The Gawhar Shad Waqf Deed: Public Works and the Commonweal.
Gawhar Shad, the wife of Shah Rukh b. Temur (r. 807-50/1405-47), is remembered favorably in the Persian world even if the specifics about her contributions to Persian and Islamic cultures are hazy. Bazaars, colleges, roads, and squares are named in her honor, not just in Herat and Mashhad (as expected), but also in Kabul and Tehran. In addition to her public works, she was mother to the sultan Ulugh Beg (r. 850-53/1447-49), renowned for his scholarship in the sciences; Baysunghur, an exceptionally talented artist; and Muhammad Juki, another patron of the Islamic arts. Gawhar Shad's execution at age 81--an act that besmirched a Timurid sultan's name--was an ignoble finale to an exemplary life of public service.
This article examines the charitable trust deed and endowments (mawqufat) of 829/1426 of the Gawhar Shad Mosque, located inside the Imam Riza shrine in Mashhad, Iran, and some of the socioeconomic implications of its terms and obligations. The use of waqf as an instrument to advance social and economic policies has been demonstrated by Leonor Fernandes, (1) Robert McChesney, (2) Maria Subtelny, (3) and Christoph Werner. (4) Examples of socioeconomic policies supported by waqfs include the development of agricultural estates, the increase in agricultural production, and the maintenance of hydrological systems and mills. An integral aspect of the Gawhar Shad deed is the Sunni-Shi'i dimension: Gawhar Shad, the benefactress (waqifa), "junior" spouse to a staunchly Sunni sultan, conveyed to mortmain agricultural estates that were to generate revenue streams (in perpetuity) for the Gawhar Shad Mosque and the Shi'i shrine of Imam Riza. In addition to the Imam Riza complex, the indubitably Sunni shrine of Ahmad-i Jam at Turbat-i Jam (Iran) is a beneficiary. What does Gawhar Shad's display of munificence reveal about the state of Sunni-Shi'i relations in the Timurid period?
The waqf deed (Ar. waqfiyya; Pers. waqfnama) translated and analyzed below was edited by Mehdi Sayyidi with the support of the office of charitable endowments for the province of Khurasan-i Rizawl in the Islamic Republic of Iran. (5) It is a "critical edition" based on the scrolls housed at the above office. Previously, scholars had relied on the extensively redacted excerpt published by Muhammad Hasan Khan (1884-86) (6) and on a recension by Aziz Allah AtaridI (1992). (7) Sayyidi is critical of these two editors for their methodological failures, including failure to account for textual variations, (8) and he attempts to rectify these deficiencies through recourse to the four surviving copies (discussed below). Nonetheless, critical editions--like translations-can deduct value from primary sources: the author's intent may become distorted, consciously or otherwise, by the interpretations, experiences, and biases of editors and translators.
Few Timurid-era waqfiyyas have survived in comparison to the rich corpus from the Mamluk period. (9) Following a brief account of Gawhar Shad's life--a fuller study, including her contributions to Islamic-Persian art and architecture and the social and economic impacts of her sundry acts of munificence, is overdue--and a discussion of the deed and its socioeconomic policy objectives, the Sayyidi edition has been reproduced here, with Sayyidi's diacritical and grammatical markers adopted with a few minor emendations. The edition is followed by a glossary, annotated translation, and commentary. A preliminary map of three endowed blocks in the province of Jam is included (see Map 2 and appendix).
GAWHAR SHAD AND HER PUBLIC WORKS
Gawhar Shad was born ca. 780/1378f. to Ghiyath al-Din Tarkhan, an emir in Temur's (Tamerlane's) service, and married Shah Rukh ca. 795/1393. (10) Shah Rukh became the governor of Khurasan in 799/1396f. and later succeeded Temur (d. 807/1405) as sultan. Gawhar Shad's six brothers supported Shah Rukh in the succession struggles. The Tarkhans remained loyal and indispensable, serving Shah Rukh in the dlwan and army. (11) As the second wife, Gawhar Shad theoretically ranked lower than his first, but was nonetheless close (or, closer?) to Shah Rukh and intimately involved with his public works. She bore him three sons: Ulugh Beg (d. 853/1449), who ruled in Transoxiana, Baysunghur (d. 837/1434), and Muhammad Juki (d. 848/1444); and three daughters: Maryam Sultan, Qutlugh Tarkhan, and Sa'adat Sultan. (12)
Women of the Timurid royal family were prolific patrons of architecture and the arts. They commissioned mosques, madrasas, hospices (sg. khanaqah, ribat), caravanserais, and the like. (13) The quality of the buildings, however, was not always stellar. For example, Shah Rukh's first wife, Malikat Aqa, commissioned multiple building projects, three of them in Herat, (14) but by ca. 928/1521f. most were in ruins, partly due to neglect, (15) and partly due to the inferior construction not uncommon to the Timurid era. As miscellaneous Timurid royals and officials sponsored edifices hither and thither, quantity outpaced quality; senior royals and grand officials secured the best architects and craftsmen, virtually keeping on retainer architects from prominent architectural currents, such as the "Shirazi school." (16) Gawhar Shad's public works, though relatively few, were of superior quality. In Bernard O'Kane's estimation, she "was responsible for what were arguably the finest monuments of the Iranian world in the fifteenth century." (17)
Gawhar Shad's superb construction projects in Herat and Mashhad were due in part to her imagination and willingness to expend monies, and in part to the artistic vision of her architect, Qiwam al-DIn b. Zayn al-Din Shirazi (d. 841/1438). (18) He was responsible for, inter alia, designing the Sufi shrine of Abd Allah Ansari at Gazur Gah (Herat), (19) the Gawhar Shad Musalla complex outside Herat, (20) and the Gawhar Shad Mosque in Mashhad. (21) Her "Musalla" Complex is an ensemble of madrasa, mosque, and open prayer area (musalla), with four minarets standing about 120 feet high, and four portals (sg. iwan). In 1885, with the assent of Abd al-Rahman (r. 1880-1901), the "Iron Emir" of Afghanistan, the British Army destroyed the Gawhar Shad complex to provide clearer lines of fire for their artillery and to prevent the "advancing" Russian Army from obtaining cover. The Russians demurred (on this occasion). One of the demolishers, Major C. E. Yate, has described the beauty of the complex. (22) The mausoleum of Gawhar Shad, which holds her remains, those of her son, Baysunghur, and other Timurid royals, survived the rampage. (23) Only one minaret stands; three collapsed during the past century. The ruins of the Gawhar Shad complex hold, oddly enough, a destroyed Soviet tank.
The Gawhar Shad Mosque in Mashhad, an integral component of the shrine-complex of Imam Riza, has been extensively renovated and expanded by successive Iranian governments. (24) The original mosque (masjid-i jami') was erected in 821/1418 under the supervision of Baysunghur, a talented calligrapher. He designed the primary inscription for the man. (25) On 12 Shaman 821/14 September 1418, Gawhar Shad and Shah Rukh were in Mashhad on pilgrimage (ziyarat), for which reason Shah Rukh visited frequently. (26) The visit presumably involved an inauguration ceremony, although all that is said is that the Gawhar Shad Mosque was sponsored by Gawhar Shad. (27) The waqfiyya for her mosque was executed in mid-Rajab 829/ca. 23 May 1426.
Shah Rukh's death in 850/1447 set in motion a cycle of depositions, bloodshed, and devastation in Khurasan that lasted for years. Herat suffered several ephemeral rulers. The man who emerged on top was Sultan Abu Sa'id (r. 855-73/1451-69) of the house of Miranshah b. Temiir. In a dreadful bout of paranoia, and goaded by malicious tongues that she was conspiring against him, he commanded Gawhar Shad's death. She was executed on 9 Ramazan 861/31 July 1457. (28) Sultan Abu Sa'id was captured in battle in 873/1469 by Uzun Hasan (d. 882/1478), the chief of the Aq-Quyunlu Turkmen confederation of Iraq and western Persia. One of Gawhar Shad's grandsons was accorded the honor of executing him.
WAQF IN TIMURID PERSIA
A waqf is the conveyance by a settlor (waqif) of property (amlak, asbab) to mortmain (in perpetuity) with the designation of its usufruct (manfa'a) to named beneficiaries. (29) The settlor memorializes the conveyance in a deed and describes in its mawqufat section the principal (asl) immobilized, assigning the usufruct to beneficiaries. The settlor designates, inter alia, the conditions (shurut; sg. shart) of the trust, the trustee (mutawalli), and the protocols of succession for trustees. The trustee could be the donor, and the donor's heirs the beneficiaries. Hanafi law, which predominated in Timurid Khurasan, was the most efficacious toward the establishment of waqfs, allowing for the conveyance of movable property, "including cash and income-producing instruments such as the [land grant, SM] soyurghal." (30)
In the Timurid period, the public waqf (waqf-i khayrl, waqf-i'amm), established for the benefit of a public institution (mosque, madrasa, soup kitchen), and the family (or private) waqf (waqf-i khass, waqf-i ahli, waqf-i awlad), (31) established for the benefit of the founder, were ubiquitous. Lines between the two types were not clear-cut: founders of public waqfs could designate their progeny as beneficiaries; founders of private waqfs could designate Islamic institutions as beneficiaries. During the Timurid period, mixed waqfs (waqf-i mushtarak), which had both public and private purposes, predominated.
Timurid waqfs were not inherently tax exempt. Abu Hanifa, the eponym of the prevailing legal school, explains: "The productive lands in our territory are never exempted from taxation. This taxation consists either of kharaj or of 'ushr." (32) Waqf lands, even if exempt from the higher kharaj tax, pay "at least 10 per cent ('ushr) of the revenues." (33)
Gawhar Shad's waqf aimed to revitalize fallow lands (mawat). (34) Ordinarily, if fallow lands are revitalized (ihyd (>) al-mawat), there are significant advantages for the investor. (35) However, it is not clear how Hanafi law on ihya' was applied by the Timurids of Khurasan, and especially with respect to mawat lands conveyed into waqf.
A waqf, public or private, conveys the principle of maslaha, the commonweal, which the eminent theologian Abu Hamid al-Ghazall (d. 505/1111) defined as "the ultimate purpose of the Sharfa." (36) The waqfs trustee, who is is bound by its stipulations, must ensure the waqfs welfare; any discretionary powers permitted him or her pertain to the waqfs maslaha. (31) A common stipulation, for instance, is the prohibition of the sale of waqf assets; however, if it is in the best interests of the waqf that property be sold, lest, say, it lose significant value, the trustee is allowed to dispose of it. Certain assets are subject to depreciation in value: buildings, watermills, canals (sg. qanat); whereas other assets are subject to depletion: oil, water, grain. The example of a trustee's "duty to sell" assets that are threatened by decline in value is an advantage (maslaha) to the waqf; while there are advantages from the waqf that benefit people or public institutions, viz., considerations of public good. Commonweal implications may therefore flow naturally from a waqf depending on its terms and conditions--for instance, the construction of a hospital for the indigent.
THE PRINTED EDITION OF THE GAWHAR SHAD WAQFIYYA
The waqfiyya of 829/1426 was edited by Mehdl Sayyidi, who was given access to "verified copies" (sawadha-yi musaddaq) in the possession of the Waqf Office for Khurasan-i Rizawi Province. (38) He consulted four recensions. These were made later than the original deed, which was executed in Rajab 829/May 1426 by Gawhar Shad. (39) Copy A is Sayyidl's primary source-"the fourth recension of the original waqfiyya" (chahdrumln-i sawad at asl-i waqfnama ast)-which, according to the biographies of identifiable witnesses, was signed and sealed by ca. 1255/1839. Its calligraphic style is the "broken" nastaHlq script (nasta'llq-i shikasta). The text is written on a cloth scroll (pdrcha-yi chilwar), 290 x 27 cm, 155 lines total, with each line measuring about 17 cm. Fifty-one witnesses (sg. guwahl) and nine seals (sg. muhr) in the aggregate are on Copy A. (40) SayyidI breaks down the identifiable signatories from the oldest waqfiyya and its later recensions. (41) SayyidI's primary source is accepted as true and reliable.
Another recension, Copy B, although not bearing seals or signatures, is textually close to Copy A. It is 275 x 26 cm, 160 lines, 17 cm/line, in naskh script. (42) It is missing the final section, which presumably included the date of composition.
Copy C was located in the office of the Gawhar Shad Mosque. (43) It is in effect an undated "office copy," that is, a working copy retained for reference. It is missing the seals that would validate it legally. The fourth scroll, Copy D, reproduces the names of the witnesses to the original document but not the seals. (44) Reproduction of previously affixed seals is by a placeholder indicating where a seal had been affixed, with a transcript of the seal (where legible); fresh seals attest to the accuracy of the reproduction and the validity of prior seals and signatures. Copy D is dated 1188/1774f. The absence of seals (the case with B, C, and D) legally invalidates the document.
Sayyidi theorizes that the existence of these four later copies of the Gawhar Shad deed can be traced to its sixth condition: "Every few years the text of the waqfiyya must be renewed." (45) It is not known why the original waqfiyya, executed by Gawhar Shad, was not preserved after it was "renewed." Although it is also not clear which recensions were available to Ataridi and Khan (see supra, nn. 6, 7), I shall refer to Ataridi for comparative purposes.
READING THE WAQFIYYA: TEXT, TOPONYMS, AND MAPS
Thomas Welsford proffers two approaches to reading legal documents--the "evocative reading" and the "antiphonal reading." The first is "a hermeneutic approach [...] to construe as best as possible [the text's] most likely intended thrust"; the second focuses, for instance, on "details which we deem pertinent to some broader enquiry: prosopographic or toponymic data." (46) A hermeneutic reading of the Gawhar Shad waqfiyya is the commonsensical approach; but every approach is hindered by linguistic or terminological obscurities and drafting techniques. Furthermore, the drafters assumed familiarity with persons, toponyms, and landmarks.
Toponyms and economic data in the waqfiyya help us better understand the thrust of the endowments, but these raw data cannot always be translated into appreciable terms. To illustrate, a kapaki dinar (= six dirhams) was approximately eight grams of silver, but we cannot determine the dinar's purchasing power without knowing the prices of goods that comprised a household's bare essentials. Information of the type provided by Nasir Khusraw in his travelogue is ideal: near Qazvin, on 5 Muharram 438, one maund of barley bread was two dirhams. (47) Then we know that on 12 July 1046, 5.8 grams of silver coin purchased 3.50 lbs of barley bread (prices were high due to a drought).
Herd size (five hundred head) of sheep in the waqfiyya is another fact devoid of socioeconomic context. (48) What breed? Wool providers? We need to understand the dynamics of the region's sheep market (bazar-i gusfand) and the economic exchanges between merchants and pastoralists to truly appreciate the import of the allocation.
The waqfiyya is written in a combination of Arabic and Persian. This is not unusual for legal documents of the period, or even histories and chronicles. Medieval historians and scribes were trained in Arabic and Persian literatures and in the Islamic sciences, and many qualified as ulema. They wrote in formal registers and interspersed prose with poetry, Quranic verses, and hadith. This is manifest in the waqfiyya. Job security demanded that compositions be comprehensible primarily to the ink-stained functionaries. Timurid chancery scribes (sg. munshi) often used the ta'liq script, without dots, to prepare decrees, making the documents virtually indecipherable and incomprehensible to the uninitiated.
Toponyms present their own difficulties. Those with suffixes of dih (village) or abad (thriving, inhabited) are ubiquitous; and a prefix (usually someone's name) tends to be common. The toponym pattern of someone's name (fulan) plus abad is associated with water-the landlord is the waterlord. (49) Yesterday's Yusuf-Dih may be today's Ahmad-Dih from a change in ownership of farms, villages, or subterranean canals (kariz, qanat). The fulan-abad toponyms are more resilient than other toponyms. Nonetheless, the two in Jam province named in the waqfiyya, Sa'd-Abad and Jannat-Abad, have disappeared. Data from 1365sh (1985) reveal that the province of Jam had 834 active and 614 abandoned settlements, (50) the latter the result of major shifts in farming, irrigation, and vocational patterns. Even if a toponym can be located, its location from that in the waqfiyya, for instance, could be materially different, for names are not specific and a new settlement and qanat could have emerged near an abandoned settlement, yet retained the previous toponym.
The endowed blocks of land are located (1) in Mashhad, around the Imam Riza complex; (2) outside Mashhad, including the province of Tus; and (3) in the province of Jam. The location of specified shops near the shrine cannot be mapped; the vicinity has changed since Timurid times. (51) As for the toponyms for the provinces of Tus and Jam, Sayyidi identified several of them in Tus province near Mashhad. (52) He also identified locations beyond Mashhad, along both banks of the Kashaf River (see Map 1). (53) However, none of the toponyms allows us to sketch the boundaries of an endowed block. Sayyidi also published the geographic coordinates of several toponyms. His team scoured literary sources to find them, but they are generally estimates. The coordinates have been reproduced in the footnotes here but are not relied on if there are doubts, or if they do not allow us to sketch boundaries with confidence. This is not to impugn Sayyidi or his researchers: toponyms from six hundred years ago are difficult to determine.
Some agricultural estates outside of Timurid Mashhad, or in Tus province proper, were overwhelmed by the relentless sprawl of Mashhad. The historical city of Tus is now a suburb of Mashhad, known primarily for the mausoleum of Iran's national poet, Ferdowsi. Shandiz, a district named in the waqfiyya, is now northwest Mashhad. The province of Jam, however, presents a refreshing scenario. I have been able to draw the boundaries of two blocks (Blocks A and B in Map 2), aided greatly by Sayyidi's map, (54) and I estimated the placement of Block C (Map 2). One block could not be determined since Sa'd-Abad is not known. The boundaries sketched in Map 2 are not conclusive. (55) The placement of the missing Jannat-Abad is tentative and other toponyms are estimates. A single erroneous data point will distort the proposed boundaries.
Finally, the waqfiyya is but a snapshot of the settlor's intentions. There is no external evidence that informs how the trust was administered or whether Gawhar Shad's objectives were realized. Furthermore, since we do not have the original deed, we have no way of knowing whether the four consulted recensions were not subjected to excisions and interpolations. As Robert McChesney explains,
Ideally, every waqf foundation would leave a trail of legal documents beginning with the waqf deed. Periodic changes in the administration, subsequent court resolutions of litigation, government decrees defining the prerogatives of a waqf administration, and additions to the endowments of the original foundation all meant filing evidence establishing proof of claims and, consequently, generating records. For a full understanding of how any given foundation fared in its "natural milieu," we need the entire record. Single documents, however illuminating on particular economic issues, are records of specific moments in time. (56)
With these caveats and limitations in mind, in the commentary following the edition and translation of Gawhar Shad's bequest, three potential aims in particular will be discussed: benefactions to both Sunni and Shi'i institutions and the implications thereof; increasing agricultural production through the revitalization of wastelands (ihya' al-mawat); and increasing socioeconomic activities in Mashhad, Tus, and Jam.
GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS AND EXPRESSIONS 'alaf-i 'awamil fodder for oxen bazr seed, sowing of seed bazr-i qa'im seed that is in good condition (qa'im, "standing, erect, alive") buluk district; wilayat (q.v.) chah-ju well-digger dang one-sixth share of real estate daraz-dumbal buffalo or oxen daym-cha-zar diminutive of daym-zar (q.v.) daym-zar dry farm (i.e., no irrigation; rain fed) (daymi, "dry, unirrigated") ghalla grain, cereal (could also mean corn) gul-khan fireplace in a hammam; also furnace or stove; also kal-khan gusfand-i pushti "fat-tailed" sheep haqq al-tawliyya allowance for the waqf's trustee (e.g., 20% of revenue) haqqaba water rights harim boundaries of a property hawz cistern, tank, large reservoir hinta wheat (also called gandum) ihya' al-mawat revitalization of abandoned or uncultivated land ijara long-term rental or lease; cf. kiraya (q.v.) junbad (P. gunbad) dome, dome-chamber juy aqueduct, channel, rivulet, canal juy tahuna watermill (Ar. tahuna) juy-bar sluice, regulator, feeder channel kapaki dinar = 8 grams of silver kariz subterranean channel (Ar. qanat) karm, pl. kurum vineyard khana house kharaj muqdsama tax on the crop (generally fixed at 20%) khardj wazifa variable tax on the land kharwar (in Khurasan) - 300 kg/660.00 lbs (= 100 Herati mann; q.v.) kiraya short-term hire or rental; cf. ijara (q.v.) mann Herati mann ~ 3 kg/6.6 lbs masalih al-amlak improvements to properties mawat, mumat abandoned or fallow lands mazra'a sown field, hamlet muhassilana tax to support the tax collector mustaghillat properties available for exploitation mutasarrifat properties in the possession of someone muzara'a sharecropping contract; rent is percentage of future crop muzari'un sharecroppers nafaqat al-qanawat expenditures for irrigation systems qarya village, but could mean small town (cf. dih, "village, hamlet") rasm al-kifayah ad hoc taxes and tolls rasm al-sadara commission for the sadr (q.v.) sadr Timurid official with authority over most waqfs and ulema sahm share, portion sarawar-i zamin sarawar is uncertain; inferred as "plot" of land (zamin) shabana-ruz 24-hour water flow that is governed by local customs shair barley soyurghal royal favor; grant of territory with right to collect taxes suffa arcade, portico, estrade (raised platform) tahuna, pi. tawahin mills (gristmills) operated by animal power (cf. juy tahuna, q.v.) taqawi loan or advance of cash or seed to peasants tasarruf usufruct, usufruct rights, rights of disposal tiyul assignment of land or revenue (ushr 10% tax on agricultural revenue waqf-i khass, waqf-i ahli waqf established for private purpose waqf-i khayri, waqf-i 'amm waqf established for public charitable purpose waqf-i mushtarak mixed waqf (public and private purposes) wilayat province zabitana tax to support the tax assessor zawj-i 'awamil yoke of oxen (more commonly, juft-i gdw or zawj-i gdw)
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[[TEXT OF THE GAWHAR SHAD WAQFIYYA]] (57)
After  the doxology (In the Name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate) begins the prolegomenon, which is interrupted by [7-10] the insertion of poetry and [11-12] verses from the Quran.
[13-24] The moral foundations for the endowments are stated, the essence being that the cornerstone of the state is found in scripture; any government not properly grounded is like a spider's web, the flimsiest of edifices. (58) Those who follow God's guidance, however, shall surely prosper. (59)
[25-41] Sultan Shah Rukh is praised as the "Khusraw of his time and place, the world-conquering Alexander of the age"; and since "kingship and religion are twins," the Padishah is obliged to dispense "justice and kindness." (60) He strives to improve security and prosperity in the land and the happiness of his "flock" (ra'aya). (61) Pious and generous endeavors are imperatives of the state that will benefit everyone.
[42-51] Gawhar Shad is introduced with extensive praise and honorifics. Before describing her bequest, Q 3(al'imran):92 ("You will not attain piety until you expend of what you love") is offered as an explanation for her munificence.
[52-57] Gawhar Shad has willingly and lawfully transferred the properties that are being endowed. The designated properties are currently under the control of her agents and are free of hinderers, disputants, objectors, and shareholders. The estates have been registered and sealed with the proper authorities in conformity with the requirements of Sharia. Gawhar Shad has made these endowed lots lawful waqf for the Gawhar Shad Mosque, which she sponsored within the blessed confines of the shrine of Imam Riza.
[Properties endowed next to rawza-i sharifa]
[58-61] To the east [the block is bounded] by the blessed sepulcher and the resplendent grave within it; to the west [the boundary continues] at the public thoroughfare and the hospice founded by [honorifics omitted] (62) Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk, the son of the late Khwaja Hasan AM TusI, and the deceased Excellency's shops. Toward the north, [the block] is bounded by the small market that is waqf of the congregational mosque, (63) and [the mosque's] lands, which together are waqf of the aforementioned mosque. [The boundary] to the south [is] along the lands of the aforementioned waqf and the public thoroughfare. (64)
[62-63] The properties available for exploitation (mustaghillat), properties currently in the possession of someone (mutasarrifat), and the endowed properties (mawqufat) for this [waqf] will be minutely delimited and assigned, as explained in the detailed statement [given below].
 The endowed properties of the aforementioned congregational mosque in the province of Tus, the Holy Shrine city, (65) and the province of Jam. (66)
 [s A] The province of Tus and the Holy Shrine city of Rizawl (blessings and peace upon him).
[66-67] Mustaghillat: (67) [These properties] are not to be rented, [but should be] hired month to month, (68) unless additional shops are constructed. As long as buildings exist there, they may be rented. (69)
[68-71] Shast wa yak dar dukkan: The sixty-one thriving shops together with the previously mentioned masjid-ijami'. To the east, [the boundary is] the shop that is the waqf of the bazaar's mosque and the street; to the west, the shops that are the waqf of the hospice and cistern of Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk; to the north, [[it isTJ the house that is for the occupancy (tasarruf) (10) of the progeny of [honorifics] Amir Abd al-Hayy Musawl; to the south, [the boundary is] the land behind the previously mentioned mosque, (71) with all rights and whatever is within and without. Its revenues are designated as soyurghal. (72)
[72-74] Yak dar dukkan: one additional shop in the Bazuq section, (73) by the portal to the square. The first boundary, to the east, [extends] to the shop of Khwaja Nur al-DIn b. Khwaja Husayn, the baker; the second boundary to the shop of [honorifics] Sayyid Ghiyath al-DIn 'Ata' Allah al-Musawi; the third boundary to the caravanserai of Khwaja Sharaf al-DIn Husayn b. Khwaja MirkI al-Mashhadi; [and] the fourth boundary to the public road and its postern. (74)
[75-79] Further, one flourishing hammam in the neighborhood (mahalla) of Hasanaw, (75) opposite the hospice for darwishes, with three of the shops in front of the aforementioned hammam consisting of seven houses (khdna) (16) and three arcades (sg. suffa) (17) atop the woodceilinged hammam; with two houses, fully roofed with baked brick; and six plots of land (shish sarawar-i zamln) (1&) behind the aforementioned house; (79) the wood-covered fireplace, the well, and the wood-covered well-house. The eastern [boundary is] the house of Khwaja Zayn al-Din Ahmad b. Mahmud-i Mashhadi; (80) the western [boundary is] the street and the wide canal of Hasanaw; the northern boundary of this (an) and the southern [boundary] of this (an) [continue] to the thoroughfare, with everything within the [defined] limits and all privileges being a true and legitimate waqf.
[80-81] Further, chattels and pastures: five hundred head of fat-tailed sheep (gusfand-i pushtl),S] dated from this day, within the hamlet (mazra'a) [still] to be described; (82) with twenty head of [Zebu] oxen (daraz-dumbal), (83) which have also been made a lawful waqf, for delivery to Hasan b. Sa'd Allah Kiwani and his progeny, as described and defined.
[82-96] [Lot Tl] (84) Further, the entirety of the hamlet of Sa'd-Abad and the hamlet of SarDih, (85) within the district of Mashhad-i Muqaddas. (86) From the six shares of the aforementioned hamlet of Sar-Dih, one-half share is the waqf of His Excellency, now deceased, Amir Shams al-Dln Muhammad KarizI, popularly [known as] Mlr-Kariz. The four boundaries connected to one another (87) [are] the first boundary, east of it, [which] terminates at the Muslim cemetery and the passages of the dry riverbed (88) [[and]] [extends] to the lands of the orchard that is crown property, and to the house of [honorifics] Sayyid Fath Allah, the son of the late Sayyid Nur al-Dln Karizi, and the small garden and the estates of Ghiyath al-Dln Anbar, the son of the late Kamal al-Dln Husayn, son of Yahya, and to the estates of the hamlet of Ali-Abad, which is for the usufruct (tasarruf) of [honorifics] Hafiz Nizam al-Dln Ahmad, the son of His Excellency [honorifics], the son of Kamal, formerly of Mashhad. (89) The western boundary [extends] to the lands of the waterfall of the village (qarya) of Gulistan, (90) and the estates of Bi'all Baba, the waqf of the blessed sepulcher of [Imam Riza]. (91) QThe northern boundary]] [extends] to the shrine of [honorifics] Amir Shams al-Dln Muhammad Karlzl and to the public road. The southern boundary [extends] to the hamlet of Hanuqan, of which one-third share (92) is the waqf of the progeny of Harnldl, as popularly known, and partly to the public thoroughfare and the borders of the subterranean canal (harim-i karlz) (93) of the waterfall of the previously mentioned village [Gulistan], and to the hamlet of B-w-s-n-j-d, which is for the usufruct of [honorifics] Ala' al-Dawla Kamal al-Dln Munawwar, with everything within it, and all rights, additions and belongings, and whatever is within these limits that we have described and enumerated, be it large, small, or miserable; with eight yoke of oxen and 110 kharwar (94) of unimpaired seed (95) in equal shares from the properties mentioned. And seventy kharwar of grain [for] fodder for oxen (96) and loans, (97) with 1,500 kapakl dinars (98) for the maintenance of irrigation canals and for improvements to estates, have been determined for delivery to Salar 'A1i Shah b. Ya'qub Shah, Salar Najm al-Din R-l-k-ri Mashhadi, Shaykh Husayn R-k-b-r-k Chah-ju, and Salar-i Adina b. Pir Ahmad Nishapuri-yi Chah-ju." (99)
[97-103] [Lot T2] Further, regarding the feeder channel of the hamlet of Quzghan, (100) three shares in entirety of the water and land belonging to it, from a total of five shares of the hamlet of Khanaqah (101) in the district of Tabadakan, (102) which has its own water rights from the large canal of the aforementioned hamlet of Quzghan; with the lands, the citadel, and all that is added and allocated within these limits: the first boundary, [east,] terminates at the tiyul (103) lands of Yusuf b. Muhammad Qanuchl and at the Kashaf River. Its western expansion terminates at the previously mentioned tiyul lands, same as the first boundary. The southern boundary terminates at the riverbed of the aforementioned Kashaf River. The northern boundary extends up to the main feeder of the hamlet of Quzghan, from which the water rights of the aforementioned hamlet are determined, as explained above. With three yoke of oxen, 50 kharwar of unimpaired seed in equal shares, and 310 kharwar of grain in equal shares of loans and fodder for the oxen. (104) [This] has been allocated for delivery to Salar Darwish Ahmad b. Salar Muhammad Tawakkull and Sultan Bayazld b. Hasan Tawakkull.
[104-113] [Lot T3] Further, the totality of three and one-half shares from a total of six shares for the hamlet of Quzghan in the aforementioned province, in the district of Tabadakan, whose previously mentioned feeder has its own water rights, with lands belonging to it; with fifty dome-chambers roofed with sun-dried brick, and thriving shops. The four boundaries [are]: The first boundary, east, terminates at the lands and broad canal of Qarabuqa, (105) where one of the owners is Kamal al-Din T-'abi, (106) and partly at the small dry farm, [which] is the waqf of the previously mentioned congregational mosque [Gawhar Shad Mosque?]. The western [[boundary]] [extends] to the tiyul lands, among whose occupants is Qarawali (107) b. 'Umar Shaykh b. Ghulam Tawakkull, and to the riverbed of the Kashaf River of Tus. The southern boundary [extends] to the riverbed, the dam, and the canal of the aforementioned Qarabuqa, and the abandoned watermill, (108) and to [the watermill's] posterior, along the aforementioned riverbed. (109) The northern boundary terminates at the small dry farm of the aforementioned hamlet [Quzghan?], which is the lawful waqf of the blessed edifice [Imam Riza? Gawhar Shad Mosque?] mentioned earlier. With eight yoke of oxen to share in plowing the fields, (110) 100 kharwar of unimpaired seed in equal shares, and 500 current kapaki dinars and 50 kharwar of grain in equal shares for fodder, loans, and improvements to the estates, [all this] has been allocated for delivery to Salar Yahya b. Yusuf 'A1I Maymadi and Murad-Blk b. Hasan b. Tawakkull.
[114-119] [Lot T4] Further, the totality of one-half of the extent of the hamlet of Fayanl, (111) with the flowing subterranean canal, lands, appurtenances, and improvements, in the province of Mashhad-i Muqaddas-i Rizawl, in the district of Shandiz, (112) near Vlranyu. (113) With one twenty-four-hour period of water flow (yak shabana-ruz) (114) from the aforementioned village [Fayanl], as agreed between the partners and the landlords. The first boundary, to the east, [extends] to the mountain; the second boundary, [[west]], to the hamlet of Bllandar, (115) which is the waqf of the college [located] beside the aforementioned holy threshold [Imam Riza shrine]. (116) The southern boundary connects to the land of the hamlets of Malik-Abad and Naw-Chah, (117) which is for the usufruct of [honorifics] Sayyid Amad al-Din Mahmud Shah, son of Sayyid Muhammad al-Musawi. [[North]], to the lands of the aforenamed village [Fayanl], which is shared between the partners.
[120-128] [Lot T5] Further, the totality of the hamlet of Murghanan, (118) falling within the province of TQS and holy Mashhad in the district of Tabadakan. Of the six shares, five whole shares and one-half dang share, (119) and lands thereto belonging or allocated, with the canal of Kan-Blst, (120) which has its own water rights. The four boundaries [are]: to the east, connecting to and terminating at the tiyul lands and at the riverbed of the Kashaf River of Tus. To the west, [extending] to the canal of Kan-Blst and to the hamlet of Abu 1-Khayr Jard, (121) which is owned by [honorifics] Khwaja Ala' al-Din All, son of the late Khwaja Kamal al-DIn Mashhadl. The southern boundary connects with the lands of the aforementioned hamlet [Abu 1-Khayr Jard] and the riverbed mentioned previously. The northern boundary connects to the street and the hamlet of [Amir]-Ghan; with everything within the boundaries, added and allocated. The citadel with thirty domes (sg. junbad) roofed with sun-dried brick, the small orchard, with fruit-bearing and non-fruit-bearing trees, two yoke of oxen and thirty kharwar of unimpaired seed in equal shares, (122) 300 kapaki dinars, and thirty kharwar of grain in equal shares as a loan, fodder for oxen, and other things are allocated to Salar Qanbar b. Yusuf Shah Nuzar-Abadi.
[129-133] [Lot T6] Further, in totality, the small dry farm of Quzghan. The eastern [boundary extends] to the hamlet of Qarabuqa, above the aforementioned large canal, and Shadi-Shahr (123) and the street of the village of Maymad, (124) and to the Sanjad hillock, as popularly known; in the west, it connects to the hamlet of ... , (125) which is the waqf of the holy threshold [Imam Riza] as written above, and to the hamlet of Kan-Bist, [as it is] commonly called, above the channel of the previously mentioned hamlet of Quzghan. The northern [boundary] connects to the hamlet of Arqand, which is for the usufruct of Hasan b. Ali b. Khwaja Husayn AM Tawakkuli, and [connects] to the Camel Hill, [as it is] commonly called, (126) and to the mariq-amm. (127) To the south, [the boundary] terminates at the hamlet mentioned earlier, above the channel of the aforementioned Qarabuqa, with pastures and livestock, as explained above.
 [[section] B] The Province of Jam
[135-143] [Map 2, Block A] Further, in the province of Jam, the totality of the thriving estates in the aforenamed district, (128) consisting of flowing canals and the dam of the village of Naw-Dih, which is popularly known as Kariz-Dih, (129) with the mills and shops within the [following] four defined boundaries: the first boundary, [to the] east, terminates at the riverbed of the hamlet of Tirjird, (130) which is for the usufruct of the trustee of the blessed sepulcher of [honorifics] Shaykh al-Islam Ahmad [of Jam] (may God's light illume his exalted grave!). The second boundary, [to the] west, terminates at the hamlet of Jannat-Abad, (131) which is the waqf of the shrine of the Presence named earlier (hazrat-i mushar ilayhi), (132) and the small dry farm of the aforementioned hamlet. (133) The third boundary, [to the] south, terminates at the hamlet of Mazid-Abad (134) and at Las Kan, (135) which is [located] above the public thoroughfare. The fourth boundary, [to the] north, adjoins the crown estates and the large canal of Mukhalif-i Saray, (136) behind the first [eastern] boundary (pasln-i hadd-i awwal), (137) and the public road and hamlet of S-r-kh-m, where one of its owners is the celebrated Baba Ali Mast. From the territory described, all that [is] known and enumerated within it, small and large and derived from it, together with 100 kharwar of unimpaired seed in equal shares after the sowing of the seed by the village mentioned earlier [Naw-Dih], is allocated to Shaykh Bayazid and Khwaja Mahmud Jami.
[144-149] [Block not drawn in Map 2] Further, in the province of Jam, the flourishing territory known as the village of Sad-Abad, with estates, gardens, fruit-bearing trees, non-fruit-bearing trees, shops, and other things added and allocated within the four defined boundaries: the first boundary, to the east, terminates at the Samanjan village, (138) which is for the usufruct of [honorifics] Amir Ghiyath al-Din Abu 1-Fazl b. [honorifics] cAlac alDawla Bahadur. The second boundary, to the west, terminates at the riverbed, large canal, and lands of the dam of Mukhalif-i Saracy mentioned above, and the lands of the Tirjird village mentioned above. The third boundary, south, terminates at the dry riverbed. The fourth boundary, north, terminates at the small dry farm mentioned above and behind the abandoned lands.
[150-154] [Map 2, Block B] Further, in totality, the small dry farm of Surkhi, (139) [as it is] popularly called, in the aforementioned province, within the four defined boundaries: the first boundary, to the east, terminates at the lands of the aforementioned village, popularly known as Kuwanid. (140) The second boundary, to the west, terminates at the lands of the village of Kariz Bidagh, (141) which is for the usufruct of the agents of the Presence named earlier. (142) The third boundary, to the south, terminates at the back of the abandoned lands and the small dry farm mentioned earlier. The fourth boundary, [north], terminates at the abandoned lands and the small dry farm of the hamlets of Bardavand and Karizak. (143)
[155-162] [Map 2, Block C] Further, the entirety of the village of Saghu (144) in the earlier mentioned province and district, (145) with estates, vineyards, fruit-bearing and non-fruit-bearing trees, shops, and the hammam within [its] four boundaries. The first boundary, east, [extends] to the hamlet of Naw-Chah, which is for the usufruct of His Excellency, the Refuge of the Province (wilayat-panah), Kamal al-Din Hasan Mashacikh. The second boundary [no direction] terminates at the lands of the qarya of Asfar-Abad, which is for the usufruct of [honorifics] Khwaja Nizam al-Din (Abu 1-Fath) Mashacikh. The third boundary, to the south, terminates at the farms of Karghish, which is the waqf of the shrine of the abovementioned Presence, the Refuge of the Province; (146) with the livestock and pastures within the boundaries described and enumerated, and [all] things great and small, within it and from it, along with a payment of 500 kapaki dinars and the amount of 50 kharwar in equal shares of unimpaired grain after sharing the seed with the aforementioned village, are allocated to Salar Isma'il b. Salar Husayn b. Qasim Jami for the maintenance of irrigation systems and for improvements to the estates, loans, and other things.
 Conditions of the Trust (shurut-i waqf) (147)
[164-170] [Condition 1] Her Highness, the settlor identified earlier, has made the properties described above legally irrevocable mortmain of the [Gawhar Shad] Mosque (the best of Godcs rewards in both worlds!). One condition is that the trustee of the blessed buildings and the endowments described above should be a descendant of Her Highness, aforementioned, descendant to descendant, century to century. God forbid (nacudhu bi-llah) if the lineage of Her Highness, the above settlor, is interrupted, then the progeny of [honorifics] 'AlI Hamid al-'Alawi al-Mashhadi al-Rizawi should become the trustee of the endowments of the aforementioned buildings with the approval of the progeny of Her Highness, the aforenamed munificent settlor. If the lineage of Her Excellency, aforenamed, males and females, is interrupted, then one of the lofty and pious sayyids of Holy Mashhad-i Rizawi should become the trustee with the approval of the progeny of Her Excellency, aforenamed.
[171-173] [Condition 2] From the overall profits of the previously mentioned incomes and properties, a full ten percent is the trustee's allowance. Another ten percent is for workers, officials, functionaries, and the surveyor of the aforementioned buildings, the supervisors of repairs, and [everyone] who organizes important matters and maintains the above buildings and endowments, upon whose efforts everything depends.
[174-177] [Condition 3] A further condition is that for the aforementioned endowments, high-ranking and lesser officials may not enter [the endowed properties] nor demand the overseercs commission (rasm al-sadara), ad hoc taxes and tolls, the trustee's allowance, the "tax to support the tax collector" (muhassilana), and the "tax to support the tax assessor" (zabitana). (148) Functionaries and chancery officials shall not demand copies of revenues and expenses, nor shall they challenge the accounting ledgers. And in no manner small or large (bih hlch wajh min al-wujuh) (149) shall the previously described endowments be infringed. They [officials of the administrative diwans] should recognize that the dismissal and employment of functionaries, their stipends, welfare, corruption, and necessities remain the responsibility of the lawful trustee until the Day of Punishment.
[178-180] [Condition 4] An additional condition of the above-described endowment is that [assets] should not be invested for periods exceeding three years. (150) Until this investment period has expired, no new investments should be made. They [trustees] should not consider [earning] profits beyond lawful investments; and [they] must not contract with dominant and deceitful people. (151)
[181-184] [Condition 5] A further condition relates to the revenues of the endowments described above and other proceeds. Some of the profits, [at the discretion of] the judgment of the trustee, could be lawfully spent on pilgrims to the blessed shrine of Rizawi: the pious Arabs from Mecca and the city [Medina] of the Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him), and [other] travelers. This is without prejudice to the ten percent allocated for the trustee, and the other ten percent described above [i.e., Condition 2]. After maintaining the aforenamed mosque and meeting legitimate obligations, the trustee may engage in meritorious expenditures. (152) [185-188] Obligations [[in toto]]: (153)
Cash: 5,930 current kapaki dinars
Grain: 100 kharwar of wheat; 100 kharwar and 50 mann (154) of barley  The khums [viz., one-fifth] obligations to the prayer leader;
[189-190] The imam and sermonizer (khatib) of the [Gawhar Shad] Mosque appointed by the [trustee], and everyone appointed muezzin by [him], and everyone appointed by [succeeding] trustees to the aforementioned positions [shall receive]:
[191-196] 1,200 current kapaki dinars [[as apportioned below]]: (155)
Imam: 1,100 dinars
Khatib: 200 dinars cash [for] specific ranks (156)
Wheat: in the initial amounts [[as apportioned below]]:
Imam: 20 kharwar
Khatib: 5 kharwar
 Muezzins, as follows, and also for the stipulated permanent retainers:
Cash, 900 dinarsc (157)
Equal shares of grain, 20 kharwar
[198-199] Obligations to the chief Quran reciter (masdar), (158) the Quran memorizers, and the introducer (mu'arrif) (159) of Fridays and Mondays, (160) per the stipulation requiring the [trustee] to increase the [number of] Quran recitations on behalf of Her Highness, the aforementioned settlor.
Cash, 2,450 dinars
Grain, 100 kharwar
[200-202] The masdar: 30 dinars; equal share of 10 kharwar.
The memorizers who are eloquent reciters [of the Quran]:
2,100 dinars; equal share of 50 kharwar of grain The introducer[s] who are praiseworthy:
150 dinars; equal share of 5 kharwar of grain
[203-206] [Payments to] every one of the water-carriers and janitors whose contracted services are exemplary and who are not on leave:
Cash, 2,250 dinars; equal shares of...[kharwar] in wheat, and ... [kharwar] in barley (161) The water-carriers: 600 dinars in cash; 20 kharwar of grain
The janitors: 1,080 dinars in cash; 50 kharwar of grain [207-209] [Condition 6] (162) A further condition is that the endowments should not be bought, sold, or transferred. Every few years, the text of the waqfiyya must be renewed. With respect to the income from the endowed lands, a course contrary to the conditions and stipulations indicated herein cannot be followed.
 [Closing prayer]: "If anyone changes the bequest after hearing it, the guilt shall be on those who make the change"; (163) and "on them is Allah's curse, and the curse of angels, and of all mankind." (164)
 This lawful deed of endowment was executed in the middle of the sacred month of Rajab, in the year eight hundred and twenty-nine [ca. 23 May 1426].
Manifest policy objectives in the Gawhar Shad waqfiyya include providing revenue streams (in perpetuity) to help defray maintenance of and administrative costs at the Gawhar Shad Mosque, which the trustee is bound to diligently support. (165) Gawhar Shad nominated her family in the protocols of succession for trustees, but designated the eponymous mosque as the primary beneficiary of the principal (asl) and the usufruct (manfa'a). Other beneficiaries were allocated certain of the usufruct, with responsibilities that, if met, advanced Gawhar Shad's policy objectives: to repair hydrological systems and to increase agricultural production in sections of Mashhad, Tus, and Jam.
This was known as a "mixed waqf" (waqf-i mushtarak), with public and private objectives. The protocols established a putatively Shi'i lineage (al-Alaw! al-Mashhadl al-RizawI) as the alternative to Gawhar Shad's (Sunni) lineage. Beneficiaries of the Gawhar Shad waqf include the Sunni shrine-complex of Ahmad-i Jam and the Shi'i shrine-complex of Imam Riza, where the Gawhar Shad Mosque was its Timurid-epoch centerpiece.
The "divide" between Sunnis and Shi'is is often overstated, certainly for this epoch. Although Gawhar Shad's husband, Shah Rukh, established himself as a pious and conservative Sunni sultan, he made pilgrimage (ziyarat) to the ostensibly Shi'i shrine of Imam Riza (nine visits) as well as to the Sunni shrines of Abu Sa'id b. Abl 1-Khayr (six), Ahmad-i Jam (eight), (166) and Abd Allah Ansarl (countless times). Gawhar Shad's favorite shrines are not known, but it is unlikely that she diverged from her husband's affinities. Impartiality was not at all uncommon. Until the arrival in the early tenth/sixteenth century of the zealous western Shi'i Turkmen of the Qizilbash and Safaviyya, matched in zeal by the Sunni Uzbeks of Transoxiana, sectarianism in Khurasan was not pervasive, as is evidenced by the reaction to the news of the discovery in the late ninth/fifteenth century of the purported tomb of Ali b. Abi Talib, at Mazar-i Sharif, which prompted in Herat
an outburst of genuine fervor. [The sultancs] immediate recognition of the'Alid tomb site at Balkh and his appropriation of funds for its development and waqf endowment [...] was an opportunity for reaffirming devotion to [the Prophetcs family] within a politically and socially acceptable framework. (167)
The Gawhar Shad waqf's implicit commonweal objectives include (1) revitalizing fallow lands (ihya' al-mawat); (2) restoring hydrological systems and mills; and (3) increasing agricultural production and socioeconomic activities in the provinces of Tus and Jam. To meet these objectives, the waqf includes allocations for advance loans (taqawi), seed (bazr), the maintenance of hydrological systems (nafaqat al-qanawat), and general improvements to estates (masalih al-amlak) (see Table 1). Gawhar Shadcs revitalization efforts were focused on the province of Tus. Jam received no oxen, one award of seed (100 kharwar, Block A), one of cash (500 dinars,; Block C), and fifty kharwar for advances "and other things" (Block C). As noted, the value (purchasing power) of a kapaki dinar (six dirhams) when the waqfiyya was issued cannot be established. Beatrice Manz suggests that the kapaki was "fairly stable" under Shah Rukh and offers examples of purchasing power. (168)
Agricultural Production and Statecraft
The revitalization of fallow lands and explicitly or implicitly seeking to improve the lives of peasants is a pillar of sound statecraft. In his history Jami' al-tawarikh, Rashid al-Din (fl. 645-718/1247-1318), the Ilkhanid vizier to Sultan Mahmud Ghazan Khan (r. 694-703/1295-1304), waxes at length about the lattercs desire to improve the dismal condition of agriculture in Persia. Peasants had fled to other parts of Persia after the social and economic damages of the Mongol conquests were exacerbated by the abuses and exactions of Mongol viceroys and emirs, leaving the lands fallow. Following the logic that "when fallow lands are made to flourish, grain will be cheap; and when expeditions are mounted f...] provisions will be readily available. Money will also flow into the treasury and increase," (169) Ghazan Khan and his vizier implemented fiscal, economic, and administrative reforms. They amended tenure laws and rates and modes of taxation, and introduced financial incentives for the repair of hydrological systems and the revivification of fallow lands.
Although Temiir, Shah Rukhcs predecessor, was notorious for wanton cruelties and for erecting pyramids of skulls, he was a man of "extraordinary intelligence--an intelligence not only intuitive, but intellectual." (170) He understood the importance of agriculture in provisioning the army and in increasing socioeconomic activities and tax revenues. He initiated agricultural and hydrological projects. The Timurid chronicler,'Ali Yazdi, writes of Temur's intent to revitalize agriculture in occupied territories and to resettle peoples on estates. (11) In 1900 the descendants of the resettled 20,000 families were still residing in Khurasan, near Herat and Jam, where they were called TimQris. (172) Hafiz-i Abru, another Timurid historian, identifies the twenty canals constructed in the Murghab region (north of Badghls district), one of Temur's hydrological development projects. (173) The canals conveyed waters from the Murghab River to thirsty farmlands.
Temur's initiatives were continued by Shah Rukh. In 812/1410 he ordered the revivification of Marv, devastated in 618/1221 by an army led by Chinggis Khancs son, Tolui. Shah Rukh directed that waters of the Marv River should flow again, the Murghab Dam be repaired, and that fallow lands (zaminha-yi mawat) be revitalized (ihya (>)). In the first year, nearly 500 yoke of oxen were provided by the Timurid government. Turks and Tajiks from near and far migrated to the city and oasis of Marv and became engaged in mercantile and agricultural activities. Mosques, markets, hammams, hospices, and madrasas were built, and socioeconomic activities thrived again. (174) Into the late ninth/fifteenth century, the revitalized regions of Marv and Murghab were major producers of grain, rice, fruit, and cotton. (175)
Gawhar Shad's agro- and hydro-development initiatives inherent to the Gawhar Shad waqf are the continuation, in effect, of programs by the Ilkhanids and Timurids to restore irrigation systems and revivify agriculture in post-Mongol Persia. Gawhar Shad's waqf is evidence of sound public policy and statecraft.
Improvements to Hydrological Systems and Estates
Ilkhanid reform of land tenure, taxes, and irrigation ranked the status and tax rates of agricultural land in three tiers: Tier 1 were lands that had "water and irrigation canals and did not entail great expense or outlay of labor"; Tier 2 were "lands that needed moderate improvement, where irrigation canals had to be repaired or dug"; and Tier 3 were lands that required extensive improvements: the building of dams or the excavation of canals. (176) The tax rates applied following the expiration of the abatement varied with tier: the less the investor had at risk, the higher the rate.
The Ilkhanid model helps us understand the endowments of the waqf and the data in Table 1. Block A [135-143] was a well-resourced region that did not require funds for improvements to irrigation. Timurid Jam had an extensive network of channels, aqueducts, rivulets, and canals; it was well cultivated, with village agglomerations, small towns (sg. qasaba), and about two hundred active hamlets. (177) Only Block C received a small amount of cash for improvements. Block C is in Tier 1 of the Ilkhanid model: an area that could be quickly made to thrive with minimal effort and expense.
In the Tabadakan district of Tus, Lot T2 [97-103] had its own water rights and received no cash for hydrological systems. Lot T3 [104-113] and Lot T5 [120-128] had irrigation systems but required minor cash outlays for improvements (500 and 300 dinars, respectively). T2, T3, and T5 were Tier 1 agricultural estates. (The award in T3 could have been earmarked for restorations to the abandoned watermill.) Lot T4 [114-119] received no cash, advance loans, or seed. Lot T6 [129-133] was a small dry farm.
Lot Tl [82-96], in central Mashhad, received the largest award, 12 kg/26.4 lbs. Lot Tl is presumably Tier 1, perhaps Tier 2. The quantity of silver allocated is too small to finance extensive improvements (Tier 3).
The allocations of cash for improvements to the estates (sheds, silos, shops) and repairs to irrigation systems, in sum, were to enable the estates to produce as quickly as possible. The frequent title of salar or the nisba Chah-ju for recipients suggests (strongly) that they were professional managers or builders of hydrological systems.
The Importance of taqawi in Bringing Peasants to Work Fallow Lands
The most important aspect of Gawhar Shad's revivification enterprise was the advance allocation to peasants, without which Gawhar Shad's policy objectives would have failed. The interest-free loans took different forms.
The practice and term are recorded from Mamluk Egypt to Mughal India. (178) In general, taqawi is to be distinguished from musacada (Ar. "help"), interest-bearing advances to peasants in need. (179) Taqawi was coupled to state policy--albeit the policy of colonization--by the emir'Abd al-Rahman, who offered Pashtun colonizers taqawi to migrate north and farm Tajik and Turk lands. (180)
The "traditional" understanding (and the core of Ann Lambton's definition) is that taqawi is an advance of seed. (181) A second meaning is critical in the context of revitalizing fallow land: taqawi is the provision of food for the peasants in year one, sustaining them until the first harvest. The separate allocations in the waqfiyya for seed and taqawi make clear that they served different purposes. Gawhar Shad was using taqawi to feed the peasants.
Ordinarily, peasants were bound by tenancy (ijara) or share-cropping (muzaraca) contracts. The latter were prevalent in Persia; the peasants attached to the waqf estates in Tus and Jam were assuredly share-croppers. Rent pursuant to the muzara'a contract is a percentage of the incoming harvest; the tax (kharaj or 'ushr) is based on yield. The peasant subsists on what is left after having paid rent, taxes, and interest (if any). Since there is no stored surplus from previous harvests in the first year, the landlord has to feed them.
The investor seeking to revivify fallow lands (ihya' al-mawat) must provide the cash for repairs to hydrological systems and for other improvements--he provides building supplies, implements, oxen, fodder, seed, and comestibles. Cash crops, particularly saffron and cotton, were preferred over grain crops because they allow for speedier recoveries of investments-the longer between the start and the monetization of the first crop, the higher the investor's daily outlays. Enticing peasants to migrate to fallow lands was expensive, which is why the lands remained unfilled for extended periods and why Hanafi jurists included inducements to investors in their rules concerning revivification.
The allocations of taqawi in Tl, T3, and T5 are small. T2 receives the largest award, which means T2 had the most mouths to feed. After monetizing part of the taqawi to purchase fodder (oxen were not fed cereals of quality suitable for human consumption), the balance fed the peasants.
"A yoke of oxen" (Pers. juft, Tur. cift, Ar. faddan) was a measurement of the extent of land that a pair of oxen could plow in a day. Tl and T3 each received eight pairs of oxen and 110 and 100 kharwar of seed, respectively, which indicates that they had more tillable acreage than T2 or T5.
Increasing Socioeconomic Benefits and Tax Revenues
The revival of Herat, once peasants migrated to the estates, offers insights on the emergence of socioeconomic activities in revitalized regions. In 637/1239f., nearly twenty years after Herat was pillaged and ruined by the Mongols, three pavilions were erected near the east gate. Seven indispensable shops, including a blacksmith, butcher, baker, cook, draper, and grocer, opened for business. (182) Subsequently, schools, mosques, hospices, cisterns, caravanserais, bazaars, and such were built. The population swelled. This pattern was repeated (on a larger scale) in Marv after Shah Rukh's directive on revitalization.
One main benefit to state and society of the revitalization of fallow lands was the gainful occupation of farmers and their families. Farming opportunities offered them improved living conditions, viz., food, clean water, and dwellings. This is not to idealize the situation--conditions in Persia for share-croppers were less than ideal, but they were relatively better than a lifetime of abject poverty in urban slums, diseases from stagnant city canals, and malnutrition. Also, in keeping with the principle that "idle hands are the instruments of the devil," peasants on estates could be controlled and kept away from the "heretical" religious currents then challenging the Timurid state: the Musha'sha' of Iraq and Persia and the NOrbakhshiyya and Hurufiyya of Khurasan. (A Hurufi came close to assassinating Shah Rukh in 830/1427.)
Hanafi fiqh put the 'ushr and kharaj burdens on the share-cropper. (183) Landlords and share-croppers had incentives to maximize the yield: the trustee's share (haqq al-tawliya), ten percent in the waqf, was paid from the overall profits. The share-cropper subsisted on his share of the yield. The state also desired high crop yields: under Hanafi law, the state "was never to demand [kharaj] taxes retrospectively...the tax-payer is exempted from the payment of arrears in the case of kharaj." Sunni jurists therefore "held that the administration could hold the crop in field until it received its kharaj." (184)
A corollary benefit was increased revenues to the fisc from increases in economic activities connected to agriculture. Trade associated with agriculture (implements, wood, bricks, fodder), the employment of craftsmen (blacksmiths, carpenters) and professionals (water managers, well diggers), the engagement of transportation services, and the sale of goods and services to peasants by bakers, grocers, drapers, and the like generated fresh revenue streams. Shah Rukh's imposition of a twenty percent sales tax (tamgha) on transactions by merchants and craftsmen, payable in cash, (185) on which he added a two-and-a half percent zakat sales tax (in cash), had the secondary function of a customs duty on goods entering a city. (186)
In Timurid times, major shrine complexes such as the Gawhar Shad Mosque in Mashhad managed waqf estates. For the state there were pragmatic reasons to employ shrines as agroand hydro-managers. "With their staffs of administrators, accountants, agronomists, and hydrologists, the major Timurid shrine complexes possessed the professional expertise and resources to rationalize agricultural activity and to become efficiently run large-scale agricultural enterprises." (187) Moreover, the trustees were ulema and pillars of their community, who then customarily appointed key personnel (e.g., the water manager), agents (wukala'), village headmen (sg. rc'fis, kadkhuda), and religious leaders (e.g., imam, khatib, wa'iz). Appointees implemented the trustee's will; the trustee implemented the sultancs will. The trustee at Jam when the waqfiyya was executed, for instance, was the shaykh al-Islam, who was responsible inter alia for securing the waqf estates from destabilizing political or religious activities. (188) One of his appointees was the inspector of morals (muhtasib). Finally, the management of waqf estates by shrines had the potential to ameliorate tensions between landlords and tenants. "In an age of enormous financial inequity between the richest landowner and the struggling tenant-farmer, it was a means of mitigating the resentment of the latter," Robert McChesney proposed, "for a peasant might draw some satisfaction from knowing his rents were being used to support a valued institution." (189)
The following describes how Map 2 was devised.
Map 2 identifies blocks labeled A to C in Jam and serves to illustrate the estimated size of the endowed estates. The map was created with the benefit of Sayyidics map, (191) topographic features in Google Earth (not reproduced), and field work in the Jam region.
Block A: The lower end is 10 miles northwest of Turbat-i Jam. Its limits are estimated. The Miyan-i Jam mountains and piedmonts block westward expansion and form the western limit. Kanz-Dih, Jannat-Abad, and Mukhalif-i Saraci are best estimates. The eastern limit is east of Kariz-Dih, and the southern limit is south of Jannat-Abad and Kariz-Dih (but exactly how far east or south is a question). Mukhalif-i Saracy is the northwest corner. There is no toponym for the northeast corner. The northern boundary is a guess. Block A is about 10 x 7.5 miles, an area of = 75 sq. miles.
Block B: The small dry farm of Surkhi is presumably close to Qal'a-yi Surkh, two miles west of the Jam River. The western boundarycs location of Kariz Bidagh is given by Sayyidi, but this is 22.5 miles west of QafVyi Surkh, and is probably incorrect. The northern limits are Bardavand and Karizak. Block B is a narrow tract, 2.5 x 16.25 miles, = 40.63 sq. miles.
Block C: General location.
Lot Tl is central Mashhad and Lot T4 is northwest Mashhad. Endowments for Lots T2, T3, T5, T6 in Tabadakan district of Tus province cannot be sketched as blocks--too few toponyms are available that could be used. Other toponyms, Abu 1-Khayr Jard, Murghanan, Quzghan, Khanaqah, and Qarabuqa, run along the Kashaf River, between 36[degrees]18cN/59[degrees]44cE and 36[degrees]12cN/59[degrees]57cE, from north to south. This is helpful in understanding the proximity of the lots to a major water source. There are two other toponyms: Kinah-Bls, located several miles east of the Kashaf River, and Shadi-Shih, about twenty miles east of the Kashaf River. The last location may be incorrect.
SHIVAN MAHENDRARAJAH UNIVERSITY OF ST ANDREWS
This article relies on the 1386/2007 critical edition of the waqf deed of Gawhar Shad by Mehdi Sayyidi (infra, n. 5). I am grateful to him and his research team. Thanks to Hujjat al-Islam GunabadI, Director of the Kull-i Awqaf Office for Astan-i Quds-i Rizawi, for permitting me access to the archives in May 2016; and to Muhammad Taqi Salik (Kull-i Awqaf Office), one of Sayyidl's collaborators, for allowing me to examine the Waqfnamah-i Gawhar Shad scrolls and for sharing his insights. I am very grateful to my colleagues at the University of Tehran for the introductions that opened many doors. Warm thanks to Robert McChesney for commenting on an earlier version, to the two anonymous reviewers for their constructive comments, and to the section editor, Peri Bearman, for suggesting further improvements. Errors remain my responsibility.
(1.) L. Fernandes, The Evolution of a Sufi Institution in Mamluk Egypt: The Khanqah (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz, 1988), esp. 1-2,96-110.
(2.) R. D. McChesney, Waqf in Central Asia: Four Hundred Years in the History of a Muslim Shrine, 1480-1889 (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1991), esp. 3-20; idem, "Waqf and Public Policy: The Waqfs of Shah'Abbas, 1011-1023/1602-1614," Asian and African Studies 15 (1981): 165-90; idem, "Economic and Social Aspects of the Public Architecture of Bukhara in the 1560's and 1570's," Islamic Art 2 (1987): 217-37.
(3.) M. E. Subtelny, Timurids in Transition: Turko-Persian Politics and Acculturation in Medieval Iran (Leiden: Brill, 2007), esp. 148-63; eadem, "The Making of Bukhara-yi Sharif: Scholars and Libraries in Medieval Bukhara," in Studies on Central Asian History in Honor of Yuri Bregel, ed. D. DeWeese (Bloomington: Indiana Univ., Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies, 2001), 79-111; eadem, "A Timurid Educational and Charitable Foundation: The Ikhlasiyya Complex of 'A1I Shir Nava'i in 15th-Century Herat and Its Endowment," JAOS 111.1 (1991): 38-61.
(4.) C. Werner, "Ein Vaqf filr meine Tochter: Hatun Gan Begum und die Qara Quyunlu Stiftungen zur 'Blauen Moschee' in Tabriz," Der Islam 80.1 (2003): 94-109; idem, "Soziale Aspekte von Stiftungen zugunsten des Schreins von Imam Riza in Mashad, 1527-1897," in Islamische Stiftungen zwischen juristischer Norm und sozialer Praxis, ed. A. Meier et al. (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2009), 167-89.
(5.) M. Sayyidi, Masjid wa mawqufat-i Gawhar Shad (Tehran: Bunyad-i Pizhuhish wa Tawsi'a-yi Farhang-i Waqf, 1386J/I/2007), 100-102.
(6.) M. H. Khan, Matla' al-shams, 3 vols. (Tehran: n.p., 1301-3^/1884-86), 153-57. Khan excised endowments in Tus and Jam. His interests were the endowed shops near the shrine, the conditions (shurut), and the obligations (waza'if).
(7.) A. A. 'AtaridI, Tarikh-i Astan-i Quds-i Rizawl, 2 vols. (Tehran: Intisharat-i Atarid, 137UA/1992), 2: 743-54.
(8.) Sayyidi, Masjid wa mawqufat, 99.
(9.) Subtelny, Timurids in Transition, 166.
(10.) Sayyidi, Masjid wa mawqufat, 24.
(11.) B. F. Manz, Power, Politics and Religion In Timurid Iran (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 2007), 38-40, 43-44, 82.
(12.) B. F. Manz, "Gowhar-Sad Aga," Encyclopcedia Iranica, 11: 180-81; J. E. Woods, The Timurid Dynasty (Bloomington: Indiana Univ., Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies, 1990), 1-8, 43-47. Inevitably, little (if anything at all) is given in the chronicles about Timurid females, including Gawhar Shad.
(13.) B. O'Kane, "Timurid Architecture in Khurasan," 4 vols. (Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Edinburgh, 1982), 1: 161-68.
(14.) Ibid., 1: 163-64; see also T. Allen, Timurid Herat (Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert, 1983), 74-75 (catalogue nos. 472, 524, 528).
(15.) O'Kane, "Timurid Architecture," 1: 164.
(16.) On Shirazi styles, see B. O'Kane, "The Madrasa al-Ghiyasiyya at Khargird," Iran 14 (1976): 79-92; idem, "Taybad, Turbat-i Jam and Timurid Vaulting," Iran 17 (1979): 87-104.
(17.) O'Kane, "Timurid Architecture," 1: 161.
(18.) D. Wilber, "Qavam al-Din ibn Zayn al-Din Shirazi: A Fifteenth-Century Timurid Architect," Architectural History 30 (1987): 31-44; J. M. Bloom and S. S. Blair, eds., The Grove Encyclopedia of Islamic An and Architecture (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 2009), 3: 137.
(19.) Developed between 1425 and 1428. L. Golombek, The Timurid Shrine at Gazur Gah (Toronto: Royal Ontario Museum, 1969).
(20.) O'Kane, "Timurid Architecture," 2: 82-102, figs. 20-22. The Musalla Complex, of which Musalla here is a neologism used only since the nineteenth century, was developed between 1417 and 1437.
(21.) Erected between 1414 and 1418.
(22.) C. E. Yate, Northern Afghanistan, or. Letters from the Afghan Boundary Commission (Edinburgh: William Blackwood, 1888), 31-33.
(23.) Wilber, "Qavam al-Din," 34-35 (discussion), figs. 7-11.
(24.) For a history of the mosque, see Sayyidi, Masjid wa mawqufdt, 41-98; B. O'Kane, Timurid Architecture in Khurasan (Costa Mesa: Mazda, 1987), 119-30; L. Golombek and D. Wilber, The Timurid Architecture of Iran and Turan, 2 vols. (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1988), 1: 328-31.
(25.) The transcription is in O'Kane, Timurid Architecture, 123-24.
(26.) On his pilgrimages, see C. Melville, "The Itineraries of Shahrukh b. Timur (1405-47)," in Turko-Mongol Rulers, Cities and City Life, ed. D. Durand-Guedy (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 285-315.
(27.) Haflz-i Abru, Zubdat al-tawarikh, ed. K. H. Sayyid Jawadi, 2 vols. (Tehran: Nashr-i Nay, 1372^/1993), 2: 692-93;'Abd al-Razzaq al-Samarqandi, Matla'-i sa'dayn wa majma'-i bahrayn, ed. 'A. H. Nawa'I, 4 vols. (Tehran: Pazhuhishgah-i'Ulum-i InsanI wa Mutala'at-i FarhangT, 1372/1993; 1383/2004f.), 2,1: 261.
(28.) Al-Samarqandi, Matla'-i sa'dayn, 2,2: 810.
(29.) Studies on waqf, and on waqf in the Persianate world, that have informed this brief summary are A. K. S. Lambton, "Awqaf in Persia: 6th-8th/12th-14th Centuries," Islamic Law and Society 4.3 (1997): 298-318; eadem, Continuity and Change in Medieval Persia: Aspects of Administrative, Economic and Social History, llth-14th Century (London: I. B. Tauris, 1988), 130-57; McChesney, Waqf in Central Asia, 3-20; idem, "Waqf and Public Policy"; Subtelny, Timurids in Transition, 148-54; P. C. Hennigan, The Birth of a Legal Institution: The Formation of the Waqf in Third-Century A.H. Hanafi Legal Discourse (Leiden: Brill, 2004); K. S. Vik0r, Between God and the Sultan: A History of Islamic Law (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 2005), 339-44; B. I. Tarabulusi, al-ls'dffi ahkam al-awqaf (Beirut: Dar al-Ra'id al-'ArabI, 1981).
(30.) Subtelny, Timurids in Transition, 148-49.
(31.) On private waqf as "a preferred means of inter-generational wealth transfer," see Hennigan, Birth of a Legal Institution, xiv-xvii.
(32.) B. Johansen, The Islamic Law on Land Tax and Rent: The Peasants' Loss of Property Rights as Interpreted in the Hanafite Legal Literature of the Mamluk and Ottoman Periods (London: Croom Helm, 1988), 7.
(33.) Subtelny, Timurids in Transition, 161.
(34.) Fallow refers here to lands left uncultivated, but not due to agricultural cycles.
(35.) For Hanafi law on ihya' al-mawat, see C. Imber, "The Cultivation of Wasteland in Hanafi and Ottoman Law," Acta Orientalia 61.1 (2008): 101-12, at 102-3.
(36.) M. Khadduri, "Maslaha," Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Edition (Leiden: Brill, 1960-2004) (henceforth E12), 6: 738-40. See also M. H. Kamali, Principles of Islamic Jurisprudence, 3rd ed. (Cambridge: Islamic Texts Society, 2003), 351-68.
(37.) McChesney, Waqf in Central Asia, 11-13; Tarabulusi, Ahkam al-awqaf, 53-67 (trusteeship of waqf).
(38.) Sayyidi, Masjid wa mawqufat, 100-101, 127-34.
(39.) As Robert McChesney observed, the question of what constitutes an "original" legal document is complex; moreover, "in some sense all hand-written documents are 'originals.'" R. D. McChesney, "Reconstructing Balkh: The Vaqfiya of 947/1540," in Studies on Central Asian History, ed. DeWeese (supra, n. 3), 187-243, at 189.
(40.) Sayyidi, Masjid wa mawqufat, 105, 107, 109, 111, 113, 116, 118, 120 (Pis. 20 to 27). The seals, signatures, and text are clear and mostly legible.
(41.) Ibid., 128-34. Identifiable seals are transcribed.
(42.) Ibid., 123 (PI. 29).
(43.) Ibid., 124 (PI. 30).
(44.) Ibid., 125 (PI. 31).
(45.) Ibid., 99, 127. Similarly, in the Balkh waqfiyya analyzed by McChesney ("Reconstructing Balkh," 191-93), the trustee was required to read the deed before a public gathering on the Prophet's birthday. Its deed stated that six copies were held in specified locations, and every decennium, the document had to be reproduced.
(46.) T. Welsford, "The Rabbit, the Duck, and the Study of Central Asian Legal Documents," Der Islam 88.2 (2012): 258-78, at 260.
(47.) W. Thackston, Nasir-i Khusraw's Book of Travels (Costa Mesa: Mazda, 2001), 4.
(48.) To appreciate socioeconomic context, albeit from northern Afghanistan in 1976-77, see T. J. Barfield, The Central Asian Arabs of Afghanistan: Pastoral Nomadism in Transition (Austin: Univ. of Texas Press, 1981), esp. 91-101, 110-37.
(49.) See R. Bulliet, Cotton, Climate, and Camels in Early Islamic Iran: A Moment in World History (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 2009), 17-27.
(50.) I. Zanganah. Sarzamin-i Jam wa rijalan (Turbat-i Jam: Intisharat-i Shaykh al-Islam Ahmad-i Jam, 1384/2006), 19.
(51.) For a reconstruction of the mosque's boundaries, see O'Kane, Timurid Architecture, 119-20; see also notes in Sayyidi, Masjid wa mawqufat, 142-45.
(52.) Sayyidi, Masjid wa mawqufat, 159 (map 5).
(53.) Ibid., 156 (map 4).
(54.) Ibid., 164 (map 6).
(55.) See Appendix.
(56.) McChesney, Waqf in Central Asia, 20.
(57.) Two brackets signify Sayyidi's brackets; one is used for my own glosses in the text. The fifty-seven lines of prolegomenon that follow are summarized. They are not translated as English cannot adequately convey its verbose and ornate Persian and Arabic, nor is it necessary. In the waqfiyya analyzed by McChesney ("Reconstructing Balkh," 198), this section is missing from every surviving copy. It was surely considered superfluous. The doxology and the beginning of the prolegomenon are legible in Sayyidi, Masjid wa-mawqufat, Pis. 20, 21. The verses by Sa'di (Sayyidi, Masjid wa mawqufat, 138 n. 5) and the Quranic fragments from Q 16(a/-naft/):121, Q I9(maryam):37, and Q 37(al-saffat):117 are in bold script.
(58.) Cf. Q 29(al-'ankabut)A 1: "The parable of those who take protectors other than Allah is that of the spider, who builds (to itself) a house: but truly the flimsiest of houses is the spider's house; if they but knew" (trans. Yusuf Ali).
(59.) With reference to Q 2(al-baqara):5.
(60.) A fragment from Q \6(al-nahl):90: "Allah commands justice, the doing of good, and liberality to kith and kin, and He forbids all shameful deeds, and injustice and rebellion: He instructs you, that ye may receive admonition" (trans. Yusuf Ali).
(61.) For ra'aya's metaphorical implications in Persian traditions, see J. Perry. "Justice for the Underprivileged: The Ombudsman Tradition of Iran," Journal of Near Eastern Studies 37.3 (1978): 203-15, esp. 206-7.
(62.) Honorifics are omitted as they interrupt the flow. An example of a honorific: "the pole of poles and the pole of the religious experts" (qutb al-qutab wa-l-mudaqiqqln). Some honorifics are ridiculously tedious. Khwaja (Sufi master, doctor, professor, rich trader), emir, sayyid, shaykh, etc., are retained. There is minimal transliteration because the Persian text has been reproduced.
(63.) It is not clear which mosque this is.
(64.) See O'Kane, Timurid Architecture, 119 (trans. Khan, Matla' al-shams).
(65.) s A lists the endowments in Mashhad and Tus.
(66.) s B lists the endowments in Jam.
(67.) "Real estate in towns and villages such as shops, baths, and caravanserais." Lambton, Continuity and Change, 359.
(68.) The difference between hire (kiraya) and rental (ijara) is open to interpretation. In modern usage, kiraya and ijara are both used for lease, rent, and hire; however, kiraya tends to represent short-term contracts such as bus and taxi fares and freight charges.
(69.) The implication is that the properties are initially available for month-to-month hire, but with development, they can be leased for longer terms.
(70.) Tasarruf is a critical yet difficult word to translate. The usufruct of waqf can be assigned to third parties. Given how this waqfiyya was drafted, it is sometimes not clear if usufruct is being assigned or if a statement is being made, e.g., "the house occupied by." In ordinary usage, tasarruf means possession, use, occupancy; but not necessarily ownership. In the context of waqf, it also means free disposal, right of disposal, usufruct. As used in waq-fiyyas, tasarruf has been interpreted as "usufruct rights," "right of use." "right of disposal." See D. R. Khoury, State and Provincial Society in the Ottoman Empire: Mosul, 1540-1834 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1997), 81, 105; R. van Leeuwen, Notables and Clergy in Mount Lebanon: The Khazin Sheikhs and the Maronite Church, 1736-1840 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1994), 158, 178. See also Subtelny, Timurids in Transition, 266-67 n. 51; R. Kark, "Mamluk and Ottoman Cadastral Surveys and Early Mapping of Landed Properties in Palestine," Agricultural History 71.1 (1997): 46-70, at 50.
(71.) Both the masjid-i jami' and the masjid-i bazar have been mentioned. It is likely that the subject here is the masjid-i jdmi' (but the mosque's identity is not clear).
(72.) A soyurghal gave the holder the exclusive right to collect taxes from a defined territory. In theory, a soyurghal was perpetual and hereditary (A. K. S. Lambton, "Soyurghal," Ell). The soyurghal's beneficiary is not identified.
(73.) Bazuq may mean the trench (or moat, khandaq) by the city gate (Sayyidi, Masjid via mawqufat, 146 n. 41). In Ataridi's edition (Tarikh, 2: 747), mariq (schismatic) is in place of bazuq. Hence, mawzi'-i mariq, "the schismatics' section"?
(74.) Sayyidi (Masjid wa mawqufat, 110, 146 n. 42) vowels the text minhu al-maftah. It can also be read as minhu al-miftah (its key) or minhu al-mufattah (its opening). Here the Persian text is left unvowelled (see line 74).
(75.) Properly, mahalla-yi chah-naw. Ibid., 146-47 n. 43. Hafiz-i Abru, who completed the geographical part of his history around the time the waqfiyya was written, lists Chah-naw as one of Mashhad's seven neighborhoods. See D. Krawulsky, Horasan zur Timuridenzeit nach dem Tarih-e Hafez-e Abru etc., 2 vols. (Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert, 1982-1984), 1: 99. Mahalla-yi Hasanaw could therefore be a post-Timurid-period interpolation.
(76.) Room (utaq), rather than house (khdna), which was--and still is--used by Khurasanians for "room," may be the proper reading. Sayyidi, Masjid wa Mawqufat, 147 n. 44.
(77.) For suffa meaning arcade in this context, see S. S. Blair, "Ilkhanid Architecture and Society: An Analysis of the Endowment Deed of the Rab'-i Rashidi," Iran 22 (1984): 67-90, at 70.
(78.) Sarawar is not known. See commentary in Sayyidi, Masjid wa mawqufat, 147 n. 45.
(79.) It is not clear which house is being referred to here.
(80.) Cf. when tasarruf is used: "to the house that is for..."; but here, "house of..."
(81.) Fat-tailed sheep (Ovis aries) are found across Khurasan. Breeds include the Baluchi and Karakul. They are renowned for the mass of fat (dumba) of about 10 kg on hip and tail and are providers of milk, meat, and wool.
(82.) Could this refer to the mazra'a in Lot T6, below (lines 129-33)?
(83.) Daraz-dumbal are buffalo (gav-mish) or oxen (sg. daraz-dum, "ox" in the Khurasanian dialect); possibly the Indian humped oxen (Bos taurus indicus) known as Zebu, which can live in the torrid summers of Khurasan. I am grateful to Robert McChesney and Thomas Barfield for their insights regarding the livestock referenced in lines 80-81. Errors of interpretation are mine entirely.
(84.) The six lots in Tfls are labeled Tl to T6 for ease of reference.
(85.) Both toponyms, estimated area of 600 hectares, are now in central Mashhad. See Sayyidi, Masjid wa mawqufdt, 147-49 n. 49, fig. 33.
(86.) There was no district (buluk) of Mashhad-i Muqaddas in the province of TQs. Sar-Dih was one of the hamlets attached to the city. See Krawulsky, Timuridenzeit, 1: 99-100.
(87.) The boundaries are expressed differently in 'Ataridl, Tarikh, 2: 748.
(88.) Sayyidi gives bazuq (trench) (line 84); cf. ma'abir (pass, ford) in'AtaridI, Tarikh, 2: 748.
(89.) Is this referring to Amir Shams al-Dln Muhammad Karlzl?
(90.) The reservoir and dam reconstructed by Sultan Abu Sa'Id several decades after this waqf was executed is nearby. See W. Clevenger, "Dams in Horasan: Some Preliminary Observations," East and West 19.3 (1969): 38794, at 391; Subtelny, Timurids in Transition, 349-50 (translation of the sultan's edict on the Gulistan Dam project).
(91.) Cf. 'AtaridI, Tarikh, 2: 748 (the western boundary is not given).
(92.) Lit. two dang, for which, see Lambton, Continuity and Change, 354.
(93.) For harim, ibid., 451.
(94.) Cf. 'Ataridl, Tarikh, 2: 748 (100 kharwar). One Herati mann = 3 kg; one kharwar ~ 100 mann; hence, one kharwar in Timurid Khurasan = 300 kg/660 lbs.
(95.) Bazr-i qa'im: the seed for sowing has to be of high quality.
(96.) 'Alaf-i 'awamil; the root '-/-f presents difficulties in vowelling. I have chosen 'alaf (forage, fodder, provender) rather than 'alf (feeding cattle) or 'uluf (provisions for horses).
(97.) For taqawi, "advance made to a peasant when he first cultivates the land which he returns only if he leaves the land," see A. K. S. Lambton, Landlord and Peasant in Persia: A Study of Land Tenure and Revenue Administration (London: I. B. Tauris, 1991, '1953). 463.
(98.) A silver kapaki dinar "weighed approximately 8 gm and was divided into 6 dirhams at from 1.3 to 1.4 gm." B. Fragner, "Social and Internal Economic Affairs," in The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 6: The Timurid and Safavid Periods, ed. P. Jackson and L. Lockhart (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1986), 558.
(99.) The titles salar (ordinarily, commander, chief, headman, but in the context of hydrological systems, probably a hydro-manager, better known by the title of mirab or mir-abanih) and chah-ju (well-digger), particularly in combination, suggest professional managers or builders of irrigation systems.
(100.) Qazqan/Quzghan was located at 36[degrees]14'N/59[degrees]53'E. Sayyidi, Masjidwa mawqufat, 154 n. 67.
(101.) Khanaqah was located at 36[degrees]15'N/59[degrees]50'E. Ibid., 154 n. 68.
(102.) Tabadakan district had nine villages and forty hamlets. According to Hafiz-i Abru (Krawulsky, Timuridenzeit, 1: 95), the Imam Riza shrine held estates there as waqf.
(103.) Like soyurghdl, tiyul is a form of granted land; see Lambton, Continuity and Change, 363; eadem, "Tiyul," [pounds sterling]72,10:550-51.
(104.) The amount of grain (310 kharwar) is approximately 93,000 kg/204,600 lbs, which is far more weight for advances than for other allotments. See discussion and Table 1, infra.
(105.) The location proposed by Sayyidi (Masjid wa mawqufat, 154-55 nn. 67, 68, 70, 72) for Qarabuqa (36[degrees]12'N/59[degrees]57'E) appears to be too far from Qazqan/Quzghan; cf. Hafiz-i Abru (Krawulsky, Timuridenzeit, 1: 96), who lists under meadows (marghazar) of Tus, a Qarabugha (an alternative spelling for Qarabuqa).
(106.) Perhaps Taghabl. 'AtaridI (Tarikh, 2: 749) has Kamal b. Tagha.
(107.) Qarawal (sentinel, game-keeper) in "Ataridi, Tarikh, 2: 749.
(108.) For the watermills of Iran, which were mostly of Greek ("Norse wheel") design, with a few Vitruvian designs, and powered by water from streams or qanats, see E. Beazley, "Some Vernacular Buildings of the Iranian Plateau," Iran 15 (1977): 89-102, esp. 93-97; M. Harverson, "Watermills in Iran," Iran 31 (1993): 149-77; H. E. Wulff, "A Postscript to Reti's Notes on Juanelo Turriano's Water Mills," Technology and Culture 7.3 (1966): 398-401.
(109.) The sentence is written differently in 'Ataridi (Tarikh, 2: 749), with band (dam) missing altogether.
(110.) The owners share their plow teams with those who do not own oxen.
(111.) Fayanl is in northwest Mashhad, at 36[degrees]23'N/59[degrees]25'E. Sayyidi. Masud wa mawqufat, 155 n. 77.
(112.) The district of Shandiz is in northwest Mashhad. Ibid., 155-57 n. 78; in Timurid times it had six villages and many hamlets. Krawulsky, Timuridenzeit, 1: 95.
(113.) VIranI or VIranu (formerly a village in Shandiz district), now northwest Mashhad by the Shandiz Highway, located at 36[degrees]24'N/59[degrees]23'E. See Sayyidi, Masjid wa mawqufat, 157 n. 79; Krawulsky, Timuridenzeit, 1: 95.
(114.) Local customs ('urf or rawaj) control the water flow. On the logic of water regulation in Persia, see A. K. S. Lambton. "The Regulation of the Waters of the Zayande Rud," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 9.3 (1938): 663-73, esp. 663-67; on the shabana-ruz, eadem, "The Qanats of Yazd," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 2.1 (1992): 21-35, esp. 23-24; M. Bonine, "From Qanat to Kort: Traditional Irrigation Terminology and Practices in Central Iran," Iran 20 (1982): 145-59, at 148-52.
(115.) Bllandar (a hamlet in Shandiz) is located at 36[degrees]20'N/59[degrees]24'E. Sayyidi, Masjid wa mawqufat, 157 n. 80. It is still a tiny farming hamlet slightly removed from the urban sprawl.
(116.) The college (madrasa-yi 'ali) was sponsored by Amir Jalal al-DIn Firuzshah, military commander to Temiir and Shah Rukh. On Firuzshah, see Manz. Timurid Iran, passim.
(117.) Naw-Chah was apparently located south of Fayanl. Sayyidi, Masjid wa mawqufat, 158 n. 82. Malik-Abad is not known.
(118.) Murghanan is perhaps Murghanu, at 36[degrees]18'N/59[degrees]45'E. Ibid., 158 n. 83.
(119.) Since one dang is one-sixth share of a block of real estate, this amounts to one-twelfth of a share. Ownership is therefore five and one-twelfth shares.
(120.) Now Kinah-BIs/Kinah-Vis, at 36[degrees] 17'N/59[degrees]49'E. Sayyidi, Masjid wa mawqufat, 158 n. 84.
(121.) Abu 1-Khayr Jard/Gard, at 36[degrees] 18'N/59[degrees]44'E. Ibid., 158 n. 85.
(122.) Thirty-five kharwar in 'Ataridi, Tarikh, 2: 750.
(123.) Shadi-Shahr/Shadi-Shih. Now Shadi-Chih, at 36[degrees]09'N/60[degrees]05'E (upper Shadi-Chih) and 36[degrees]07'N/60[degrees]06'E (lower Shadi-Chih). Sayyidi, Masjid wa mawqufai, 160-61 n. 88.
(124.) Maymad is not known.
(125.) Dropped text. Perhaps Shahr-Abad, at 36[degrees]16'N/59[degrees]43'E. Ibid., 162 n. 90.
(126.) Ushtur-tappa (Tur. teppe): Camel Hill.
(127.) Bazuq-amm? Ibid., 162 n. 93.
(128.) Wilayat of Jam.
(129.) Kariz-Dih, at ca. 35[degrees]17'N/60[degrees]25'E; now Naw-Dih, west of Turbat-i Jam.
(130.) Tirjird, Tirgard, Khargard are earlier names.
(131.) Jannat-Abad is not known; it is not the town of the same name of Jam at ca. 35[degrees]35'55"N/61[degrees]08'20"E. The present-day village of Shaykh Lu (ca. 35[degrees]16'23"N/60[degrees]25'E) is believed to be in its location. See Sayyidi, Masjid wa mawqufat, 165 n. 97.
(132.) Hazrat is an honorific reserved for kings, queens, saints, and such, here for Shaykh al-Islam Ahmad-i Jam, a Sufi saint who died in 536/1141. Mushar ilayhi or ilayha are respectful references to exalted persons.
(133.) Not clear whether Jannat-Abad or Kariz-Dih.
(134.) South of Naw-Dih. Sayyidi, Masjid wa mawqufat, 165 n. 98.
(135.) Alternatively, Bas Kan or Pas Kan.
(136.) Mukhalif-Gah, west of the Jam-Mashhad highway, could be the Mukhalif-i Sara'y of the waqfiyya; at 35[degrees]19'N/60[degrees]17'E. See Sayyidi, Masjid wa mawqufat, 165-66 n. 100.
(137.) Sayyidi (ibid., 166 n. 101) doubts that this boundary description is accurate.
(138.) Samanjan is now Bagh-i Sangan North and Bagh-i Sangan South, located at ca. 35[degrees]18c28"N/60[degrees]33c14"E (cf. coordinates in ibid., 167 n. 104).
(139.) Qal'a-yi Surkh (Red Fort), at ca. 35[degrees]24TO"N/60[degrees]2lTO"E. Sayyidi, Masjid wa mawqufat, 167 n. 106. Other than Surkh-Dih (our Surkhi), Hafiz-i Abru (Krawulsky, Timuridenzeit, 1: 40) does not list any of the toponyms given here.
(140.) Kuwanid is probably a more a hamlet (mazraca) than a qarya, as given.
(141.) Kariz Bidagh, at 35[degrees]31'N/60[degrees]00'E. Sayyidi, Masjid wa mawqufat, 167 n. 108. The location appears to be incorrect.
(142.) Sayyidi (ibid., 167 n. 109) claims the "Presence" (hazrai) in question is Gawhar Shad. The Arabic mushar ilayhi/ilayha are both used in Sayyidics edition; in every instance, mushar ilayha unambiguously points to Gawhar Shad. The designation presumably represents the mutawalli of Ahmad-i Jamcs shrine.
(143.) The present-day toponyms for these two small towns are Bardu (35[degrees]27cN/60[degrees]08cE; 4,527 ft.) and KarizNaw (35[degrees]29'N/60[degrees]10'E; 3,707 ft.). They lie northwest of Qal'a-yi Surkh. Sayyidi, Masjid wa mawqufat, 168 n. 110.
(144.) Modern Samakhun (35[degrees]31'N/60[degrees]19'E) was apparently part of Saghu. Ibid., 168-69 n. 111.
(145.) Hafiz-i Abru does not name the districts of Jam, which now has five districts.
(146.) This might refer to the shrine of Ahmad-i Jam, the premier saint in the region, who is known as wilayatpanah and titled hairat. Kamal al-Din Hasan Mashacikh is not titled hazrat in the waqfiyya, and a shrine for him in the province of Jam is not known.
(147.) See OcKane, Timurid Architecture, 126-27, where the conditions in Khan, Matlac al-shams, are translated or summarized. The conditions in Ataridi (Tarlkh, 2: 752-53) are generally in agreement with Sayyidi's edition.
(148.) On rasm al-sadara, muhassilana, zabitana, and other taxes, see V. Minorsky, "A cSoyurghalc of Qasim b. Jahangir Aq-qoyunlu (903/1498)," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 9.4 (1939): 927-60, at 950; M. Subtelny, "Socioeconomic Bases of Cultural Patronage under the Later Timurids," International Journal of Middle East Studies 20.4 (1988): 479-505, at 501 n. 79.
(149.) A proscriptive phrase frequently found in waqfiyyas, decrees, and grants of soyurghal.
(150.) This was a common provision in waqfiyyas. For one from the early Timurid era, see A. Iwatake, "The Waqf of a Timurid Amir," in Persian Documents: Social History of Iran and Turan in the Fifteenth to Nineteenth Centuries, ed. N. Kondo (London: Routledge. 2003), 87-103, at 97 (condition 4). One to three years were reasonable periods and such leases protected the lessor, allowing an adjustment with the market. Long leases could lead to rents that hampered the market, particularly in prime locations such as bazaars. See, for example, M. E. Bonine, "Islam and Commerce: Waqf and the Bazaar of Yazd, Iran," Erdkunde 41 (1987): 182-96, esp. 190-93 and table 4.
(151.) A common provision; see also Lambton, "Awqaf in Persia," 302; Subtelny, Timurids in Transition, 160.
(152.) Since a literal translation of this Persian phrase renders unwieldy sentences, its intention has been translated. See also OcKane, Timurid Architecture, 126-27.
(153.) The raw data have been reproduced, but information concerning payment frequencies and other administrative factors is unknown.
(154.) 100 mann = 1 kharwar, hence 100.50 kharwar of barley.
(155.) The figures do not add up correctly.
(156.) Shared within the specified ranks. How this was determined is not known.
(157.) Another copy of the waqfiyya has 30 dinars.
(158.) Masdar or sadr al-huffaz.
(159.) A mucarrif could be a hafiz.
(160.) "Fridays and Mondays" refers to a practice whereby a settlor would designate days of the week for sermons (wa'z) and remembrance (tagakkur). This designation is found in an Ilkhanid waqf from Yazd. Sayyidi, Masjid wa mawqufat, 172 n. 130. In the Gawhar Shad waqfiyya, the duties of introducer and muezzin are separate. An introducer will praise Gawhar Shad before the recitals performed on Mondays and Fridays.
(161.) No figures for wheat and barley are given in the Sayyidi edition (see 1. 204). but Copy C, a less reliable recension, lists 180 kharwar of wheat and 30 kharwar of barley.
(162.) Condition 6 may have been overlooked and inserted later.
(164.) Q 2(al-baqara)A6l; see also Q 3(al Umran): 87. The fragments are strung together to form the warning.
(165.) A waqf is the indispensable complement to public institutions; "it was the endowment established for their maintenance and for the support of the activities they housed that guaranteed their permanence and ensured their viability as social institutions." Subtelny, "Timurid Educational and Charitable Foundation," 38.
(166.) Melville, "Itineraries of Shahrukh." Shah Rukh frequented other shrines as well.
(167.) McChesney, Waqf in Central Asia, 35.
(168.) Manz, Timurid Iran, 85-86. In Table 1, the kapaki dinars have been converted to their approximate silver weights. The purity of the silver in a dinar and the actual weight of each coin determined the total value. Merchants snipped or shaved the coins they handled; thus, a hoard of coins would weigh less than it should.
(169.) Rashid al-Din. Jamic al-tawarikh, in Classical Writings of the Medieval Islamic World: Persian Histories of the Mongol Dynasties, tr. W. M. Thackston, 3 vols. (London: I. B. Tauris, 2012), 3: 529.
(170.) B. F. Manz, The Rise and Rule of Tamerlane (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1989), 16.
(171.) Sharaf al-Din'Ali Yazdi, Zafarnama, ed. M. Abbasi, 2 vols. (Tehran: Amir Kabir, 1336sh/l957), 2: 17-18; I. Aka, "The Agricultural and Commercial Activities of the Timurids in the First Half of the 15th Century," Oriente Moderno 15.2 (1996): 9-21, at 10.
(172.) C. E. Yate, Khurasan and Sistan (Edinburgh: William Blackwood, 1900), 38.
(173.) Krawulsky, Timuridenzeit, 1: 32. For Temur's other projects, see Subtelny, Timurids in Transition, 124-25.
(174.) Hafiz-i Abru, Zubdat al-tawarikh, 1: 337-40; al-Samarqandi, Matlac-i sacdayn, 2.1: 115-16; Krawulsky, Timuridenzeil, 1: 60-61; Aka, "Agricultural and Commercial Activities." 12; Subtelny, Timurids in Transition, 125.
(175.) Zamchi Isfizari, Rawiat al-jannat fi awsaf-i madinat-i Harat. ed. M. K. Imam, 2 vols. (Tehran: Danishgah-i Tihran, 1338sh/1959), 1: 172-73.
(176.) Rashid al-Din, Jami' al-tawarikh, 529-30.
(177.) Krawulsky, Timuridenzeil, 1: 40-41.
(178.) S. Tsugitaka, State and Rural Society in Medieval Islam: Sultans, Muqtacs and Fallahun (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1997); I. Habib, The Agrarian System of Mughal India: 1556-1707 (Bombay: Asia Pub. House, 1963, and many editions since), respectively.
(179.) Lambton, Landlord and Peasant, 381-82.
(180.) N. Tapper, "Abd al-Rahmancs North-West Frontier: The Pashtun Colonisation of Afghan Turkistan," in The Conflict of Tribe and State in Iran and Afghanistan, ed. R. Tapper (New York: St. Martincs Press, 1983), 233-61.
(181.) Lambton, Landlord and Peasant, 463: "advance made to a peasant when he first cultivates the land which he returns only if he leaves the land."
(182.) Sayf al-Harawi, Tarikhnamah-i Harat, ed., Gh.-R. Tabatabaci-Majd (Tehran: Intisharat-i Asatir, 1383/2004), 154.
(183.) Johansen, Land Tax, 15-17.
(184.) H. Modarressi Tabatabaci, Kharaj in Islamic Law (London: H. M. Tabatabaci, 1983), 184-85. We do not know how this tax was collected under Shah Rukh. There was variation in rates and practices across Persia. In western regions during the late ninth/fifteenth century, for example, the tax was as high as 33% of the yield.
(185.) Fragner, "Social and Internal Economic Affairs," 539-40; F. J. Hecker, "A Fifteenth-Century Chinese Diplomat in Herat," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 3.1 (1993): 85-98, at 91.
(186.) The applicable rates and the means of collection varied greatly over time. The arbitrary and capricious nature of Timurid taxes and imposts and the rapaciousness of Timurid taxmen are why the Gawhar Shad waqfiyya includes Condition 3 (lines 174-77).
(187.) Subtelny, Timurids in Transition, 199, referencing the shrines of Imam Riza and Abdallah Ansari.
(188.) For the function of the shaykh al-Islam in Timurid times, see S. Mahendrarajah, "The Shaykh al-Islam in Medieval Khurasan," Afghanistan 1.2 (2018): 257-81.
(189.) McChesney, "Economic and Social Aspects," 224.
(190.) Sayyidi, Masjid wa Mawqufat, 164 (map 6).
Table I. Allocations of cash , oxen , seed, and taqawi in Tus Province District Text Yoke of Lot (wilayat) (buluk) Location (lines) oxen Tl Tus Mashhad Central 82-96 8 Mashhad T2 Tus Tabadakan East, along the 97-103 3 Kashaf River T3 Tus Tabadakan East, along the 104-113 8 Kashaf River T4 Tus Shandiz Northwest 114-119 0 Mashhad T5 Tus Tabadakan East, along the 120-128 2 Kashaf River T6 Tus Tabadakan East, along the 129-133 0 Kashaf River bazr bazr Lot (kharwar) (kg/lbs) Tl 110 33,000 kg/ 72,600 lbs T2 50 15,000 kg/ 33,000 lbs T3 100 30,000 kg/ 66,000 lbs T4 0 n/a T5 30 9,000 kg/ 19,800 lbs T6 0 n/a taqawi taqawi Cash Weight of cash ([congruent to] 8 Lot (kharwar) (kg/lbs) (dinars) gm silver per dinar) Tl 70 21,000 kg/ 1,500 12 kg/26.4 lbs 46,200 lbs T2 310 93,000 kg/ 0 n/a 204,600 lbs T3 50 15,000 kg/ 500 4 kg/8.8 lbs 33,000 lbs T4 0 n/a 0 n/a T5 30 9,000 kg/ 300 2.4 kg/5.28 lbs 19,800 lbs T6 0 n/a 0 n/a
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|Publication:||The Journal of the American Oriental Society|
|Date:||Oct 1, 2018|
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