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The Jagiellonian globe: a key to the puzzle of Jave la Grande.

The appearance of Jave la Grande in the mappemondes of the early to mid-sixteenth century school of mapmakers centred at Dieppe, Normandy, suggesting an early Portuguese or Spanish discovery of the eastern coast of Australia, has been called "one of the puzzles of European history". (1) The discussion over this puzzle may be dated from 1786, when Alexander Dalrymple first drew attention to the resemblance between the shape of Jave la Grande on one of the Dieppe maps, called the Dauphin or Harleian, and the shape of the coastline of New South Wales as it had been charted by James Cook in HMS Endeavour in 1770. (2) (Fig. 1. and Fig. 2.) The London press announced in February 1790:
   Original Discovery of New Holland: An ancient Map of the World has
   been discovered in the British Museum, which lays down the coasts
   of New-Holland, as described by Cooke and Bougainville. This map,
   which is on parchment, appears from the characters, and other
   circumstances, to have been made about the beginning of the 16th
   century. The names are in French, and it is adorned with Fleur de
   Lis, but most probably has been translated from the work of some
   Spanish Navigator, whose discovery being forgotten, left room for
   the new discoveries of the English and French Navigators. (3)

Several of the Dieppe maps were displayed at the VI International Geographical Congress in London in 1895, renewing speculation, notably by George Collingridge, who published his

Discovery of Australia the same year. (4) Kenneth Gordon McIntyre championed the cause of Portuguese priority in his 1977 book, The Secret Discovery of Australia, and in subsequent articles, lectures and interviews. (5) The possibility of an early sixteenth century Portuguese voyage along the east coast of Australia has since then been extensively discussed, but definitive proof of it has remained elusive. (6) This also applies to a possible Chinese voyage in the early Ming period, as claimed by Gavin Menzies. (7) Another explanation for the production of the Dieppe maps has been proposed by Bill Richardson: the transposition of the coasts of Champa and Cambodia to the Southern Hemisphere, attached to the eastern end of Sumbawa's blank south coast. (8) Stuart Duncan commented in 1997: "Richardson has provided the most convincing argument brought forward so far". (9) More recently, the theory of a Portuguese discovery of Australia in 1520 has been revived by Peter Trickett in Beyond Capricorn. (10) Trickett takes his point of departure from the map Terra Java in the Vallard Atlas of 1547. (Fig. 3.)

Earlier, James R. McClymont was of the opinion that the explanation of the mystery of the Dieppe maps lay in cosmographical theory rather than in actual geographical discovery. (11) In 1892 he drew attention to the identity of the Jave la Grande of the Dieppe maps with the outline of the coasts of South America and noted the placement on it of South American place names such as Baye bresill, and adduced this as proof of "the complete absence of all connection between the theory of a Terra Australis and the geographical fact of the Australian continent". His lament was that, "to this day a confusion exists between these distinct phenomena, which blurs the outlines of early Australian history". (12)

McClymont drew support for his view from the revealing comment by Guillaume Le Testu, one of the cartographers of the Dieppe school, concerning the maps of the antarctic regions in the atlas he dedicated in 1556 to Admiral Gaspard de Coligny, the patron of France's Brazilian colony, La France Antarctique: "But these twelve maps are only meant to warn those who may voyage on these coasts to take care when they think they are approaching them. Further than that, all is imaginary, for no man has made any certain discovery there". (13) Le Testu inscribed six times in the explanatory text of his maps of the southern continent: "this land is part of the so-called Terre Australe, to us unknown, for that which is marked out is only from imagination and uncertain opinion; the land depicted is still quite undiscovered, for there is no report that anyone has yet found it and it is only marked out from imagination". (14)

Helen Wallis referred in 1988 to the interpretation "explosion" on the subject of the Dieppe maps. (15) She dismissed McClymont's 1889 "Preliminary Critique" as "the most extreme of the theories involving a displacement of lands", preferring to argue the case for discovery of Australia by "a local Portuguese voyage otherwise unknown" seventy years before the Dutch, a chart of which was "presumably" (she said) brought back to Dieppe by the survivors of a French voyage to Sumatra led by Jean Parmentier in 1529-30. (16) Wallis also observed: "The place-name interpretations of Bill Richardson are ingenious, but the concept of Java-la-Grande as a composite of southern Java and IndoChina is in my view far-fetched and not proven". (17) As for Wallis's own view that the Dieppe maps might be evidence of a Portuguese pre-discovery of Australia, Numa Broc has commented: "Unfortunately, the accounts of sailors such as the Parmentier brothers or of Jean Alfonse are couched in much too imprecise terms for it to be possible to decide". (18)

A clue to resolving the puzzle is offered by the globe dating from around 1510 held by the Museum of the Jagiellonian University in Krakow, Poland. (19) The Jagiellonian Globe was described in 1900 by Tadeusz Estreicher, a professor of chemistry at the University. (20) Estreicher's work was referred to in 1911 by Edward A. Petherick, who drew attention to the globe's relevance to consideration of the Dieppe maps. (21) Estreicher dated the globe to between 1509 and 1511. (Fig. 4.) It measures 73.5 mm in diameter and was made to contain the mechanism of an astronomical clock of which it forms the central part. (22) (Fig. 5.) The globe consists of two gilded copperplate calottes, inscribed with the Earth's principal features as understood at that time, including a continent inscribed AMERICA-NOVITER-REPERTA. (Fig. 6.) It is remarkable for being the earliest surviving globe on which the name America appears, a name invented by Martin Waldseemueller and published in 1507 in his Cosmographiae Introductio. The name America was also inscribed on Waldseemueller's accompanying world map and globe of the same date. (23) (Fig. 7.) Waldseemueller gave the name America to the new continent discovered by Amerigo Vespucci on his second voyage of 1501-1502 (24) and which on his third voyage he coasted as far as 52[degrees] South, as reflected in Waldseemueller's map.

Tadeusz Estreicher drew attention to a globe of similar date held by the New York Public Library, known as the Lenox Globe. (Fig. 8. and Fig. 9.) This globe had been discussed in an article by Benjamin Franklin De Costa in the Magazine of American History (25) The Lenox Globe is 112 mm in diameter, and made of copperplate, manufactured probably in France to form the central feature of an astronomical clock or armillary sphere, like the Jagiellonian Globe. On both globes South America is shown, bearing the names MUNDUS NOVUS (spelled MONDUS on the Jagiellonian Globe), TERRA SANCTAE CRUCIS and TERRA DE BRAZIL. De Costa noted a large land mass depicted in the southern part of the Eastern Hemisphere, unnamed on the Lenox Globe and suggested, "with extreme diffidence", that this land represented Australia, misplaced to this location. If so, he said, "it would be necessary to conclude that, although misplaced upon the Lenox Globe, Australia was known to the geographers of that early period". On the Jagiellonian Globe, this is the land bearing the inscription AMERICA*NOVITER*REPERTA. Estreicher pointed out that the western coasts of both this continent and the MUNDUS NOVUS in the Western Hemisphere are schematic and without detail, in contrast to the eastern coasts which show bays, rivers and promontories, indicating that the latter are the result of actual discovery by voyagers. Estreicher explained:
   This land can only be America and we must assume that the island
   represents South America but certainly in the wrong place. This
   assumption becomes certainty when we find on the Jagellon globe
   that the island bears the inscription "America Noviter Reperta".

The maker of the globe had put South America in twice, in opposite hemispheres. "South America" is a term that belongs to a time much later than the Jagiellonian Globe, to Gerard Mercator's world map of 1538. Waldseemueller's America referred to what later became known as South America, as the continental extent of the lands later known as North America was not understood in 1507. The Lenox Globe and the Jagiellonian Globe are evidence that there was an authoritative map or globe made around 1507-1508 that showed, although mistakenly, a continental land mass in the southern part of the Eastern Hemisphere. The Jagiellonian Globe shows that its maker believed this continent to have been the New World discovered by Vespucci.

Estreicher proposed Louis Boulengier of Albi as having been the cartographer responsible for the Jagiellonian Globe, on the basis of similarity between it and what are called the Tross Gores, dating from 1514-1518, of which Boulengier is known to have been the author. The Tross Gores also bear the inscription AMERICA NOVITER REPERTA, but in this case placed over South America (Waldseemueller's "America"), and there is no continental land mass in the southern part of the Eastern Hemisphere. (27) (Fig. 10.) The formula AMERICA NOVITER REPERTA would indicate a common authorship, and therefore a French origin, for the Tross Gores and the Jagiellonian Globe.

Edward Stevenson, discussing Estreicher's work in 1921, commented that he seemed not to have noticed that the inscription AMERICA NOVITER REPERTA possibly indicated not only an acquaintance on the part of the Jagiellonian cartographer with Waldseemueller's suggestion as to the name America, but a belief that America was actually located in this particular region. In his chapter on climates in Cosmographiae Introductio, Waldseemueller says:
   In the sixth climate toward the Antarctic there are situated the
   farthest part of Africa, recently discovered, the islands Zanzibar,
   the lesser Java, and Seula [Ceylon], and the fourth part of the
   Earth, which, because Amerigo discovered it, we may call Amerige,
   the land of Amerigo, so to speak, or America. (28)

It is noteworthy that Waldseemueller placed the lesser Java, or Java Minor, the actual island of Sumatra, in "the sixth climate toward the Antarctic", straddling the Tropic of Capricorn. In doing this he was following a corrupt text of Marco Polo's travels. Book III of Marco Polo's Travels describes his journey by sea from China to India in 1292. After a chapter describing the kingdom of Champa (on the central coast of Vietnam), there follows a chapter describing La grant isle de Java, "the great island of Java" which was, according to Marco Polo, the largest island in the world. (29) The narrative then resumes, describing the route southward from Champa toward Sumatra, Marco Polo's Java Minor, but by a slip of the pen the name Java was substituted for Champa as the point of departure, thereby locating Java Minor 1300 miles (2100 km) to the south of Java Major, instead of from Champa. The Land of Lochac, the Island of Pentan and the Kingdom of Malaiur, located between Champa and Java Minor, were likewise misplaced far to the south of Java Major, and by some geographers on or near an extension of the Terra Australis. (30) As explained by Sir Henry Yule, the editor of an English edition of Marco Polo's Travels:
   Some geographers of the 16th century, following the old editions
   which carried the travellers south-east of Java to the land of
   Boeach (or Locac), introduced in their maps a continent in that
   situation. (31)

This error persisted even until the late 17th century: for instance, in accordance with the uncorrected editions of Marco Polo's Travels, the Venetian globemaker Vincenzo Coronelli inscribed on his 1688 Terrestrial Globe over the northern part of Nuova Hollandia:
   Some believe that in this place M. Polo discovered the Land of
   Lochac, and that 500 miles further on is found the Island of
   Pentan, and the Kingdom of Malaiur. (32)

Lochac (or Locach) was Marco Polo's rendition of the Chinese (Cantonese) Lo-huk ([TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII.]), which was how his Chinese informants referred to the southern Thai kingdom of Louvo, or Lopburi ([TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII.], the "city of Lavo", after Lavo, the son of Rama in Hindu mythology). (33) Louvo/Lopburi was united with Siam in 1350. (34) Beach, as a mistranscription of Locach, originated with the 1532 editions of the Novus Orbis Regionum ac Insularum by Simon Grynaeus and Johann Huttich, in which Marco Polo's Locach was changed to Boeach, later shortened to Beach (in the German cursive script, "Locach" and "Beach" look similar). (35) Pentan is the island of Bintan, and Malaiur was the Tamil name for the Sumatran city of Jambi (from "malai", "hill" and "uru", "town": the origin of the national name Malay). Sumatra took its name from the city of Samudra, the present Lhokseumawe, on the north coast of the island. (36)

On his Terrestrial Globe, Coronelli also referred to the uncertainty regarding the location of Marco Polo's Java Minor, noting that while in the opinion of some it could be identified with Sumatra, others believed it to be Sumbawa or New Holland. His inscription reads:
   Various are the opinions of the Geographers concerning the location
   of Giava minore, some placing it under the Tropic of Capricorn, in
   accordance with what Marco Polo wrote in bk.3, cap.13. Others
   believe it to be Sumatra from the distance which the same Polo
   assigned to it, others take it for the Island of Sumbawa, and some
   others, more modern, for New Holland. (37)

The Franco-Portuguese navigator and cosmographer, Jean Alfonse identified Java Minor as an island in his work of 1544, La Cosmographie but according to him Java Major was part of the continent of Terra Australis, which extended as far as the Antarctic Pole and the Strait of Magellan. He wrote in La Cosmographie:
   La Grand Jave is a land that goes as far as under the Antarctic
   Pole and from the Terre Australle in the west to the land of the
   Strait of Magellan on the eastern side. Some say that it is islands
   but from what I have seen of it, it is a terre ferme [a continent]
   ... That called Jave Mynore is an island, but la Grand Jave is
   terre ferme. (38)

Apparently in deference to Marco Polo's claim that Java Major, "La grant isle de Java", was the largest island in the world, Alfonse gave the name "Jave Mynore" to the island of Java and the name "La Grand Jave" to the continent to the south (he gave the name "Samatrez", Sumatra, to Marco Polo's Java Minor). (39) (Fig. 11.) This cosmographical concept was exhibited in the Dieppe mappemondes, such as Jean Rotz's Chart of the Eastern Hemisphere and Lande of Java of 1542 (Fig. 12. and Fig. 13.) and Pierre Desceliers' mappemonde of 1546. (40) (Fig. 14.) Alfonse's map of La Grande Jave bears a striking resemblance to the same region on these maps.

The belief that lands beyond Java extended far to the south owed much to Ludovico di Varthema, an Italian from Bologna who made a voyage in 1505 from Borneo to Java. In his account of this he related that he had been told by the Malay skipper of the vessel in which he was travelling that, in lands to the south of Java, "the day does not last more than four hours, and that there it was colder than in any other part of the world". (41) The region where the shortest day would only last four hours would be 15[degrees] south of Tasmania. Gerard Mercator acknowledged his reliance on Marco Polo and Ludovico di Varthema by placing Beach prouincia aurifera and Maletur regnum in the northernmost part of the Terra Australis on his globe of 1541 and inscribing over them: "The vastness of these regions will easily be believed by whoever reads chapters 11 & 12 of book 3 of Marco Polo the Venetian together with chapter 27 of the book of Ludovico the Roman patrician". (42)

Commenting on the Jagiellonian Globe in 1965, Marcel Chicoteau noted that the continent America Noviter Reperta denoted, "a conviction that the newly discovered lands beyond the Atlantic were in reality joined to the Great South Land which went, in the Ptolemaic concept, as far as the Javanese archipelago". (43) The early 16th century view that America/Brazil extended as far as the islands of southeast Asia was reflected in the report of October 1516 from Andrea Corsali to the Doge of Venice: "In the opinion of many", he wrote, New Guinea (which he called Piccinnacoli, the "land of Pygmies"--perhaps he had heard of the "hobbits" of Flores!) was "joined to the southward to the coast of Verzino" [Brazil], because Verzino/Brazil was so large that that part of it had not yet been discovered. (44) Corsali was an agent of the Medici of Florence who had gone with the Portuguese to investigate their possessions in the East, and he wrote his report from one of the Portuguese bases in India.

Voyagers and geographers of the late 15th and early 16th centuries such as Alfonse were influenced by the knowledge inherited from Graeco-Roman antiquity as set out, above all, in the Geography of the second century Alexandrian geographer Claudius Ptolemy. The Travels of Marco Polo formed an addition to Ptolemy's compendium. As noted by George E. Nunn, the Ptolemaic world map and the narrative of Marco Polo were combined in the 1492 globe of Martin Behaim, which in turn formed the basis of the cosmography elaborated by the German mathematician Johannes Schoener in his successive globes from 1515 to 1533. Schoener incorporated the new geographical information brought back by voyagers to the New World and the Indies into his globes. (45)

Amerigo Vespucci, writing of his 1499 voyage, said he had hoped to reach the fabulous spice emporium of "Melaccha in India" (that is, Malacca, or Melaka, on the Malay Peninsula) by sailing westward from Spain across the Western Ocean (the Atlantic) around the Cape of Cattigara into the Sinus Magnus. (46) On the 1489 map of the world by Henricus Martellus, which was based on Ptolemy's work (Fig. 15.), Asia terminated in its south-eastern point in a cape, the Cape of Cattigara. Ptolemy understood Kattigara to be the easternmost port reached by ships trading from the Graeco-Roman world to the lands of the Far East: the Cape of Cattigara formed the south-eastern point of Asia. It took its name from the city of Cattigara, which Ptolemy knew to be a port on the Sinus Magnus, or Great Gulf, the actual Gulf of Thailand, at eight and a half degrees north of the Equator, on the coast of Cambodia. (47)

The archaeologist Louis Malleret and his colleagues have established that Ptolemy's Kattigara was in fact the principal port of the ancient pre-Angkor kingdom referred to by its Chinese name of Fu Nan [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII.] from the Khmer, "Phnom") in the delta of the Mekong (Ptolemy's River Cottiaris), located at or near a site now called Oc Eo. (48) The "Father of Early South-East Asian History", George Coedes, endorsed Malleret's finding: "By the middle of the 3rd century Fu-nan had already established relations with China and India, and it is doubtless on the east coast of the Gulf of Siam that the furthest point reached by Hellenistic navigators is to be found, that is the harbour of Kattigara mentioned by Ptolemy". (49) According to the Sanskritist Adhir K. Chakravarti, the name Kattigara was derived from the Sanskrit Kirti-nagara "Renowned City" or Kotti-nagara "Strong City". (50) As early as 1767, John Caverhill deduced that Cattigara was the Mekong delta port Banteaymeas (now Ha Tien) on the current Vietnam-Cambodia border, near Oc Eo. (51) Gerolamo Gerini noted that Banteaymeas was in former times "the entrepOt par excellence of Kamboja", the gate through which Hindu civilization first reached Cambodia, and was "ranked among the most important stations for ships on the route from India to China". (52)

In Claudius Ptolemy's Geography the Aurea Chersonese, the actual Malay Peninsula, forms the western side of the Sinus Magnus or "Great Gulf, the actual Gulf of Siam (Gulf of Thailand). The Aurea Chersonese appears on Martin Behaim's globe of 1492 under the name aurea ch'fonefs. On Behaim's globe, the eastern side of the Sinus Magnus, the actual Indochina, appears as the peninsula of Hoch India, "High India" or "India Superior". This peninsula is the location of stare and totaco fl, Behaim's terms for Ptolemy's Cattigara sinarum statio and Cotiarisfluvius. Cattigara was mistakenly located in Ptolemy's Geography at 8 1/2[degrees] South instead of 8%[degrees] North. In accordance with this mistake, Behaim extended the peninsula of India Superior to the south of the Equator and, in fact, to the south of the Tropic of Capricorn.

On Behaim's globe, the peninsula of India Superior, Hoch India, that forms the eastern side of the Sinus Magnus, is the southern extension of Indiapotalis, that is, the Indian region of Patala. The term Regio Patalis was given currency by Roger Bacon who, drawing on Pliny's Natural History, wrote in Opus Majus (AD 1270): "the southern frontier of India reaches the Tropic of Capricorn near the Region of Patala". (53) As explained by John Watson McCrindle, "Patalene, the Delta of the Indus [in Latin, Regio Patalis], received its name from the city of Patala [in Latin, Patale], which was its capital and stood where the river in Alexander's time bifurcated". (54) McCrindle noted that Hyderabad in Sind occupied the site of ancient Patala. Pliny had written: "Also in India [as well as at Aswan in Egypt] at the well-known port of Patala the sun rises on the right and shadows fall southward". (55) For Pliny, Patala was remarkable for being, like Syene in Egypt (Aswan), under the tropic. Somehow Bacon (or his scribe) had confused the Tropic of Capricorn with the Tropic of Cancer under which, on a midsummer's day, shadows at Patala were cast southward.

Pierre d'Ailly made use of Bacon's Opus Majus in discussing the habitability of lands under the Torrid Zone and Tropic of Capricorn in Ymago Mundi, a revised edition of earlier standard cosmographical works which he wrote between 1410 and 1419. D'Ailly wrote: "according to Pliny we find there to be habitation under the Tropic of Capricorn and beyond. For the island called the Regio Pathalis has a well-known port where the Sun's shadow falls southward, therefore the inhabitants always have the Sun to their North ... I say therefore that the southern side of India extends to the Tropic of Capricorn near the region of Pathalis". (56) YmagoMundi served as the standard text book on cosmography during the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries and so made widely current the view that there was a part of India, the Region of Patala, where the shadow always fell southward at noon. (57) This theory found expression on Martin Behaim's globe of 1492, where Indiapotalis is located south of the Equator on the Hoch India peninsula on the eastern side of the Sinus Magnus, the actual Indochina. (58)

Thomas Suarez has observed that the "strategically-positioned entrepOt of Cattigara was specifically sought by European pioneers in Southeast Asia," such as Amerigo Vespucci, Christopher Columbus and Ferdinand Magellan. (59) Vespucci failed to find the Cape of Cattigara on his 1499 voyage: he sailed along the coast of Venezuela but not far enough to resolve the question of whether there was a sea passage beyond leading to Ptolemy's Sinus Magnus. Likewise, Christopher Columbus failed to resolve this question when he sailed along the same coast in 1498. In his fourth and last voyage of 1502-1503, Columbus planned to follow the coast of Champa southward around the Cape of Cattigara and sail through the strait separating Cattigara from the New World, into the Sinus Magnus to Malacca. This was the route he understood Marco Polo to have taken from China to India in 1292. (60) Columbus anticipated that he would meet up with the expedition sent at the same time from Portugal to Malacca around the Cape of Good Hope under Vasco da Gama, and carried letters of credence from the Spanish monarchs Ferdinand and Isabella to present to da Gama. (61) Upon reaching Cariay (now Puerto Limon) on the coast of Costa Rica, Columbus thought he was close to the gold mines of Champa mentioned by Marco Polo. Subsequently, he wrote to the Spanish monarchs from Jamaica: "I reached Cariay ... Here I learned of the gold mines of Ciamba which I was seeking". (62) A note on one of the maps made by Bartolome Colon (that is, Bartholomew Columbus, Christopher's brother) and Alessandro Zorzi in 1504 shows that Christopher Columbus grossly overestimated the distance eastward between Portugal and Cattigara as 225[degrees] instead of Ptolemy's estimate of 180[degrees], permitting him to believe the distance westward was only 135[degrees] and therefore that the land he found was the East Indies. This note or legend reads:
   Secodo Marino e Col da C. Sa Vicetio a Cattigara g.225 so hore 15.
   Secodo Ptol in fino a Cattigara g.180 che sia hore 12 (According to
   Marinus of Tyre and Columbus, from Cape St. Vincent to Cattigara is
   225 degrees, which is 15 hours; according to Ptolemy as far as
   Cattigara 180 degrees, which is 12 hours). (Fig. 16.)

As noted by George E. Nunn, in accordance with this calculation, the Colon/Zorzi map employs the longitude of Ptolemy from Cape St. Vincent eastward to Cattigara, but the longitude calculation of Marinus and Columbus is employed for the space between Cape St. Vincent westward to Cattigara. Waldseemueller's world map of 1507 employs this dual calculation of longitude to represent the eastern coast of Asia twice: once in accordance with Ptolemy's longitudes to show it as Martin Behaim had done on his 1492 globe; and again in accordance with Columbus' longitudes to show his and the other Spanish navigators' discoveries across the Western Ocean. The western coasts of the trans-Atlantic lands discovered by the Spanish are simply described by Waldseemueller as "Incognita", with a conjectural sea beyond, making these lands apparently a distinct continent. America's (that is, South America's) status as a separate island or a part of Asia--specifically, the peninsula of India Superior upon which Cattigara was situated--is left unresolved. As Nunn said in 1927, "This was a very plausible way of presenting a problem at the time insoluble". (63) Likewise, on the Jagiellonian Globe, the different scales of longitude running eastward and westward results in a very obvious bilocation of America in the eastern and western hemispheres.

If Costa Rica /Panama was part of India, as Christopher Columbus claimed, then its southward extension to the presumed strait would be the sought-for Cape of Cattigara, and the city of Cattigara would be situated on its western coast, as shown on the 1504 Colon/Zorzi maps. (64) (Fig. 17. and Fig. 18.) Columbus' belief is reflected in the world map published by the Venetian Giovanni Contarini in 1506, which contains a cartouche adjacent to Ciamba (Champa) inscribed: "Cristophorvs Colvmbvs ... sailing westwards, reached ... the province called Ciamba ... which has a great store of gold". (65) (Figs. 19, 20 and 21.) On this map, Catigara is shown on the eastern coast of the Sinus Magnus, at 8 1/2[degrees] South, and Terra Sancta Crucis (Brazil) discovered by Pedro Alvares Cabral in April 1500, is shown as a separate, southern continent.

On both the Jagiellonian and Lenox globes, South America bears the name, TERRA DE BRAZIL. Brazil as a place name enjoyed a wandering existence, being variously applied on sixteenth century maps to different islands in the North or South Atlantic, to parts or the whole of South America, or of a great antarctic continent, and sometimes to more than one of these places at the same time before finally at the beginning of the seventeenth century coming to rest as the designation of the eastern part of South America. (66) Brazil as a name for America first appeared on the map in the planisphere Orbis Typus Universalis Tabula, produced in Venice in 1511 by Jeronimo Marini, although the name Rio de Brasil, arising from the discovery of brazilwood at that location by Goncalo Coelho and Amerigo Vespucci during their voyage of 1501-1502, appeared earlier on the Cantino mappemonde of 1502. (67) According to the French historian, Lancelot Voisin, Sieur de La Popeliniere, the French, especially the Normans and Bretons, always maintained that they were the first who discovered and traded with Brazil, but not having publicly proclaimed or documented this, the honour of discovery went to Pedro Alvares Cabral and with it Portuguese claim to sovereignty over that territory. La Popeliniere wrote in 1582 that, before departing Porto Seguro in the newly found land Cabral, "so as to leave an everlasting name to this beautiful province, hoisted a holy cross to the height of the highest of the trees with all the solemnities that the priests he had brought with him could practise. He thus named it the Terre de Saincte Croix. The French alone called it Terre de Bresil, in ignorance of what is above related, because they found brazilwood there in abundance". (68) The Portuguese historian, Joao de Barros, later complained:
   from as soon as there began to come from that land the red wood
   called brazil, it so happened that this name became fixed in
   people's mouths and that of Santa Cruz was lost, as if the name of
   the wood for dyeing cloths was more important than that of the wood
   that gave tincture to the Sacraments through which we are saved by
   the blood of Christ Jesus. (69)

The Vallard map of 1547 Terra Java bears the Brazilian place names C:ap fria and Rio de enero. (Fig. 3. and Fig. 22.) These place names have remained on the map of Brazil until the present day as Cabo Frio and Rio de Janeiro, so named by Gaspar de Lemos in January 1502 (or perhaps by Vespucci in January 1500). From 1555 to 1567 Rio de Janeiro was the site of the Huguenot colony, La France Antarctique. Cabral's Porto Seguro also appears on Terra Java. The application of these uniquely Brazilian names to the Terra Java shows that for the author of the Vallard atlas his continental Terra Java was essentially a theoretical creation, a duplicate of Brazil (that is, South America).

The concept of there being two newly discovered continents, two Brazils, is exhibited in the globe made in Nuremberg by Johannes Schoener in 1520, where one continent (America) is designated BRASILIA and the other (Terra Australis), BRASILIA INFERIOR. (70) (Fig. 23.) Schoener's earlier globe of 1515 depicted and named America but, like the Jagiellonian and Lenox globes, showed another continent to the south and west, a circum-polar land much more extensive than the island-continent on those globes, labelled BRASILIE REGIO. (Fig. 24.) Schoener said that his source was the Newe Zeytung auss Presillg Landt [New Tidings from the Land of Brazil]: this was a report from their agent in Madeira to the Welser banking house in Augsburg of an expedition of the Portuguese merchants Nuno Manuel and Cristobal Haro to what is now Uruguay, the area north of the Rio de la Plata, printed in Augsburg, probably in 1514. (71) The Zeytung described Portuguese voyagers passing through a strait between the southernmost point of America, or Brazil, and a land to the southwest, referred to as vndtere Presill (in Latin, Brasilia inferior). (72) This supposed "strait" was in fact the Rio de la Plata. (73) By "vndtere Presill", the Zeytung meant that part of Brazil in the lower latitudes, but Schoener mistook it to mean the land on the southern side of the "strait", in higher latitudes, and so gave to it the opposite meaning. (74) On Schoener's 1515 globe, therefore, BRASILIE REGIO (the Region of Brazil) was shown as being a part of the Terra Australis. On his 1520 globe, Brazil was duplicated as BRASILIA in South America (Schoener's AMERICA), while BRASILIE REGIO on the Terra Australis became BRASILIA INFERIOR (a translation of vndtere Presill), while AMERICA had evolved into TERRA NOVA, AMERICA velBRASILIA sive PAPAGALLI TERRA (Land of Parrots). (Fig. 23.)

PAPAGALLI TERRA, the "Land of Parrots", as an alternative name for Brazil, also originated from the visit of Pedro Alvares Cabral to Porto Seguro in April 1500. A letter dated 27 June 1501 from Giovanni Matteo Cretico, Ambassador of Venice to Portugal, describing Pedro Alvares Cabral's discovery of Brazil during his voyage to India of 1500-1501, was printed in the Paesi novamente retrovati, published in Vicenza in 1507, and says:
   Above the Cape of Good Hope they discovered a new land towards the
   west, which they called the Land of Parrots (terra d li Papaga),
   because some are found there which are a cubit and a half in
   length, of various colours. We saw two of these. They judged that
   this was mainland because they ran along the coast more than two
   thousand miles but did not find the end of it. It is inhabited by
   naked and handsome people. (75)

Johannes Schoener correctly understood Cretico to have identified the Land of Parrots with Brazil, as the inscription of Cretico's Italian term PAPAGALLI TERRA on his globe of 1520 indicates. However, he was confused as to just where Brazil-cum-America was, as also shown on his 1523 globe, where South America is designated TERRA NOVA, AMERICA INVENTA 1497, BRASILIA REGIO and PAPAGALLI REGIO, while the antarctic continent, TERRA AVSTRALIS RECENTER INVENTA SED NONDUMPLENE COGNITA ("Terra Australis, recently discovered but not yet fully known") also bore, in addition to the name REGIO PATALIS, the names BRASIELIE REGIO and PSITTACORUM TERRA (Land of Parrots). On this globe, therefore, both continents bore variants of the name "Region of Brazil" and "Land of Parrots". (76) Schoener had, in effect, duplicated Brazil or the Land of Parrots as, earlier, the Jagiellonian Globe had duplicated America.

A further stage in the evolution of Schoener's cosmography is revealed on his 1523 globe, where he stretched the Cattigara or India Superior peninsula (Indochina) to include Mexico and South America, and enlarged the Sinus Magnus to become the Pacific Ocean, designating the enlarged gulf SINUS MAGNUS EOV[um] MARE DE SUR (the Eovum Mare was a Ptolemaic term meaning "the Eastern Sea"). (77) Ferdinand Magellan's discovery of Tierra del Fuego in 1520 was taken by Schoener as confirmation of the existence of the Terra Australis-cum-Brasilia Inferior. (78) In 1523, Maximilianus Transylvanus published Magellan's discoveries in DeMoluccisInsulis: he wrote that, although the Spanish voyagers "went as far as 12[degrees] South, they did not find Cattigara". (79) Antonio Pigafetta recorded that, having crossed the Pacific, Magellan (perhaps aware of where Ptolemy had in fact located Cattigara) sought the "cap de Gaticara" in the vicinity of twelve degrees north of the Equator. (80) The failure of Magellan's expedition to find the peninsula of Cattigara (that is, India Superior) in the vicinity of the Moluccas led Schoener to the conclusion that America was that peninsula. In the Opusculum Geographicum that he wrote to accompany his 1533 globe, Schoener said:
   After Ptolemy, many regions beyond 180 degrees towards the East
   have been discovered by the Venetian Marco Polo and others, and now
   the Genoese Columbus and Americo [sic] Vespucci have reached those
   shores after sailing from Spain across the Western Ocean, and
   visited them thinking that that part of the world was an island,
   calling it America, the fourth part of the globe. But from the most
   recent voyages made in the year AD 1519 by Magellan ... they found
   that land to be in truth the continent of India Superior, which is
   part of Asia. (81)

On his 1533 globe, America is confirmed as an extension of Indochina with the inscription, America, Indiae superioris et Asiae Continentis pars ("America, a part of India Superior and of the Asian continent"). Cattigara remains where Ptolemy was thought to have located it, at eight and a half degrees south of the Equator on the eastern shore of the Oceanus Orientalis, which was now the western coast of America (that is, South America). On this globe, as in 1515, Brazil is again confined to the antarctic continent as BRASILIAEREGIO, a part of the TERRA AVSTRALIS recenter inventa, sednondumplene cognita ("Terra Australis, recently discovered, but not yet fully known"), and on this globe, the "Land of Parrots" has disappeared from both continents. (Fig. 25. and Fig. 26.)

The cosmography of the French mathematician and cartographer, Oronce Fine, was derived from Schoener. (82) On Fine's 1531 world map (published in 1532 in the Novus OrbisRegionum ac Insularum), BRASIELIE REGIO is shown lying east of Africa and to the south of Java (which is also where the Dieppe maps locate their Baye Bresille). (83) (Fig. 27. and Fig. 28.) CATIGARA occupied the same location on Fine's mappemonde on the western coast of South America as on Schoener's 1523 and 1533 globes, as it also did on the mid-1540s Harleian mappemonde (Fig. 29.) and on Le Testu's 1556 map of western South America. On his 1523 and 1533 globes, Johannes Schoener transferred the Region of Patala (Regio Patalis) across the ocean to a promontory of the Terra Australis; in this he was followed by Oronce Fine, whose mappemonde of 1531 shows the large REGIO PATALIS promontory to the southeast of BRASIELIE REGIO. (Fig. 25. and Fig. 26.) The globe in an armillary clock similar to the Jagiellonian, made by Jean Naze of Lyons in 1560, depicts the continents in a similar fashion to that on Schoener's globe of 1533 and on Fine's mappemonde of 1531: the REGIO PATALIS and BRASIELIE REGIO figure prominently on it. (84) (Fig. 30. and Fig. 31.)

Lucien Gallois noted in 1890, as Franz von Wieser had done before him, the undeniable "ressemblance parfaite" between Fine's 1531 mappemonde and Schoener's globe of 15 3 3. (85) As Schoener's globe of 1523, which also closely resembled Fine's mappemonde, was not identified until 1925 by F.C. Wieder, Gallois was forced to argue that Fine, who said he had been working on his mappemonde since 1521, had had direct or indirect personal communication with Schoener or had drawn upon his 1515 Luculentissima descriptio. Wieder's identification of Schoener's map gores of 1523 strengthens Gallois' case for Fine's reliance upon Schoener. (86)

Gayle K. Brunelle has said that, in design and decorative style the Dieppe school maps represented a blending of the latest geographical and nautical knowledge circulating in Europe with older conceptualizations of world geography deriving from Ptolemy and mediaeval cartographers and explorers such as Marco Polo. Their maps thus represented a mixture of old and new data and even differing conceptualizations of space, often coexisting uneasily in the same map. (87) The cosmography of the Dieppe mapmakers, particularly as regards the Austral continent, developed from that of Johannes Schoener, through Oronce Fine. Albert Anthiaume wrote in 1911:
   Whence had the Norman cartographers drawn the idea of this
   continent [la Terre Australe]? From the bicordiform mappemonde of
   Oronce Fine (1531), which he in turn had borrowed, according to
   Gallois, from Schoener.... Most of the Norman cartographers, and
   particularly Le Testu, knew the works of Oronce Fine. (88)

Le Testu's Grande Jave of 1556 is part of the Terre Australle, and bears a Baie Braecillie on its northwest coast, an appellation, as noted by Armand Rainaud in 1893, "which without doubt comes from the globes of Schoener and the maps of Oronce Fine". (89) On Fine's 1531 mappemonde, BRASIELIE REGIO is shown as part of the Terra Australis lying to the east of Africa and to the south of Java, just where Schoener located BRASIELIE REGIO on his 1523 globe. This appellation appears on other Dieppe maps as baie bresille on the Rotz map, Baye bresille on the Harleian, and Baye bresill on the Desceliers, indicating the reliance of their makers on the Schoener/Fine cosmography and, as noted by James McClymont in 1892, an identity in the minds of the mapmakers of Jave la Grande with Brazil (that is, South America).

Jean Alfonse, like Schoener and Fine, held that Canada, Mexico and Peru formed a continent that was contiguous with Asia: for him, the land of Cattigara was the same as Cathay and comprised all the Ultra Ganges lands, which extended eastward to include Canada which was "le bout de l'Azie". New Spain (Mexico) and Peru also joined up with it, so for Alfonse, "Cattigara" embraced all these lands. (90) In accordance with the Schoener/Fine/Alphonse cosmography, the Harleian locates CATIGARA on the western coast of South America and bilocatesMessigo (Mexico) in North America and in East Asia as a neighbour of Cathay and Mangi. (91)

In Jean Alfonse's Cosmographie the evolution of the Schoener/Fine cosmography into that of the Dieppe school can be seen. Schoener defined what he called Brasilia australis in the Opusculum Geographicum as "an immense region toward Antarctium newly discovered but not yet fully surveyed, which extends as far as Melacha and somewhat beyond; close to this region lies the great island of Zanzibar". (92) Jean Alfonse defined La Grande Jave as an extension of the giant antarctic continent, Terra Australis, and in his Cosmographie Schoener's Brasilia australis (the Brasielie Regio of Fine) is transformed into Jave la Grande, which is defined in almost the same terms:
   This Java touches the Straight of Magellan in the west, and in the
   east Terra Australis ... I estimate that the coast of the Ocean Sea
   called the Austral coast extends eastwards to Java, to the western
   coast of the said Java. (93)

The name Regio Patalis has disappeared in Jean Alfonse's Cosmographie: the area of the Terra Australis which bore this Indian name on Fine's map is now the location for CapFormose, as shown on the Harleian mappemonde. The Cosmographie locates Cap Formose at thirty-nine and a half degrees South, "in Terra Australis on the coast to the west [of the Strait of Magellan] in the Pacific". (94) The REGIO PATALIS of Fine's mappemonde has evolved into the great C: de fremose on the Harleian. The island of Zanzibar is located on the Harleian and Desceliers maps in relation to the West coast of JAVE LA GRANDE, with its Baye bresille, just where Zanzibar is located in relation to BRASIELIE REGIO on Fine's map, and to BRASILIAE REGIO on Schoener's 1533 globe, and where Alfonse locates it in La Cosmographie. (Fig. 32.)

Gayle K. Brunelle has pointed out that although the Dieppe school of cartographers was active for only a generation, from about 1535 to 1562, these were also the decades in which French trade with the New World was at its sixteenth century height, in terms of the North Atlantic fish trade, the still fledgling fur trade, and, most important for the cartographers, the rivalry with the Portuguese for control of the coasts of Brazil and the supplies of lucrative brazilwood. The bright red dye produced from brazilwood (Caesalpina echinata) replaced woad (Isatis tinctoria) as the primary dyestuff in the cloth industry in France and the Low Countries. The Dieppe cartographers used the skills and geographic knowledge of Portuguese mariners, pilots and geographers working in France to produce maps meant to emphasize French interests in and dominion over territory in the New World that the Portuguese also claimed, particularly in Brazil. (95) See, for example, Amerique ou bresill on the Desceliers mappemonde of 1550. (Fig. 33.)

The Dieppe mappemondes were produced during the period from the 1530s to the 1560s when France, led by Norman merchants and seafarers, appeared to stand on the threshold of acquiring an empire of trade with the New World. Engaged in an intense struggle with their Portuguese rivals for control over the resources of Brazil, the Normans also looked beyond

to the opportunities in Cathay and the Indies newly revealed by Portuguese and Spanish voyagers, and perhaps also to the fabled Southern Continent. Their cartographers drew on the cosmographic theory of their time and on such little definite geographical information as they were able to glean, mainly from their Iberian rivals, concerning these distant regions. They drew upon the work of their compatriot, Oronce Fine, who in turn was greatly influenced by Johannes Schoener and Martin Waldseemueller. Schoener and Waldseemueller attempted to fit the new geographical information brought back by Christopher Columbus, Amerigo Vespucci, Pedro Alvares Cabral, Ferdinand Magellan and their contemporaries into the cosmographic framework inherited from Claudius Ptolemy and Marco Polo, as conceptualized in the globe made by Martin Behaim in 1492. Schoener and Fine took Columbus at his word that he had reached Champa in 1502 by sailing westward from Spain. South America, designated "America" by Waldseemueller in 1507, and also as "Brazil" by Schoener and Fine, had an uncertain status either as an island continent or "New World", or as part of the antarctic continent, Terra Australis, or finally as an extension of Behaim's "India Superior"--the Cattigara peninsula (Indochina). The Jagiellonian Globe demonstrates an early stage of this development where South America is bilocated both in the western hemisphere in accordance with Columbus' measurement of longitude and in the eastern hemisphere in accordance with Ptolemy's measurement of longitude. The Dieppe mappemondes show the ultimate stage of this cosmography where the Southern Continent is confused with Brazil, South America is confused with the peninsula of Cattigara (Indochina), and Greater Java--Jave la Grande--is, like Schoener's and Fine's Region of Patala, made into a promontory of the Southern Continent. The outlines of Jave la Grande and the Southern Continent on these mappemondes are drawn, not from actual discovery and exploration of these regions by Iberian, French or other voyagers, but from the cosmographical ideas of the time. The Dieppe mappemondes are sincere attempts to show the geographical knowledge of those distant regions, incomplete and fragmentary as it was, and this explains those instances of duplication or bilocation of lands, which were alternative representations on the same map of the different explanations of their nature and location. The era of the Dieppe cartographers came to an end when the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew's Eve in August 1572 plunged France into the turmoil of the Wars of Religion, leaving their representations of Jave la Grande to puzzle subsequent generations.



































(1.) Alan Frost, "Jave la Grande", in David Buisseret (ed.), The Oxford Companion to World Exploration, New York, Oxford University Press, 2007, pp.422-3; and idem, "The Dieppe Maps", Terra Australis to Australia, no.1, January 1985, pp.6-12. Frost lists the Dieppe maps as: Jean Mallard (c.1536-40); Jean Rotz (1542); Guillaume Brouscon (1543); Jean Alfonse/Fonteneau (1544); the "Harleian" or "Dauphin" (c.1546); the "Vallard" (1547); Pierre Desceliers (1546, 1550, 1553 and c.1555); Guillaume Le Testu (1556); and Nicolas Desliens (1561, 1566 and 1567). Of the Dieppe maps, the Rotz (1542), the Harleian or Dauphin (mid-1540s), and the Desceliers (1550) have been reproduced in Facsimiles of Old Charts of Australia in the British Museum, London, Trubner, 1885; the Harleian, and the Desceliers maps of 1546 and 1550 have been reproduced in C.H. Coote, Autotype Facsimiles of Three Mappemondes, Aberdeen, 1898.

(2.) Alexander Dalrymple, Memoir on the Chagos and Adjacent Islands, London, 1786, p.4; cited in Stuart Duncan, "The Discovery of Australia: The Portuguese Priority Reconsidered", Victorian Historical Journal, vol.68, no.1, April 1997, pp.64-77.

(3.) The Argus, 4 February 1790; also carried in The New York Daily Gazette, 5 April 1790 and in other American newspapers, and in the Gazeta de Madrid, 26 Febrero 1790.

(4.) George Collingridge, The Discovery of Australia: a critical, documentary and historic investigation concerning the priority of discovery in Australasia by Europeans before the arrival of Lieut. James Cook, in the "Endeavour', in the year 1770, Sydney, Hayes Brothers, 1895 (Facsimile reprint Gladesville, Golden Press, 1983).

(5.) Kenneth Gordon McIntyre, The secret discovery of Australia: Portuguese ventures 200 years before Captain Cook, Medindie, S.A., Souvenir Press, 1977 (Revised abridged edition Sydney, Pan Books Australia, 1982).

(6.) O.H.K. Spate, "Jave la Grande: The Great Whodunnit", The Great Circle, vol.6, no.2, 1984, pp.132-39; P.L. Coleman, "Is 'Java La Grande' Australia?", Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, vol.72, part 3, December 1986, pp.191-203; Stuart Duncan, "Shaving with Ockham's Razor: a Reappraisal of the Portuguese Priority Hypothesis", The Globe, No.39, 1993, pp.1-9.

(7.) Gavin Menzies, 1421: the Year China Discovered the World, London, Transworld, 2002, Part IV, "The Voyage of Zhou Man"; see also the reviews of this work by Louise Levathes in The Washington Post, 19 January 2002, p.BW10, and by W.A.R. (Bill) Richardson, "Gavin Menzies' Cartographic Fiction: the Case of the Chinese 'Discovery' of Australia", The Globe, No.56, 2004, pp.1-11.

(8.) W.A.R. (Bill) Richardson, "Jave-la-Grande: A Place name Chart of its East Coast", The Great Circle, vol.6, no.1, 1984, pp.1-23; idem, Was Australia Charted Before 1606? The Jave la Grande inscriptions, Canberra, National Library of Australia, 2006.

(9.) Stuart Duncan, "The Discovery of Australia: The Portuguese Priority Reconsidered", Victorian Historical Journal, vol.68, no.1, April 1997, pp.64-77 (p.76).

(10.) Peter Trickett, Beyond Capricorn : how Portuguese adventurers secretly discovered and mapped Australia and New Zealand 250years before Captain Cook, Adelaide, East Street Publications, 2007; idem, Para alem de CapricOrnio, Lisboa, Caderno, 2008.

(11.) James R. McClymont, "A Preliminary Critique of the Terra Australis Legend", Papers and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Tasmania for 1889, Hobart, 1890, pp.43-52, n.b. p.50; and idem, Essays on Historical Geography, London, Quaritch, 1921, pp.16-18.

(12.) James R. McClymont, "The Theory of an Antipodal Southern Continent during the Sixteenth Century", Report of the Fourth Meeting of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science, Hobart, January 1892, Hobart, the Association, 1893, pp.442-462. McClymont probably did his case irreparable damage by saying, "In order to rectify the bearing of the coast-lines it is necessary to invert them, which can be simply done by placing the chart before a mirror" (p.451).

(13.) "Mais ces douze planches ne doivent servir que pour averter ceux qui navigueront de ces cOtes de prendre garde lorsqu'ils penseront qu'ils en approchent. Du reste, tout est d'ymagination pour ce qu'il n'y a encore eu home qui en ayt fait descouverture certaine"; quoted in Pierre Margry, Les Navigations Francaises et la Revolution Maritime du XIVe auXVIe Siecle, Paris, Librairie Tross, 1867, pp.138; cited in James R. McClymont, "A Preliminary Critique of the Terra Australis Legend", Papers and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Tasmania for 1889, Hobart, 1890, pp.43-52, n.b. p.46.

(14.) "cette terre est partie de ladicte Terre Australe a nous incognue car ce qui est merche n'est que par imagination et oppinion incertaine (fl.32) la terre figuree ici n'a poict encor este decouverte pour ce qu'il n'est memoire qu'aulcun l'eut encore cherchee et pour ce qu'elle n'est marquee que par imagination (fl.36)"; quoted in Paolo Carile, "Les recits de voyage protestants dans l'Ocean Indien au XVIIe siecle: entre utopie et realisme", Ana Margarida Faleao et al. (eds.), Literatura de Viagem: Narativa, HistOria, Mito, Lisboa, Cosmos, 1997, p.52.

(15.) Helen Wallis, "Java la Grande: the Enigma of the Dieppe Maps", in Glyndwr Williams and Alan Frost (eds.), Terra Australis to Australia, Melbourne, Oxford University Press, 1988, pp.39-81, page 76.

(16.) Helen Wallis, "John Rotz: His Life and Times", The Maps and Text of the Boke of Idrography presented by Jean Rotz to Henry VIII, Oxford, Roxburghe Club, 1981, Part I, p.66; idem, "Did the Portuguese discover Australia? The Map Evidence", Technical papers of the 12th Conference of the International Cartographic Association, Perth, Australia, Perth, W.A., 12th ICA Conference Committee, 1984, vol.II, pp.203-20; and idem, "The Dieppe Maps--the first representation of Australia?", The Globe, No.17, 1982, pp.25-50.

(17.) Helen Wallis, "Java-la-Grande and Australia", Unfolding Australia, The Globe Special Issue No.37, 1992, pp.I-12 to I-13.

(18.) Numa Broc, "De l'Antichtone a l'Antarctique", Cartes et Figures de la Terre, Paris, Centre Georges Pompidou, 1980, pp.136-49.

(19.) Muzeum Uniwersytetu Jagiellonskiego Collegium Maius, KrakOw.

(20.) Tadeusz Estreicher, Globus Biblioteki Jagiellonskiej zpoczqtku wieku XVI, w Krakowie, Nakladem Akademii Umiejctnosci, 1900, 18 pp; a resume, "Ein Erdglobus aus dem Anfange des XVI. Jahrhunderts in der Jagellonischen Bibliothek", was published in the Bulletin international de l'Academie des Sciences de Cracovie/ Anzeiger der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Krakau, No.2, February 1900, pp.96-105. Estreicher prepared a manuscript English translation in March 1900: A globe of the beginning of the 16th century in the Jagellon Library, Extract from the Official Report of the Cracow Academy of Sciences, Globus Biblioteki Jagiellonskiej z poczqtku w. XVI, No.12, January 1900, National Library of Australia MS 760/12/199.

(21.) "Australia's Discoverer. Was it Amerigo Vespucci?", The Sydney Morning Herald of 19 January 1911, p.8; I am grateful to Tom (T.W.) Campbell for drawing my attention to this article. Petherick was the Australian Commonwealth Parliamentary Archivist, historian, collector of Australiana and bibliographer, whose name is commemorated in the Petherick Reading Room of the National Library of Australia. On page 15 of the Introduction to the National Library of Australia's Petherick Collection copy of Coote, where Coote noted that Alexander Dalrymple had seen "a fancied resemblance between the east coast of Java la Grande and the east coast of Australia of Cook", Petherick has pencilled: "it was the East coast of South America repeated".

(22.) The clock was described in Charles Edward Guillaume, "Vieilles Horloges", La Nature (Paris), tome 2, no.996, 1892 (p.75).

(23.) Four copies of the gores for Waldseemueller's globe survive, the last having been identified only recently: Dalya Alberge, "First map to show glimpse of a country to the West", The Times, 14 April 2005. The only surviving copy of Waldseemueller's 1507 map is now held by the Library of Congress, Washington DC, and a high-resolution image of it can be found at

(24.) Frederick J. Pohl, Amerigo Vespucci: Pilot Major, New York, Columbia U.P., 1944, p.148.

(25.) Encyclopaedia Britannica, 9th edition, Volume X, 1874, pp.680-1; and B.F. De Costa, "The Lenox Globe", Magazine of American History, vol.3, no.9, 1879, pp.529-40.

(26.) Estreicher, "Erdglobus", p.101; in Polish, Estreicher wrote: "ze lad America noviter reperta na globusie Jagiellonskim ma rzeczywiscie przedstawiac Amerykc poludniowa, nie zas Australie, jak sie domysla De Costa"/the land, America noviter reperta on the Jagiellonian Globe in reality represents South America and not Australia as supposed by De Costa (Globus, p.15); and in the German version: "Ein solches Land is nur Sudamerica allein, und wir mussen annehmen, dass jene Insel Sudamerica vorstellen soll, freilich an einer ganz falschem Stelle. Diese Annahme wird zur Gewissheit, als wir auf dem Jagellonischen Globus finden, dass die Insel die Inschrift tragt: america-noviter-reperta.".

(27.) The Gores were reproduced in A.E. NordenskiOld, Atlas till kartografiens aldsta historia, Stockholm, 1889, Plate XXXVIIa.

(28.) Edward Stevenson, Terrestrial and Celestial Globes, New Haven, Yale UP, 1921, pp.74-5.

(29.) Milione: ilMilione nelle redazioni toscana e franco-italiana, Le Divisament dou Monde, Gabriella Ponchi (ed.), Milano, Arnoldo Mondadori Editore, 1982, p.540, Cap.clxiii, "La grant isle de Java".

(30.) James R. McClymont, "The Theory of an Antipodal Southern Continent during the Sixteenth Century", Report of the Fourth Meeting of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science, Hobart, January 1892, Hobart, the Association, 1893, pp.442-462; Paul Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, Paris, Imprimerie Nationale, 1963, Vol.II, p769.

(31.) Sir Henry Yule (ed.), The Book ofSer Marco Polo, London, Murray, 1921, Vol.II, pp.276-280.

(32.) "Credono alcuni scoperti in questo luogo da M. Polo il Paese di Lochac, e ch'avanzandosi 500. Miglia, trovasse l'Is. Penta, et il Regno di Malaiur, dei quali non havendo sene contezza maggiore, oltre le relaioni del med[degrees]. l. 2. C. 8. e. 9. raccolte da Ramusio nel 2. Vol.".

(33.) G. E. Gerini, Researches on Ptolemy's geography of Eastern Asia further India and Indo-Malay archipelago), London, Royal Asiatic Society, Asiatic Society Monographs vol.1, 1909, p.180.

(34.) Paul Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, Paris, Imprimerie Nationale, 1963, Vol.II, p.768-9.

(35.) Simon Grynaeus and Johann Huttich, Novus OrbisRegionum, Basel and Paris, 1532, Marco Polo cap.xi, "De provincia Boeach"; cited in Thomas Suarez, Early Mapping of Southeast Asia, Hong Kong, Periplus, 1999, p.160.

(36.) Sir Henry Yule (ed.), The Book ofSer Marco Polo, London, Murray, 1921, Vol.II, pp.280-283.

(37.) "Della Giava Minore. Varie sono appresso li Geografi l'opinioni del sito della Giava minore, collocando la alcuni sotto il Tropico di Capricorno secondo quello, che Marco Polo Patrizio Veneto scrive nel lib. 3 cap 13. altri credendola la Sumatra per le distanza, che n'assegna il medisimo Polo, altri volendola per l'Isola Cumbava, e qualch'altra de piu Moderni per la Nuova Hollanda."

(38.) "Cest Jave est un terre qui va jusques dessoubz le polle antarctique et en occident tient a la terre Australle, et du couste d'oriant a la terre du destroict de Magaillant. Aulcuns dient que ce sont isles. Et quant est de ce que j'en ay veu, c'est terre ferme ... Celle que l'on appelle Jave Mynore est une isle. Mais la Grand Jave est terre ferme". Jean Alfonse, La Cosmographie, 1544, f.147r, in Georges Musset (ed.), Recueil de Voyages et de Documents pour servir a l'Histoire de la Geographie, XX, Paris, 1904, p.388-9; also quoted in Pierre Margry, Les Navigations Francaises et la Revolution Maritime duXIVe auXVIe Siecle, Paris, Librairie Tross, 1867, pp.316-7; cited in James R. McClymont, "A Preliminary Critique of the Terra Australis Legend", Papers and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Tasmania for 1889, Hobart, 1890, pp.43-52, n.b. p.50; and idem, Essays on Historical Geography, London, Quaritch, 1921, pp.16-18.

(39.) See the map Java minor, Java major, Terre de Samatrez, in Jean Alfonse, La Cosmographie, 1544, f.147v, in Georges Musset (ed.), Recueil de Voyages et de Documents pour servir a l'Histoire de la Geographie, XX, Paris, 1904, p.391 (note 7).

(40.) Pierre Desceliers' 1546 mappemonde is reproduced in Alan Frost, "The Dieppe Maps", Terra Australis to Australia, no.1, January 1985, p.11. Original held by the John Rylands Library, University of Manchester.

(41.) George Percy Badger (ed.) and John Winter Jones (transl.), The travels of Ludovico di Varthema in Egypt, Syria, Arabia Deserta and Arabia Felix, in Persia, India, and Ethiopia, A.D. 1503 to 1508, translated from the original Italian edition of 1510, London, Hakluyt Society, 1863, "The Chapter showing how the Mariners manage the Navigation towards the Island of Java".

(42.) "Vastissimas hic esse regiones facile credet qui 11 & 12 caput lib.3 M: Pauli Veneti legerit collato simul 27 capite libri Lud: Rom: Patricii." Peter van der Krogt, Globi Neerlandici: The production of globes in the Low Countries, Utrecht, HES Publishers, 1993, p.64, plate 2.14.

(43.) Marcel Chicoteau, Australie Terre Legendaire: Recherches sur le Concept d'un Continent australien formule par des Humanistes francais de la Renaissance, Brisbane, H. Pole, 1965, p.45.

(44.) "et navigando in verso leparti di Oriente dico no essere terra di Piccinnacoli e opinione di molti che questa terra nadi a tenere et congiungersi per la banda di mezogiorno con la costa del Verzino: perche per la grandezza della terra del decto Verzino, no e per ancora da queste parte discoperto: el quale Verzino per la parte di ponente dicono congiungersi con le Antille del Re di Castella." National Library of Australia, Digital Collections, at

(45.) George E. Nunn, "The Lost Globe Gores of Johann SchOner, 1523-1524", The Geographical Review, vol.17, no.3, July 1927, pp.476-480, nb p.477.

(46.) Amerigo Vespucci to Lorenzo de'Medici, Seville, 18 July 1500; quoted in Frederick J. Pohl, Amerigo Vespucci: Pilot Major, New York, Columbia U.P., 1944, p.77; and quoted in Romuald I. Lakowski, "Utopia and the 'Pacific Rim: the Cartographical Evidence'", Early Modern Literary Studies, vol.5, no.2, September 1999; also at

(47.) J.W. McCrindle, Ancient India as described by Ptolemy, London, Trubner, 1885, revised edition by Ramachandra Jain, New Delhi, Today & Tomorrow's Printers & Publishers, 1974, p.204: "By the Great Gulf is meant the Gulf of Siam, together with the sea that stretches beyond it toward China".

(48.) Albert Herrmann, "Der Magnus Sinus und Cattigara nach Ptolemaeus", Comptes Rendus du 15me Congres International de Geographie, Amsterdam, 1938, Leiden, Brill, 1938, tome II, sect. IV, Geographie Historique et Histoire de la Geographie, pp.123-8; Louis Malleret, L'Archeologie du delta du Mekong, Tome Troisieme, La culture du Fu-nan, Paris, 1962, chap.XXV, "Oc-Eo et Kattigara", pp.421-54.

(49.) George Coedes, "Some Problems in the Ancient History of the Hinduized States of South-East Asia", Journal of Southeast Asian History, vol.5, no.2, September 1964, pp.1-14.

(50.) Adhir K. Chakravarti, "Early Sino-Indian Maritime Trade and Fu-Nan", D.C. Sircar (ed.), Early Indian Trade and Industry, Calcutta, University of Calcutta Centre of Advanced Study in Ancient Indian History and Culture, Lectures and Seminars, no.VIII-A, part I, 1972, pp.101-117.

(51.) John Caverhill, "Some Attempts to ascertain the utmost Extent of the Knowledge of the Ancients in the East Indies", Philosophical Transactions, vol.57, 1767, pp.155-174.

(52.) G. E. Gerini, Researches on Ptolemy's geography of Eastern Asia (further India and Indo-Malay archipelago), London, Royal Asiatic Society, Asiatic Society Monographs vol.1, 1909, pp.194, 213.

(53.) The Opus Majus of Roger Bacon, translated by Robert Belle Burke, New York, Russell, 1962, Vol.1, p.328.

(54.) J. W. McCrindle, Ancient India as described in Classical Literature, being a Collection of Greek and Latin Texts relating to India, Westminster, Constable, 1901, pp.19, 40, 124, 188.

(55.) "In eadem India Patalis, celeberrimo portu, sol dexter oritur, umbrae in meridiem cadunt/" (Gaius Plinius Secundus, Historia Naturalis, Book II, cap.lxxv, 184).

(56.) "secundum Plinium habitationem esse sub Capricorni tropico & ultra. Nam regio Pathalis insula dicitur habens portum celeberrimum ubi umbre solum in meridie cadunt, ergo habitatores ei habent semper Solem ad Aquilonem.... Dico igitur frons Indie meridianus pellitur ad tropicum Capricorni propter regionem Pathalis" (Pierre d'Ailly, Ymago Mundi, Louvain, 1483, cap.xi, xv).

(57.) Eva G.R. Taylor, review of E. Buron (ed), Ymago Mundi de Pierre d'Ailly (Paris, Maisonneuve, 1930) in The Geographical Journal, vol.77, no.3, March 1931, pp.290-2.

(58.) E.G. Ravenstein, Martin Behaim: His Life and His Globe, London, George Philip & Son, 1908, p.95.

(59.) Thomas Suarez, Early Mapping of Southeast Asia, Hong Kong, Periplus, 1999, p.92.

(60.) George E. Nunn, 'The Three Maplets attributed to Bartholomew Columbus', Imago Mundi, vol.9, 1952, 12-22, p.15; Helen Wallis, 'What Columbus Knew', History Today, vol.42, May 1992, pp.17-23.

(61.) C. Seco Serrano (ed.), Obras de Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, Madrid, 1954-55, vol.1, pp.223-5; Columbus' letter of credence is in A. Millares Carlo (ed.), Historia de las Indiaspor Fray BartOlome de las Casas, Mexico, Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1951, Lib.2, cap.iv, pp.219-20.

(62.) "Llegue a Cariay.... Ali supe de las minas del oro de Ciamba, que yo buscava". LetteraRarissima, Jamaica, 7 July 1503, in Consuelo Varela (ed.), CristObal ColOn: Textosy Documentos Completos, Madrid, Alianza Editorial, 1992, p.48.

(63.) George E. Nunn, "The Lost Globe Gores of Johann SchOner, 1523-1524", The Geographical Review, vol.17, no.3, July 1927, pp.476-480, nb pp.479-80. For a discussion of the early 16th century concept of South America as a peninsula of Asia, see George E. Nunn, The Columbus and Magellan Concepts of South American Geography, Glenside, the author, 1932, pp.12-13 & 49-51.

(64.) The maps are reproduced in Emerson D. Fite and Archibald Freeman, A Book of Old Maps delineating American History from the Earliest Days down to the Close of the Revolutionary War, Cambridge (Massachusetts), Harvard UP, 1926, p.15. See also W.A.R. Richardson, 'South America on Maps before Columbus? Martellus's 'Dragon's Tail' Peninsula', Imago Mundi, vol.55 (1), October 2003, pp.25-37, page 29.

(65.) "cristophorvs colvmbvs ... occidete versvs navigans ... pervenit ... ad provincia apellata ciamba ... habet vim avri maximam". Downloadable at National Library of Australia, Digital Collections, http//

(66.) Walter B. Scaife, "Brazil, as a Geographical Appellation", Modern Language Notes, vol.5, no.4, April 1890, pp.105-7.

(67.) J.S. Matos, "A navegacao atlantica portuguesa", Oceanos, no.39, 1999, pp.82-99; cited in Yuri T. Rocha, Andrea Presotto and Felisberto Cavalheiro, "The representation of Caesalpinia echinata (Brazilwood) in Sixteenth-and Seventeenth-Century Maps", Anais da Academia Brasileira de Ciencias, vol.79, no.4, 2007, pp.751-765, nb p.763.

(68.) Anne-Marie Beaulieu (ed.), Les Trois Mondes de La Popeliniere, Geneve, Droz, c1997, p.380 ; translated by James R. McClymont, "A Preliminary Critique of the Terra Australis Legend", Papers and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Tasmania for 1889, Hobart, 1890, pp.43-52, n.b. pp.47, 49. In 1582 La Popeliniere advocated colonization of the Terre Australe, "a land stretching from the South, or Midi, to thirty degrees from the Equator, of much greater extent than all of America, only discovered by Magellan when he passed through the strait between this austral country and the southern quarter of America on his way to the Moluccas" (Beaulieu, p.412).

(69.) Joao de Barros, Da Asia, Lisbon, 1777-1778, Vol.I, p.389-392; quoted in Olive Patricia Dickason, "The Brazilian Connection: A Look at the Origin of French Techniques for Trading with Amerindians", Revue francaise d'Histoire d'Outre-Mer, vol.71, nos.3-4, 1984, pp.129-146, p.140; see also Sir Henry Yule (ed.), The Book ofSer Marco Polo, London, Murray, 1921, Vol.II, pp.380-81.

(70.) Franz von Wieser, Magalhaes-Strasse und Austral-Continent. Auf den Globen Johannes SchOner. Beitrage zur geschichte der Erdkunde im xvi. Jahrhundert, Innsbruck, 1881 (reprinted Amsterdam, Meridian, 1967), p.65.

(71.) Hermann Kellenbenz, "The Role of the Great Upper German Families in financing the Discoveries", Terrae Incognitae, vol.10, 1978, pp.45-59, n.b. p.48. R. Hennig, "The Representation on Maps of the Magalhaes Straits before their Discovery", Imago Mundi, vol.5, 1948, pp.11-33.

(72.) Mark Graubard (transl),Tidings out of Brazil, commentary and notes by John Parker, Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 1957.

(73.) R. Hennig, "The Representation on Maps of the Magalhaes Straits before their Discovery", Imago Mundi, vol.5, 1948, pp.11-33.

(74.) Rolando A. Laguarda Trias, El Predescubrimiento del Rio de la Plata por la ExpediciOn Portuguesa de 1511-1512, Lisboa, Junta de InvestigacOes de Ultramar, 1973, p.137.

(75.) "Di sopra dal capo d BOasperaza verso garbi hano scopto una terra nova la chiamao d li Papaga"; quoted in William Brooks Greenlee (ed. and transl.), The Voyage of Pedro Alvares Cabral to Brazil and India from Contemporary Documents and Narratives, London, Hakluyt Society, 1938, p.120; and in A. Donald Trounson, "Psitacorum Regio (Region of Parrots): Fact or Fiction?", The Globe, no.30, 1988, pp.23-41 (Trounson is ignorant of the work of James R. McClymont, who simply and elegantly solved in 1889 the question posed by Trounson).

(76.) F.C. Wieder (ed.), Monumenta Cartographica, The Hague, Martinus Nijhoff, 1925, Vol.I, pp.1-4, "The Globe of Johannes SchOner, 1523-1524", and Plates 1-3.

(77.) idem

(78.) Gunter Schilder, Australia Unveiled, Amsterdam, Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1976, p.10.

(79.) First voyage around the world, by Antonio Pigafetta, and De Moluccis Insulis, by Maximilianus Transylvanus. with an introduction by Carlos Quirino, Manila, Filipiniana Book Guild, 1969.

(80.) Antonio Pigafetta, Relation du Premier Voyage autour du Monde par Magellan, Introduction par Leonce Peillard, Paris, Tallandier, 1984, p.128.

(81.) Post Ptolemaeum vero ultra 180 gradum versus orientem multae regiones repertae per quendam Marcum Polum Venetium, ac allios, sed nunc a Columbo Genuensi et Americo Vesputio solum [secundum?] loca littoralia ex Hispaniis per Oceanum occidentalem illuc applicantes lustratae [applicantibus?] sunt, eam partem terrae insulam existimantes, vocarunt Americam quartam orbis partem. Modo vero per novissimas navigationes factas anno post Christum 1519 per Magellanum versus Moluccas insulas in supremoriente positas....eam terram invenerunt esse continentem superioris Indiae, quae pars Asiae. Johannes Schoener, Opusculum Geographicum, Norimberga, [1533], cap.xx; quoted in James R. McClymont, "The Theory of an Antipodal Southern Continent during the Sixteenth Century", Report of the Fourth Meeting of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science, Hobart, January 1892, Hobart, the Association, 1893, p.455; and in Henry Harrisse, The Discovery of North America, London, 1892 (reprinted Amsterdam, N. Israel, 1961), pp.525-6.

(82.) Henry Harrisse, The Discovery of North America, London, 1892 (reprinted Amsterdam, N. Israel, 1961), p.583. Note that the Dictionnaire de Biographie francaise (ed. Roman D'Amat, Paris, 1975, p.1370) gives a very definite direction that Fine's name should be spelt without an accent: "Fine, et non Fine".

(83.) On his 1533 globe Schoener called it Brasiliae Regio. A high-resolution image of the 1531 Fine's map can be found at;seq=7

(84.) Museumslandschaft Hessen-Kassel, Astronomisch-Physikalisches Kabinett, Inv. Nr. U45; Hans von Bertele, Globes and Spheres, Scriptar/Swiss Watch and Jewelry Journal, Lausanne 1961, pp.27-28, pl.13. Personal communication from Dr. Karsten Gaulke, Sammlungsleiter, Astronomisch-Physikalisches Kabinett, 9 February 2007.

(85.) Lucien Gallois, Les Geographes allemands de la Renaissance, Paris, Leroux, 1890, (repr. Amsterdam, Meridian, 1963), p.92; Franz von Wieser, Magalhaes-Strasse undAustral-Continent auf den Globen Johannes SchOner, Innsbruck, 1881, p.65.

(86.) F.C. Wieder (ed.), Monumenta Cartographica, The Hague, Martinus Nijhoff, 1925, Vol.I, pp.1-4, "The Globe of Johannes SchOner, 1523-1524", and Plates 1-3.

(87.) Gayle K. Brunelle, "Dieppe School", in David Buisseret (ed.), The Oxford Companion to World Exploration, New York, Oxford University Press, 2007, p.238.

(88.) Albert-Marie-Ferdinand Anthiaume, "Un pilote et cartographe havrais au XVIe siecle: Guillaume Le Testu", Bulletin de Geographie Historique et Descriptive, Paris, Nos 1-2, 1911, pp.135-202, n.b. p.176.

(89.) "qui provient sans doute des globes de Schoener et des cartes d'Oronce Fine [sic]", Armand Rainaud, Le Continent Austral: Hypotheses et Decouvertes, Paris, Colin, 1893 (repr. Amsterdam, Meridian Pub. Co., 1965), p.291.

(90.) Jean Alphonse, La Cosmographie, 1544 ff.150r and 151rv, in Georges Musset (ed.), Recueil de Voyages et de Documents pour servir a l'Histoire de la Geographie, XX, Paris, 1904, pp.398 and 401-2.

(91.) C.H. Coote, Autotype Facsimiles of Three Mappemondes, Aberdeen, 1898.

(92.) Johannes Schoener, Opusculum Geographicum, Norimberga, [1533], f.21v ; quoted in Roger Herve, Decouverte fortuite de l'Australie et de la Nouvelle-Zelande par des navigateurs pourtugais et espagnols entre 1521 et 1528, Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, 1982, p.65, n.145.

(93.) "Cest Jave tient en occident au destroict de Magaillan, et en orient a la terre Australle" ... "J'estime que cest coste de la mer Occeane qu'est dicte coste Australle se va rendre en Oriant, a la Jave, du couste d'occident de ladicte Jave". Jean Alfonse, La Cosmographie, 1544, ff.150v and 159r, in Georges Musset (ed.), Recueil de Voyages et de Documents pour servir a l'Histoire de la Geographie, XX, Paris, 1904, pp.399 and 427. See also the entry on Alfonse in Dictionnaire de Biographie francaise, Paris, 1933, p.1491.

(94.) "Le cap de la Tourmente [Cap de Bon Esperance] et le cap Formose, qu'est a dire Beau, qui est en la terre australle du couste d'occident en la mer Paciffique, sont l'est et ouest, et prenent ung quart de norouest et suest, et y a de l'un a l'aultre six cens lieues.... Le Beau Cap est par les trente neuf degrez et demy de la haulteur de la polle antarctique". Jean Alphonse, La Cosmographie, 1544, f.158, in Georges Musset (ed.), Recueil de Voyages et de Documents pour servir a l'Histoire de la Geographie, XX, Paris, 1904, p.427.

(95.) Gayle K. Brunelle, "Dieppe School", in David Buisseret (ed.), The Oxford Companion to World Exploration, New York, Oxford University Press, 2007, p.237.

Robert J. King [2]

[1] Presented at Te Taki o Autahi--Under the Southern Cross, Wellington, 10-13 February 2008. I acknowledge with gratitude the assistance of Professor Stanislaw Waltos, (Director) and Karolina Zawada, of the Muzeum Uniwersytetu Jagiellohskiego Collegium Maius, Krakow, in providing the accompanying photographic images of the Jagiellonian Globe. I also thank the National Library of Australia for the use of the facilities of the Petherick Reading Room in preparing this article, and particularly Dr Martin Woods and his colleagues at the Map Room of the NLA.

[2] Robert J. King was from 1975 to 2002 an officer of the Australian Senate and served as Secretary of the Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade. He is now an independent researcher at the National Library of Australia in Canberra, Australia, with special interest in Australia's territorial and maritime boundaries. Address: c/- Petherick Reading Room, National Library of Australia, Canberra, ACT 2600, Australia. Email:
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