, there has been renewed interest in klezmer music and even non-Jewish musicians have been attracted by this musical tradition and formed klezmer ensembles with names like Ceznja and Ojfn Veg. Public events, such as the celebration of Jerusalem's 3000th anniversary, have attracted non-Jews as well as Jews, and a week long festival of Jewish music with performers from Denmark, Finland, and Germany had a considerable attendance. The Copenhagen congregation published an informative booklet this past year, which will, hopefully, appeal to Jews and non-Jews alike, sketching the history of the Jewish community, its structure, institutions, and social activities. In connection with a recent exhibition at the Danish National Museum, the museum has published a volume in Danish and English entitled Among Danish Jews, a Photographic Portrait (1996) by the American-born Jewish photographer Linda Horowitz, who has resided in Denmark since 1985.
For many years Jewish themes had virtually disappeared from Danish literature. But here, too, there are indications that a change is under way. Polish-born Janina Katz has published several volumes of poetry from a Jewish perspective, as well as her memoirs. One of the most important and best known modern poets in Denmark is Pia Tafdrup, who was born in 1952. In describing her own poetry, Tafdrup writes, "I am poet, woman, Jew, Danish. The order is arbitrary, I am everything at once, but language can only indicate a succession, not simultaneousness."(28) Tafdrup, though not religious, acknowledges a personal relationship to God, and her poetry reflects a metaphysical dimension and interest in religion. Tafdrup has stated that the books that have meant most to her are the Bible, an anatomical atlas, and the dictionary of the Danish language, and this is reflected in her poetry which combines metaphysics, the senses, sensuality, and intimate knowledge of language.(29) Tafdrup has also drawn on other Jewish sources in her work, including Martin Buber's Ich und Du, Paul Celan's poem "Todesfuge" as well as poems by Nelly Sachs. Pia Tafdrup's indebtedness to Jewish themes and sources is most obvious in her anthology Territorialsang. EnJerusalemkomposition - "Territorial Song. A Jerusalem Composition" (1994). The title is a reference to the territorial songs of male birds which are meant to entice mates and simultaneously warn off other males; an apt image in regards to Jerusalem's blandishments, and to Jewish migration and immigration, with birds used as a motif throughout the volume. The poems in this volume are in a sense deeply personal, yet simultaneously evocative of a common Jewish experience. The introductory poem, for example, centers on being "miraculously led up from the chaos I daily let myself sink down in/for among faces I know, but never understand - to examine souls in exile." Other poems in the anthology refer directly to Jewish immigration from Eastern Europe, to the flight of the author's family to Sweden during the war, to the Book of Psalms, to poems by Yehuda Amichai and Phinehas Hacohen, and to such images, too, as the Wailing Wall. As Tafdrup movingly writes,
Blessed be the salt in the tears that have flowed down this wall from the crystals alone The Third Temple could be built.
Through Tafdrup's poetry and her use of the Danish language, Danish Jewry comes full circle and returns to its roots in the Middle East without forgetting one instant of its Diaspora existence.
I would like to thank my colleague Eva Ravn Moenbak and the Jewish congregation in Copenhagen for their assistance and Professor Murray Baumgarten for his kind help and suggestions.
1. Bent Bludnikow and Harald Jorgensen, "Den lange vandring til borgerlig ligestilling i 1814," in Indenfor murene (Copenhagen: C.A. Reitzels Forlag, 1984), pp. 18-20.
2. Bludnikow and Jorgensen, "Den lange vandring," pp.
3. Bludnikow and Jorgensen, "Den lange vandring," p. 21.
4. Bludnikow and Jorgensen, "Den lange vandring," p. 40.
5. Bludnikow and Jorgensen, "Den lange vandring," p. 24.
6. Bludnikow and Jorgensen, "Den lange vandring," p. 55.
7. Bludnikow and Jorgensen, "Den lange vandring," pp. 78-81.
8. Bludnikow and Jorgensen, "Den lange vandring," pp. 82-85.
9. Paul Hammerich, Undtagelsen (Copenhagen: Gyldendal, 1992), pp. 99-104.
10. Hammerich, Undtagelsen, p. 120.
11. Hammerich, Undtagelsen, p. 132.
12. Merete Christensen and Brita Syskind, "De danske joders livsvilkar 1814-1905," in Indenfor murene (Copenhagen: C. A. Reitzels Forlag, 1984), p.136.
13. Hammerich, Undtagelsen, p. 144.
14. Bent Bludnikow, Immigranter (Copenhagen: Borgen, 1986), pp. 157-161.
15. Hammerich, Undtagelsen, p. 184.
16. Hammerich, Undtagelsen, p. 266.
17. Hammerich, Undtagelsen, p. 244.
18. Hans Kirchhoff, "Endlosung over Danmark," in "Foreren har befalet!" - Jodealctionen oktober 1943 (Copenhagen: Samleren, 1993), pp. 90-96.
19. Kirchhoff, "Endlosung over Danmark," pp. 97-99.
20. Hans Prieme, En europoeisk tragedie (Copenhagen: Gyldendal, 1982), pp. 104-105.
21. Hans Sode-Madsen, Dengang i Theresienstadt (Copenhagen: Der Mosaiske Troessamfund, 1995), p. 12.
22. Hans Sode-Madsen, "Her er livets lov egoisme," in "Foreren bar befalet!" (Copenhagen: Samleren, 1993), pp. 191-196.
23. Hans Sode-Madsen, Dengang i Theresienstadt, pp. 55-56.
24. Rosa Alcoy i Pedros, "Randillustrationer i Rabbi Moses Ben Maimons 'More Nevuchim,'" Rambam 4 (1995): 28.
25. Jodisk Orientering, 11/67 (December 1996), p. 12.
26. Lasse Dencik, "Tradition som opror," Alef5 (1990): 49-55.
27. Rabbi Bent Melchior in an interview with Marie Tetzlaff: "Vi vii ikke leve pa medlidenhed," Politiken, 8 November 1996,. InterPol, p. 3.
28. Pia Tafdrup, Over vandet gar jeg. Skitse til en poetik(Copenhagen: Borgen, 1991), p. 149. Selection translated by author of this article.
29. Tafdrup, Over vandet gar jeg, p. 40.
CONRAD KISCH received his BA from New York University in 1976 and studied at the University of Copenhagen. He has resided in Denmark since 1978 and teaches at Christianshavns Gymnasium, an upper secondary school in Copenhagen.
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|Title Annotation:||From all their habitations|
|Publication:||Judaism: A Quarterly Journal of Jewish Life and Thought|
|Date:||Mar 22, 1998|
|Next Article:||Rethinking memory: too much/too little.|