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The Civic Alliance Party.


The Civic Alliance Party had a short existence (1991-1998). There were dramatic circumstances related to the way it was constituted. The Romanian political life was clearly dominated by the National Salvation Front and its satellites. The giant led by Iliescu and Roman was conceived (by the social category who in 1989 wanted the total separation of communism) as being the follower of the communist regime. The "historical" parties: the National--Liberal and the National --Peasant (Christian-Democratic), had a reduced election audience. The attempts to found a massive super--party structure (The Democratic Convention, the Antitotalitarian Front etc.) didn't have the expected success. The foundation of Civic Alliance (a non-political organization whose main aim was to gather the democratic politic forces and also to educate the Romanian election audience in the spirit of democratic citizenship), stirred a great deal of enthusiasm through the ones who didn't share the politics promoted by N.S.F. (the National Salvation Front)

The year after the foundation of the Civic Alliance, many of its leaders (Nicolae Manolescu, Virgil Feer, Stelian Tanase, George Serban, Nicolae Constantinescu, Mihai Sora, Octavian Paler, Petre Mihai Bacance, Radu Filipinescu and many others) came to the conclusion that the Civic Alliance doesn't have everything that is needed to be implied in the political competition. There has been a great deal of debate on the problem that the Civic Alliance should be transformed into a party or on the fact that it should be constituted a political body of the Alliance. (1)

On 4-5th of May 1991 a historical meeting took place in Sibiu at the end of which the following communique was read at the radio station "Free Europe": "Taking into consideration: 1. The serious state of crisis in which the country was brought by the current political power; 2. The absence of a real alternative politics which should give the hope to disappointed fellow countrymen, that the setting up of real democracy in Romania is really possible. 3. The expressed desire of many members of the Civic Alliance as well as of a wide category of the Romanian society, it is constituted, today, the 55h of May, a group of initiative who should elaborate the statute and the program which are meant to lay the foundation of a modern and dynamic political party whose political platform should be inspired from the Charta of Civic Alliance and also from the experience of similar political movements from Eastern and Central Europe. (2)

The debate continued intensely in the middle of intellectual groups all over the country and also abroad. The Historian Mihai Berindei (being exiled in the 80s of the last century), expresses his opinion categorically: "today, if you are determined to do something for this country, you cannot help yourself from doing politics." (3)

The new party was to be "a catalysis of the political opposition, as a central party, without rigid ideology, as a live body, which is both flexible and away from popular, demagogical tendencies." (4) At his turn, the philosopher Mihai Sora stated that it is necessary to delimit the Civic Alliance's attributions from the ones of the party that is to be created. The party, he says, should assume "the inevitable preoccupation for the vicinity of the public life with a considerable political power." (5)

On the 8th of June 1998 the meeting of the Civic Alliance's Council was held. It was decided the convocation of the Extraordinary Congress of the Civic Alliance for the 6-7-8th of June. The main topics of the Congress were, among others, the following: the resolution regarding the foundation of a political body of the Civil Alliance, the leadership of this political body; the choice of the draft body of writing the document (6) etc.


II. The Congress of the Civic Alliance form 5-7th of July 1991 gets also the title of the Constitutive Congress of the party called the Civic Alliance. During the first day (5th of July) the participants debated and noted the resolution of the foundation of a political body of the Civic Alliance and in the 7th of July the main topics of the meeting were:

1. The presentation, debate and endorsement of the statute of political body of the Civic Alliance

2. The presentation of the strategy and tactics of the Civic Alliance

3. The election of the National Committee, of the Censors Commission and the Commission for Ethics (7)

The statute of the party comprises of: how you can get the quality of a member, the national and territorial structure, the rights of obligations of the members, the theoretical principles which are the foundation of the party's activity, the leadership (structure, competences) etc. As far as the members are concerned, the statute forbids the quality of a member to the "persons who, through their activity, contributed to the establishment and the up keeping of the communist regime or who produced severe moral and material damages" as well as the "persons who committed and were sentenced for severe crimes and also those who are in favor of communist, fascist, racial, irredentist and chauvinistic concepts or who are in favor of racism, anti-Semitism and xenophobia". (8) In the National Committee of the Party--Civic Alliance were elected the following: Nicolae Manolescu, Ana Sinea. The executive management was assured by: Ph. D. Alexandru Popovici and Ph. D. Ion Paun Otiman and Stelian Tanase--vice-president. (9) The party was registered at Bucharest Law Court on 1st of August 1991. (10)

III. The Platform of the Civic Alliance Party establishes the aims (the construction of a prosperous, free, modern and democratic country, the profound reformation of the society, the cultivation of the civic mentality etc.), the means of political flight (strictly peaceful in the tradition of the European democracy), the principles of organizing the state and government focus which are to be chosen by the people through referendum (constitutional monarchy, presidential republic, parliament republic), the sanctity of the national freedom, the relationship with neighbors (on the grounds of full equality and the alternative military service and, for the future, they are in favor of the elimination of the compulsory military service, for a complete reform after previously consulting the citizens, for asking the opinion of Basarabia's population regarding the future of this province etc. (11)

Immediately after the registration at the Law Court, the Party of Civic Alliance became member of the Democratic Convention of the Antitotalitarian Front. The first major initiative of C.A.P.(the Civic Alliance Party) was made in August 1991. Together with the Civic Alliance, the Civic Alliance Party brought all the leaders from the country to Bucharest in order to tell their opinion about the putsch from Moscow. At the end of the meeting was published the Declaration--Appeal by means of which it is categorically condemned the attempt to reinstall the totalitarianism in U.R.S.S. (12) In this Declaration--Appeal, the two political parties (still together) demand for: the disavowal of the Communist Ideology by the political power installed in Romania in 1990; the punishment of the guilty for the bloody Suppressing of the Riot in December 1989; the integration of Romania in Euro-Atlantic structures etc. (13)

At the end of 1991, the Civic Alliance Party is found fully engaged in the local elections in February 1992. Being placed on the R.D.C.'s lists (Romanian Democratic Convention), C.A.P. wins the town halls from Arad, Brasov, Bucharest 2nd District, Campina, Comarnic, Copsa Mica, Gura Humorului, Iasi, Ploiesti, Sibiu, Sinaia, Timisoara, a vicemayor of Bucharest and two communes. (14) We can add several hundreds of local and county counsellors.

The preparations for the second elections followed. Unfortunately the relationships between C.A.-C.A.P. began to deteriorate. The separation took place on 27th of June 1992, during the ... competition" on deciding the candidate of the Democratic Convention for the Romania's Presidency. A jury formed of 67 persons (designed by the component parties and political organisations of the Convention) tested the 5 candidates for 12 hours. Nicolae Manolescu was subjected to unimaginable accusations and offences. (15) Surprisingly, the competition was won by Emil Constantinescu, the most unknown person from the five candidates and the only one who had been a member of the Romanian Communist Party. * For the sake of human purpose the persons who didn't win overcame the unpleasant situation. Nicolae Manolescu was very engaged in supporting Emil Constantinescu, trying to give him the popularity that he had at that time.

The presidential and parliament election came rapidly. A survey conducted by C.I.S. (a specialized Institute coordinated by the sociologist Pavel Campeanu) in 8th-15th of September gives credit to the main political parties from the Democratic Convention as having a percentage of 10,4% for the National Peasant Christian Democratic Party (N.P.C.D.P) and C.A.P.--8,6%. The Convention was supposed to have 34,8% (16) (according to the survey).

The presidential and parliament elections took place in 27th of September 1992. After redistributing the votes and the sears, the Romanian Democratic Convention obtains 24.04% (82 seats) in the Chamber of Deputies and 23,77 (34 seats) in the Senate. The most seats (41) in the Chamber of Deputies and 21 in the Senate are taken by N.P.C.D.P. and the second place is taken by the Civic Alliance Party (13 members in the chamber of deputies and 7 senators). (17) The following persons became then Members of Parliament for C.A.P.: Octavian Bot (Bihor), Dorel Coc (Bistrila Nasaud), Ioan Ghise (Brasov), Petru Liliu (Cluj), Ioan Joca (Constanla), Serban Radulescu Zonner (Dambovila), Gheorghe Gorun (Gorj), Vasile Mandroviceanu (Suceava), Vasile Popovici (Timis), Crin Antonescu (Tulcea), Calin Anastasiu (Vrancea), Stelian Tanase si Alexandru Athanasiu (Bucharest). The Senators for C.A.P. were: Emil Negruliu (Alba), Alexandru Paleologu (Arges), Stefan Radof (Ilfov), Nicolae Manolescu (Sibiu), Paun Ioan Otiman (Timis) Emil Tocaci (Bucharest). (18) After Rene Radu Policrat's death, Stefan Augustin Doinas took his place in the Senate, becoming the 8th C.A.P. senator. The elections made official the "spraying" of N.L.P. (the National Liberal Party), the propulsion of the National Christian Party as the main political group of opposition (regarding the number of seats) and a strange alliance for the government power called the Red Pentagonal.

Being credited with approximately 35% in the last survey conducted before the elections, the Romanian Democratic Convention obtains less with 10%, but the Romanian National Democratic Christian Party, which had imposed its candidates on the eligible placed, strengthened considerably. Moreover, Mr. Coposu's party got the Civic Alliance closer and gave Emil Constantinescu the attributions of a formal leader of the opposition. More analyses made by the press closed to the Romanian Democratic Convention, pointed out the mistakes made by this electoral group (19). While most of the analysts attribute the failure to the weak and non-performing activity of the Romanian Democratic Convention, the coordinator of the election campaign, Dan Capalana (Emil Constantinescu's next counselor in 1996 and former member in the Civic Alliance Party's leadership), analyzes other two reasons: "the insufficient presence of the Civic Alliance Party in pre-electoral political life, comparatively to the potential of liking which the party held at its establishment" and "the division between the Civic Alliance and the Civic Alliance Party". (20)

Dan Capalana reproaches to the Civic Alliance Party: "the fact that they didn't define clearly their ideological and political orientation" (evading the fact that it was just "the adoption of a rigid ideology" which was rejected at the establishment) and also some decisional factors' lack of political experience (especially the one behind-the-scene!!), in comparison with some old parties' political experience." (Dan Capalana is right in this matter; the Civic Alliance Party never took advantage of some unfair circumstances. Dan Capalana stood for the Civic Alliance Party in negotiations with N.L.P., in 1994 and he "negotiated" flagrantly against the Civic Alliance Party's interests).

Dan Capalana is right again when he speaks about the Civic Alliance's attitude when they decided for the candidate to Presidency: it was then when the scision between the two political organizations was official!! The absence of the abilities in the arrangements behind-the-scene is admitted by Nicolae Manolescu, too. (21)

IV. In the Romanian Democratic Convention there was never silence. The National Democratic Peasant Christian Party tries to assume the monopoly of its decision and is supported in its attempts by the other political and non-political components, inclusively the Civic Alliance. The main target of the political attack is Nicolae Manolescu and his party. (22) For the "historical" parties and for their leaders, the Civic Alliance Party was good only to bring about the votes of the persons who were discounted by the N.S.F. and D.F.N.S. (the Democratic Front of National Salvation)'s policy, who saw in National Peasant Party and N.L.P. an alternative which was neither viable nor credible.

The Civic Alliance and N.P.P. obstinately cultivate the idea that C.A.P. became the enemy of the Convention. Both N.L.P.--young part and N.L.P. (a party which was not in the Parliament) try to take advantage of the situation and launch the hypothesis of uniting the liberal parties around the Civic Alliance Party. (23) But the Civic Alliance party hadn't declared itself a liberal party. The pressure put through from everywhere around triggers intense challenges inside the party.

With the view to putting the Civic Alliance Party into defensive, the hypothesis of transforming the Civic Alliance into another party is launched. In 19th--20th December 1992, at the Civic Alliance's Congress, the Civic Alliance Party is forced "to change its name and it is also obliged to punish the persons who estranged the party from the Civic Alliance, thus embezzling the initial purpose of the party's establishment." (24) The Civic Alliance's request was preceded by a change of words (in media) between Ana Blandiana and Nicolae Manolescu. Nicolae Manolescu gives a reply to Ana Blandiana's statement according to which the establishment of the Civic Alliance Party was a mistake, saying that the Civic Alliance's president agreed to the foundation of the party and that it is not normal and unprecedented for a structure, whichever it is, to decide upon the politics of another structure. Nicolae Manolescu definitely reproaches to the Civic Alliance's members the fact that they want to do the policy of the party. (25)

Therefore, having only 2 years of life and being new in the "great" politics, the Civic Alliance Party confronts with members' imponderable matters. The most sensitive ones are related to: its incompatibility with the Byzantine political practices, the accusations came especially from partners, regarding the lack of a doctrinaire orientation, the pressures of the liberal parties in order to attract it to this ideological area, the Civic Alliance's tendencies to subordinate and direct its political activity, the denial of the Party President's political competences, the centrifugal tendencies of some leaders etc.

All these influence the general activity of the party and generate new challenges both at a national level and in the country branches. The whole mass-media "stimulates" these challenges. The president Nicolae Manolescu sends firm and clear messages. He says that the branches should be reorganized, the proposals for the ideological orientation should be known, the electoral segment the party counts on should be identified. The only organism able to decide the doctrine orientation of the party is its Congress. (26) The tensioned relationships between the Civic Alliance and the Civic Alliance Party weighted very much in the stability process of the two political entities. (27)

According to a survey conducted by "The Word" magazine, in December 1992, Nicolae Manolescu is chosen by the readers as the most important politician of the year. We shall take notice of the fact that this magazine is read especially by the people who do not vote for N.S.F., D.F.N.S. and Ion Iliescu. There are also other important leaders of the right in the classification we are referring to with only one exception (Th. Stolojan is the fourth on the list): Nicolae Manolescu (the first place 860 points), Corneliu Coposu (second place--449 points), Emil Constantinescu (the third place 362 points), Ion Raliu (the fifth place--209 points). (28)

There are three personalities in this classification who competed in June 1992 to obtain the Romanian Democratic Convention candidateship to the presidency of Romania (Constantinescu, Ratiu, Manolescu--classified in this order in June) and no. 1 personality of the opposition (as far as the Right political analysts are concerned), Coposu.

Looking at the classification made by the Romanian Democratic Convention's followers, we notice that Nicolae Manolescu is considerably better than the others and that the voters' opinion is different from those who had expressed their vote in the conclave of June 1992.

V. 1993 is the year of the Congress, of the doctrinaire elucidations and also of endless and "fruitless" negotiations with the liberal parties, but also the year of the first scission. In March 1993, a first conflict between the president Nicolae Manolescu and some of the Civic Alliance Party's senators and MPs took place. The "non-conformist" politicians send a letter of distrust to the Committee from 29th of March 1993. The authors of the letter were: Stelian Tanase (vice president of the Civic Alliance Party and the leader of the parliamentary group from the Chamber of Deputies), Calin Anastasiu (MP). Dan Grigore resigned from the party. Emil Tocaci (senator) resigned as well.

The challenges inside the party, its ideological orientation, the relationships with the Civic Alliance, are largely analyzed by the well-known intellectual Mihai Sora. (29) The philosopher expressed his point of view for the civic-democratic doctrine for the debate related to the party's activity in all its structures and also for the separation of the Civic Alliance's attributions from the Civic Alliance Party's ones.

The study realized by Stelian Tanase and published in 1993 (30) is related to the same idea of elucidation. Starting from the result of a survey conducted by C.I.S. in 1992, Stelian Tanase comes to the conclusion that the Civic Alliance Party doesn't have many voters, that it is a party for the intellectuals and the intellectual-to-be (high-school students, university students), and that it is subjected to some cleavage. Tanase pleads for a highly qualified leadership, from the political point of view. He claims that the party's leaders not only engage themselves in their profession, but also in the political activity. After a period of growth--until 18% in October--when the Civic Alliance Party is the most powerful party in opposition, there comes the stagnation and beginning of a crisis. (31) Tanase also pleads for "the politicizing the leadership, for replacing the intellectuals with qualified politicians and for economic liberalism; a doctrine which was embraced by the most dynamic segment of the Romanian society, capable of coagulating a big party in order to win the elections and also to be able to govern the country." (32)

Stelian Tanase's pleading, correct and perfect theoretically, aims at two main objectives: the dimination of Nicolae Manolescu's role in the leadership of the party and the preparation for integrating the Civic Alliance Party in the liberal movement. Liviu Antonesei (one of the Civic Alliance Party's leaders), answering to Stelian Tanase's study, expresses his point of view in favour of civic-liberalism, also in favour of alliances with liberal parties, but he insist on keeping the Civic Alliance Party's identity. (33) George Voicu is against the adoption of a rigid doctrine. (34)

The misunderstandings in the Civic Alliance Party appeared, curiously, after the results of a survey conducted in 1993 which shows that the Civic Alliance Party's popularity is growing ... and its president also grows in sympathy. (35) Having as background these political arguments (unsuitable scandals for the statute of the persons who triggered and maintains them), the first Congress of the Civic Alliance party began. The venue--Timisoara and the dates (21st--23rd April 1993) were established by the National Committee of the Civic Alliance Party from 22nd of February 1993. (36) The motions that were to be debated and voted were then approved (which had been previously assumed by all the branches). The first working of the Congress was under the dispute between the "civic--liberal group" that is the one against Nicolae Manolescu (Stelian Tanase, Dan Grigore, Emil Tocaci, Alexandru Popovici, Crin Antonescu, Ion Ghise and others, most of whom were the party's MPs.) on the one hand and Nicolae Manolescu's supporters (90% from congressmen) on the other hand. The delegation from Gorj, to its great honour and praise, made considerable efforts to reconciliate the two groups by continuing the efforts of MP--Gheorghe Gorun from the beginning of the Congress.

The initiative of C.A.P. Gorj had its main aim to persuade the Congress to invite the resigned to take part in the sessions, which really happened in the second day--24th of April. The presentation of the political report followed, in which the president Nicolae Manolescu reviewed C.A.P.'s activity from its establishment to the present day, insisting especially on the mistakes committed and the unfulfillment in the party. Some leaders' attitudes as well as their centrifugal tendencies were harshly criticized, pointing out the threats to the unity of the party that these attitudes pose. The report was structured into 4 chapters/ sections: political activity of C.A.P., organizational aspect, the search for political identity, conclusions and perspectives. (37) The greeting messages of other parties were read: R.D.C.'s, C.A.'s, Doina Cornea's messages. It followed the debates in which many delegates participated. Some of their speeches were revengeful, others were conciliating and a small part of them were embarrassing.

In the second day, on 24th of April, the three motions were presented: civic-democratic, civic-liberal, Christian-democratic. The civic-liberal motion was voted which stated that C.A.P. is a party with a neo-liberal orientation. C.A.P. based its ideology on the values of civism, democracy and morality. " (38)

The party is placed in central-right part of the political scene. The second part of the day was dedicated to the Statute debate. There were two projects: one which was proposed by Stelian Tanase and the other which belonged to the National Committee. The Congress chose the latter. The statute comprises: General dispositions (chapter I), The purpose of Civic Alliance Party (II), The quality of C.A.P. member (chapter III), The managing organisms: The congress, The National convention, The National Committee, The board of directors, The president and vicepresident (IV), The Jurisdictional organisms (V), Financial control organisms (VI), The patrimony (VII), The territorial organizational structure (VIII), Final dispositions (IX). (39) On the 25th of April, the managing organisms were elected: Nicolae Manolescu--president, Nicolae Taran--vicepresident, Alexandru Paleologu president of the Honor and Dignity Court. In the national committee, there were 45 persons elected, among them being: Ion Paun Otiman, Virgil Feer, Radu Valdes, Constantine Dorobantu, Vasile Popovici (all professors from Timisoara), Stefan Augustin Doinas, Mihai Sora, Stefan Radof, Alexandru Athanasius, Dour Coma, Constantine Samira, Liviu Antonesei, Lauren Onega, Marcia Cabana. Gheorghe Gorun was elected, on behalf of Gorj organization, who was also validated by the national Committee as one of the 15 members of the Board of Directors.

At the end of the Congress, two statements were adopted one of regiving Romanian citizenship to King Mihai and one of condemning the stalinist process from Tiraspol. The media present at the Congress (in an impressive number), including "The Liberty", "The National Courier", "The Truth", " The Daily Event", focused their stories on the gossips, instead of presenting the essence of the Congress' works.

VI. After the Congress, comes a period of tranquility. The ones that were not satisfied with the results of the Congress get organised in the civic-liberal group, insisting on merging with the Liberal Party, conducted by Dinu Patriciu and Horia Rusu.

On the 26th of June 1993, the National convention of the party took place. The tensions were comparable to the ones in the Congress. The members of Parliament from the party were attacked from many directions. Gheorghe Gorun, deputy, asked his colleagues imperatively to cease accusing each other and proposed that the parliamentary groups should retire from the Parliament. As a reply, Mr. Manolescu proposed the retirement of trust in the leaders of the parliamentary groups: Stelian Tanase--from the Chamber of Deputies and Alexandru Popovici from the Senate. The civic-liberal group was declared unstatutory. The national Convention rejected both the merger with the Liberal Party, 93, asked by St. Tanase and Al. Popovici, and the alliance with this party proposed by others.

Soon after the National Convention, the civic-liberal group left C.A.P. Thus, 8 deputies moved to L.P. '93(Liberal Party '93): Crin Antonescu, Stelian Tanase, Ioan Ghise, Vasile Mandroviceanu, Petru Litiu, Calin Athanasius, Octavian Bot and one senator: Alexandru Popovici. L.P. '93 doubled its number of members of parliament and the parliamentary group C.A.P. from the Chamber of Deputies was dissolved. The issue of organizing the parliamentary groups was discussed in the meeting of the Board of Directors from 23rd of August 1993: the parliamentary group of the Senate was managed by Mr. N. Manolescu and the 5 deputies: Alexandru Athanasius, Dorel Coc, Gheorghe Gorun, Vasile Popovici, Serban Radulescu Zonner who soon were to act as independent deputies. (40)

Returning to fault mentioned, we specify that no C.A.P. affiliates went to L.P. '93 and only a small number of members (few tens) followed the ones that left. Thus, the summer of 1993 was fruitful for the party. It involved in the parliamentary activity and in the local administration, it had a say in all Romanian society's problems, it gave its opinion on international events, it strengthened its territorial organizations, it started the draft of the new Program of the party etc.

A whole lot of energy was wasted in the 1994 on the issue of liberal unification. C.A.P. commits the great mistake of entering the game of the liberal groups that follow, each one of them, to subordinate the other formations of liberal conviction. The board of Directors from January 1994 takes note of the "N.L.P. desire of coming back to the Democratic Convention" and thinks that "it would be a beneficial act for C.A.P., as it would create a liberal pole in the Democratic Convention and it would balance the forces in the alliance." (41) Two intellectual personalities, of international dimension, involved in the doctrinal and political clarifications of the party, in preparation of C.A.P.'s international relationships, in the preparation of management staff and local government. It's about the historic Mihnea Berindei (C.A.P. representative in Paris), who organized symposia and training courses (in the country and in the European countries) for C.A.P. leaders and for C.A.P. members of local government and who has established strong relationships with Gaullist Party in France, and about the political scientist Professor Vladimir Tismaneanu, who organized meetings of C.A.P. leaders with very important political figures in the U.S.A.

President N. Manolescu proposed "to ask in the National Convention for permission to start negotiation with the other liberal formations, with a view to forming a liberal alliance". (42) The idea is discussed in the Board from 19th of January. The delegation C.A.P. was established, the one that would participate the next day (20 January) at the meeting of all liberal parties. It had the following members: Nicolae Manolescu, Nicolae Taran, Eugen Vasiliu, Dan Capalana, Gheorghe Jovin, Alexandru Paleologu, Emil Tocaci. (43) The idea of liberal unification was also discussed at the National Convention from 29 January 1994, the Convention enforcing the party's directors to continue the negotiations with the other liberal formations in order to form an alliance that would be a civil-liberal federation, able to guarantee the identity of each component party by respecting prior engagements, including the ones to R.D.C. (44) (The Romanian Diplomatic Convention).

On the 21st of July 1994, the Protocol for forming the Civil-Liberal Alliance "The liberals" is signed in Bucharest between C.A.P. and N.L.P. (45) It is an excellent move for N.LP., a party with no perspectives. The alliance will prove to be for N.L.P. the dreamed means for entering R.D.C. C.A.P. commits another great error. Since the attempts of N.L.P. for entering R.D.C. prove to have no success, C.A.P. takes N.L.P. in R.D.C., on the same place and having the same vote as C.A.P.!!! The liberals started to do everything in order to remain alone on the place and the vote in R.D.C. Falling for the illusion of the liberal unification, C.A.P. signs on the 28th of December 1994 a new protocol by which they integrate in the Civic-Liberal Alliance and L.P. '93 and N.L.P.-D.C. (46)

VII. 1995 is governed by two events: the pregnant misunderstandings between R.D.C. and the C.A.P. Congress from Alba-Iulia. The problems of the Convention have been analyzed more than once by C.A.P. Emil Constantinescu, N.P.C.D.P, most non-political organizations, "Liberal Romania" and N.P.C.D.P criticized repeatedly the firm and main positions of C.A.P. Most of these groups (which later include also N.L.P.), wanted C.A.P. to be thrown out of the political alliance. However, the National C.A.P. Committee decided, ultimately, on the 13th of August 1994, to stay in R.D.C. (47) The most powerful organizations stated that they wanted to leave R.D.C.

On the 13th of January 1995, Emil Constantinescu publishes the criteria for choosing the R.D.C. President and announces his candidature for the function. (48) Constantinescu is encouraged by N.P.P.(the National Peasant Party), C.A., other non-political groups and "Liberal Romania". Against Constantinescu's initiatives, the following parties react badly: L.P. '93, N.L.P.-C.D. and R.S.D.P. (the Romanian Social Democratic Party). C.A.P. is neutral. (49) On the same day, the National C.A.P. Committee rejects the project of liberal unification, pronouncing only for the continuation of the alliance. N. Manolescu declares that "there is in C.A.P. an image of intellectuality and honesty that C.A.P. is not willing to sacrifice for any alliance in the world". (50)

A major conflict in R.D.C. is generated by the statement of L. Tokes according to whom "in Harghita and Covasna should be declared a state of necessity and between Hungary and Romania there should be done population switches". The vicepresident of C.A.P., N. Taran asks R.D.C. to take firm attitude towards these statements, otherwise C.A.P. will be obliged to discuss retiring from this alliance.

On the 17th of February 1995, Emil Constantinescu and N.P.C.D.P supported by N.L.P. obtain another victory. They amend article 12 of R.D.C. Protocol, which stated that decisions are made by unanimity. The modified articles states that decisions are taken with the vote of the majority of members. All C.A.P. efforts of restructuring R.D.C. were without any results. The N.L.P. attitude is characteristic of this party. Barely entered in the alliance, it detaches itself from C.A.P. (the one that had gotten it there) for obtaining the goodwill of N.P.P. and Constantinescu. C.A.P., R.S.D.P., PL '93 are threatened to be excluded from R.D.C. if they don't sign the Protocol in 30 days. (51) The next day,(18 February), R.S.D.P. retired from the Convention and proposed to the other parties the formation of the "Grand Opposition Alliance" (52)

On the 27th of February 1995, Constantinescu declares that the parties that have not signed the new protocol of R.D.C., amongst which there was C.A.P., have excluded themselves from the alliance. After that, E. Constantinescu and his supporters made very serious statements to C.A.P. in order to determine a radical solution of the National Committee that would take place on the 12th of March 1995. The said meeting was very tense. The leaving of the Convention by C.A.P. was not discussed, but the signing/not signing, on no conditions, of the Protocol that will make the regime of Constantinescu and of his supporters official. That is why the nominal vote of the members of the National Committee was for signing or rejecting the protocol. From the 44 members, 16 voted for unconditional signing (Carafu, Capalana, Cabana, Coc, Athanasius, Doinas, Gulea, Jovin, Paleologu, Popoval, Popovici, Zonner, Savulescu, Tocaci, Vasiliu), two were not decided (Radulescu, Musca) and one asked for the secret vote (Kovaci). N. Manolescu did not vote (53).

On the 14th of March, R.D.C. announced that C.A.P. was officially retired from R.D.C., as it did not sign the Protocol. (54) At the meeting (R.D.C.'s meeting), also several important C.A.P. members participated (Capalana, Vasiliu). They announced the retirement from the party of the following: Dan Capalana, Marcia Cabana, Eugen Vasiliu, Gheorghe Jovin, Stere Gulea, Mona Musca, Alexandru Paleologu, Stefan Radulescu Zonner, Emil Tocaci, Paul Popoval, Lucian Radu, Gh. Radulescu, Dan Stefanescu. (55) Capalana became presidential counselor of Constantinescu. Vasiliu, Paleologu, Musca, Zonner, Tocaci, Radulescu, transferred to N.L.P. receiving mandates of senators/deputies in the next legislatures or other profitable means. The N.L.P. friend brought by C.A.P. in the convention paid the service made by C.A.P. by betrayal. In reality, the only member that quit statutorily from the party was Stere Gulea. Prior to leaving to N.L.P., Capatana si Vasiliu had taken care of all the failed negotiations of C.A.P. (with L.P. '93, with N.L.P., with R.D.C.!--n.n.). A statement of the Civic Alliance (14th of March 1995) retires "the moral and political credit given to C.A.P." and asks that the party "gives up its name as it is detained with no right'. C.A. declares that it stands by the members that left C.A.P.. (56) In N.L.P. the ones that left C.A.P. for L.P. '93 join too, amongst who Antonescu and Ghise.

On the 16th of March, N. Manolescu declares that we are no longer part of any civic-liberal alliance, as we "want to fend for ourselves". A beautiful and responsible statement. On the 22nd of March, N.L.P., N.L.P-D.C., the groups from C.A.P. and L.P. '93 meet for forming a new liberal party, but they end up dissolving the civic-liberal formation. On the 6th of April, the ones that hit C.A.P. from all possible positions, declare the protocol of the civic-liberal alliance as inapplicable and decide to merge in the "grand liberal party". About the liberal unification, the well-known analyst and minister Ilie Sertranescu writes: .Politically speaking, it is up to Mr. Coposu and Mr. Constantinescu to reflect to the almost too obvious manifestations of fidelity towards the Convention of some of those that call themselves liberals and that have decided, due to the recent political ruptures, that they could not imagine their lives without the Convention. Still, so many of them have travelled to several political parties and drained everything everywhere they went. And PNL--the one that will be the structure of the projected liberal pole--does not have a very honorable political status either. After an assiduous campaign of convincing Mr. Coposu that they are better than Mr. Campeanu, the members of N.L.P.-Quintus tried to use the indirect approach, counting on the one that opposed to the facts from the Convention, Mr. Manolescu. After they were received in the Convention, with his help (Mr. Manolescu's--our annotation)--who agreed to share the own vote of C.A.P. with N.L.P.-Quintus--the grand N.L.P. members started courting Mr. Constantinescu and the member of PNCTD, visibly against Mr. Manolescu ..." (57) The truth in the words of Ilie Serbanescu (who cannot be suspected of being politically partial) will be better seen in 1996 when, after a difficult period, N.L.P.-Quintus turned their back to Constantinescu and N.P.C.D.P .

VIII. C.A.P. also managed to get through this shock. No territorial organization left the party. The retirements were only rare. The Congress from 4-5 May held in Alba-Iulia (at the initiative and with the full implication of senator Emil Negruliu), was a proof of the intelligence and force of this party. No incident was registered in Alba-Iulia. The C.A.P. Congress was greeted by the representatives of most of the parties (S.D.P.R.--Social Democracy Party from Romania, D.P., L.P.'93, R.S.D.P.). N.L.P. and C.A. were not present. All parties appraised C.A.P. for its intelligence and morality. Mr. N. Manolescu presented the Political Report, in which he analyzed the state of the party, its realizations and failures, its risks and threats, the identity crisis generated by the political scene and the errors in strategy. The president came to the conclusion that C.A.P. has the necessary resources for its affirmation on the political scene. Special attention was given to the future projects: the political offer of the party and the relationships with the other formations, the actualization of all programs, the preparation for the political campaigns of 1996. (58)

The Congress approved modifications in the Statute of the Party, especially regarding the organs of management 9 (chapter IV: The Congress, the National Committee and the Board of Directors. The novelties refer to the attributions of each structure and its composition. For the first time, the Senate gives operational management attributions to the president, the executive president and to the six vicepresidents that compose the Board of Directors. (59)

National Committee is to have 51 members plus 6 presidents of the most powerful territorial organizations. The following were elected: Nicolae Manolescu--president, Nicolae Taran--executive president, Lauren Onega--organizer vicepresident, Costea Munteanu--doctrine and political offer vicepresident, Gheorghe Gorun--human resources and youth vicepresident, Dinu Tanase--electoral vicepresident, Ion Paun Otiman--relationship with the Parliament, Executive and local administrations vicepresident, Ion Hohan--financial resources vicepresident. President of the Honor and Dignity Court was elected Mihai Sora. (60)

The following period is fruitful in which the Party elaborates a series of very important documents. The history of C.A.P., the principles' declaration, the doctrine, the political program, the rules and regulations of functioning of the National Committee, the Court of Honor and Dignity, the Territorial Organizations, Interior Order Rules, Political Strategy (August 1995-September 1996), the civil control on the secret services, the doctrine in the field of local administrations, external policy, the doctrine in the health field, the doctrine in the family issues, the policy in learning and education, the agriculture policy, the military and defense doctrine, the Organization of C.A.P. youth, the C.A.P. organizing documents, from socialism to capitalism. But what kind of capitalism? etc (61).

Meanwhile, many important personalities joined the party: Neagu Djuvara, Marcia Nedelciu, Alexandru Dabija, Nicolae Zamfir etc., personalities that together with Stefan Augustin Doinas, Stefan Radof, Daniel Vighi, Nicolae Taran, Nicolae Manolescu, Liviu Antonesei, Mihnea Berindei, Emil Brumaru, Ana Sincai, Cristina Carp, Ion Paun Otiman, Mihai Sora, Virgil Feer and the others contributed to the growth of C.A.P.'s influence and prestige.

There still were pressures and insistences for attracting the party in all sorts of alliances. On the 15th of July, the National Committee decided that C.A.P. will not get involved in any alliance on the short term. The National Committee from 13th of January 1996 adopts the governing program "The future starts today" with the subtitles "The power of imaginations", "The authority of intelligence", "The courage of responsibility" and decides that the C.A.P. political sign is the apple (62). The new sign is approved by the decision of OSIM no. 2244/16.04.1996. (63)

Since 1996 is an electoral year, the management of C.A.P. gives special attention to the selection and preparation of candidates and their message but still implies firmly in the problems that the society is confronted with. Several documents are drafted, presenting the party, the mayors' and counselors' of C.A.P. realizations, the guide of the C.A.P. candidate etc.

In the local elections from June 1996, C.A.P. obtained modest results: 44 mayors, 972 local counselors, 56 county counselors. (64) The results from the elections determine the C.A.P. leaders to think of new electoral alliances. On the 7th of July, C.A.P. and L.P. '93 sign the protocol of forming the National Liberal Alliance (N.L.A.) which introduces the same lists for both parties and unique candidates for the parliamentary and presidential elections from November 1996. (65) On the 1st of August a new national liberal and ecologist alliance is formed (N.L.E.A.), whose purpose is to confuse the electorate.

The National Committee of C.A.P. from 2nd of August 1996 proposes Nicolae Manolescu as a candidate to presidency. At the same time, the list of candidates is approved for the parliamentary elections. On the 7th of August, Nicolae Taran, the executive president of C.A.P., retires from the party, probably because of the attitude of the Timis organization regarding the candidates propositions for the parliamentary elections. On the 20th of September, N.L.P. (The big friend) proposes to R.D.C. (and it approves) the decision of eliminating from its alliances program any collaboration with N.L.A.! All pre-electoral surveys give credit to N.L.A. in the margin of the electoral border, 2-4%. The results are disappointing: 1,57% in the Chamber of Deputies and 1,92% in the Senate (66). The party enters a very difficult period. At the beginning of 1998, C.A.P. merges with N.L.P. (again N.L.P.!) by absorption and disappears from the political life. We are not analyzing here and now the causes of the C.A.P. disappearance. We formulate just one idea: if it disappeared, it means it had to. The electorate did not accept its political offer and the people it proposed!


One of the most powerful C.A.P. organizations was the one from Gorj County. The organization started to gain form in 1991. Among the founding members are the following: doctor George Iorgulescu (great personality of the public and medical life, a man with an impressive character), Valentin Popa (teacher), Gheorghe Gorun (teacher), Adrian Gorun (teacher), Maria Badoi (engineer), Emil Stancioi (lawyer), Adonis Balan (doctor), Laurenliu Butnaru (economist), Gheorghe Constantinescu (eminent surgeon), Victor Dragoi (teacher), Ion Giurgiulescu (engineer), Gheorghe Plaveli (plastic artist, teacher), Cristian Vodislav (doctor), Ion Ivancu (engineer), Patru Andrei (lawyer), Iulian Mitrescu (teacher), Octavian Vulpe (doctor), Dour Strambulescu (topographer), Valentin Mazilu (engineer), Ion Ganea (teacher), Ion Carcalicea (engineer), Alexandru Craciun (worker), Virgil Danciulescu (jurist), Stefan Radescu (functionary), Aurelian Iliescu (teacher), Ionel Buse (teacher), Nicolae Baloi (doctor), Paul Baltanoiu (economist), Liviu Bocean (accountant), Adriana Breazu (engineer), Virgiliu Cercelaru (teacher), Vasile Cioroianu (teacher), Cristian Colac (worker), Gheorghe Marin (engineer), Dragos Gala (teacher), Marcel Groza (teacher), Ion Minea (engineer), Eugen Grinea (architect), Iulia Surupaceanu (doctor) and many others. (67) Numerous other personalities: doctors, engineers, economists, teachers, heads of villages, workers with great qualifications were C.A.P. members. We apologize for not being able to name all of them. In an exhaustive study, their names will be noted. In 1998, the Gorj organization had 2000 members.

From its beginnings (July 1991) and to its disappearance (February-March 1998), the organization was managed by Valentin Popa. Vicepresidents were Gheorghe Gorun, Adrian Gorun, Lazar Popescu, Gheorghe Grivei. The municipal organization was managed by Adonis Balan, and the Court of Honor and Dignity by George Iorgulescu. From 1993, Gheorghe Gorun was a member of the National Committee and of the Board of Directors of C.A.P., and since 1995 until the disappearance of the party he was vice-president of C.A.P.

Valentin Popa and Adrian Gorun were also a part of the National Committee, since 1995.

After the elections from 1992, C.A.P. obtained a County counselor (Adrian Gorun), a municipal counselor (Adonis Balan) and a few dozens of local counselors. Gheorghe Gorun was elected deputy in the Romanian Parliament for the legislature of 1992-1996. He talked in the Parliament's for over 70 times. He gave political speeches, historical (the national day-1993), he made legislative propositions (properties affected by the mining works, amendments to the education law, the Criminal Code, the law of reform etc.), he addressed to the executive interpellations and questions. He was part of the Legal Commission, for discipline and immunities (1992-1993) and from the Commission of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate for Controlling the Romanian Service of Information (1993-1996). He proposed--for the first time in Romania-that all secret services are under the control of the Parliament. He represented C.A.P. in the Congresses of D.P. (N.S.F.), D.U.H.R. (the Democratic Union of Hungarians in Romania), R.N.U.P. (the Romanian National Unity Party).

The locals from 1996 ensured C.A.P.: 3 county counselors, 2 municipal counselors, approximately 80 local counselors, 2 mayors (Rosoga Doina--Turburea, Codreanu Damian--Rosia de Amaradia). The parliamentary elections were a result of the exit of C.A.P. from the first rows of the political scene. The Gorj organization confronted with the same problems as the party as a whole: the disagreements from R.D.C., the relationships with N.L.P., the power alliances in Tg-Jiu and in the County Counsel. In exchange, the relationships with the Civic Alliance were very good.

In 1994 and 1996, the following personalities were the guests of the Gorj county, meeting with citizens in Tg-Jiu, Motru and numerous other places: Nicolae Manolescu, Nicolae Taran, Stefan Augustin Doinas, Ion Paun Otiman, Lauren Onega, Ion Hohan, Stefan Radof, Nicolae Constantinescu, Alexandru Athanasius and others. Weekly, the management of C.A.P. met with the local media presenting for the citizens: the C.A.P. actions, the activity of the counselors, the parliamentary initiatives, the activity of the deputy etc. We believe that C.A.P. was a beautiful and honest party. Maybe these were the reasons why it became inadequate to the Romanian political life and to the pretentions of the electorate.


General works:

Stoica, Stan. Romania after 1989. Bucharest: Meronia Publishing, 2007

Press and periodicals:

"22", year II, no. 15 (65), April 19th 1991

"22", year II, no. 18(68), May 10th 1991

"22", year II, no. 20 (70), May 24th 1991

"22", year II, no. 22 (72), June 7th 1991

"22", year III, no. 47(148), November 26th-December 2nd1991

"22", year III, no. 26(127), July 3d-9th 1992

"22", year III, no. 38(139), September 25th--October 1s* 1992

"22", year III, no. 42 (143), October 22nd-28th 1992

"22", year III, no. 42(143), 22nd-28th October 1992

"22", year III, no.48 (149), December 3rd-9th 1992

"22", year IV, no. 12(164), April 1st-7th 1993

"22", year V, no.33 (236), August 17h-23rd 1994

"22", no. 17, April 26th--May 2nd 1995

"22", year V, no.12 (267), March 22nd-29th 1995

"22", year III, no. 41 (142), October 15th-21st 1999

"The Express", no. 44 (144), 3rd-9th of November 1992

"The Free Romania", October 15th 1991

"The National Currier", year VI, no. 1173, 17th January 1995

"The Politics Sphere", first year, no. 3, February 1993

"The Politics Sphere", first year, no. 4, March 1993

"The Politics Sphere", no. 24, January 1995

"The Word", no. 51-52(151-152), December 22nd-31st

"The Word"--December 8th 1992

"Zig-Zag", year III, no. 43(135), November 1992

"Zig-Zag", year IV, April 8th-14th 1993

"The Day", February 18th 1995

"The Day", February, 20th 1995

Documents in Gheorghe Gorun's personal archive:

1. The Main Topics of the Directory Council of the Civic Alliance from June 6-8th 1991

2. The Statute of the Civic Alliance, July 1991

3. Program platform of the Civic Alliance Party

4. The Appeal--Declaration of C.A.P. and C.A., August 1991

5. The locally elected of C.A.P.

6. The list of Civic Alliance Party

7. Informative Bulletin--C.A.P., no 13, March 1st-14th 1993

8. Nicolae Manolescu--Political Report presented at CAP.'s Congress, April 23rd 1993

9. Informative Bulletin of C.A.P.--no. 19, September 13th-27th 1993

10. The statute of Civic Alliance Party, 1993

11. Informative Bulletin of C.A.P., no.22/January 1994

12. The meeting of The National Committee of C.A.P., January 13rd 1995

13. Nicolae Manolescu, The political report presented in Alba-Iulia, May 4th 1995

14. CAP.'s statute, adopted at The Congress from Alba-Iulia, May 4th--6th 1995

15. Documents from the Congress from Alba-Iulia, May 4th 1995

16. C.A.P.'s documents

17. The National Committee, January 13rd 1996

18. Circular Letter no.12/April 18th 1996

19. Register of evidence of C .A.P.--Gorj members

20. Civic-liberal motion

21. Protocol for constituting the Civic-Liberal Alliance, "Liberals" Other Gheorghe Gorun's documents and personal notes

(1) Alina Mungiu, The Civic Alliance at Platform would be useful the changing of the Alliance into a party? In "22", year II, no. 15(65), April 19th 1991, page 2

(2) Dan Pavel, The Chronicle of an Announced Democracy: meeting of the Civic Alliance, Sibiu, 4-5th of May, in "22", year II, no. 18(68), May 10th 1991, page 6

(3) Rodica Palade, Interview with Mihnea Berindei in "22", year II, no. 20 (70), May 24th 1991, pages 6-7

(4) Ibidem

(5) Only together we shall win--interview with Mihai Sora, in "22", year II, no. 22 (72), June 7th 1991, page 11

(6) The Main Topics of the Directory Council of the Civic Alliance from June 6th-8th 1991, Gheorghe Gorun's personal archive

(7) The Civic Alliance Congress from July 5th-7th 1991, The main topics, Gheorghe Gorun's personal archive

(8) The Statute of the Civic Alliance, July 1991, Gheorghe Gorun's personal archive

(9) The Radiography of political parties: The Civic Alliance Party, in "The Free Romania", October 15th 1991, page 9

(10) Ibidem

(11) Program platform of the Civic Alliance Party, pages 1-5

(12) The Appeal--Declaration of C.A.P. and C.A., August 1991, Gheorghe Gorun's personal archive

(13) Ibidem

(14) The locally elected of C.A.P., Gheorghe Gorun's personal archive

(15) To be seen A winner and four defeated, in "22", year III, no. 26(127), July 3d-9th 1992, page 5 * Most of the Civic Alliance Party's leaders blamed C.A. for voting for Emil Constantinescu

(16) C.I.S. survey, September 1992 in "22", year III, no. 38(139), September 25th--October 1st 1992, page 5

(17) Stan Stoica, Romania after 1989, Meronia Publishing House, Bucharest, 2007, page 226

(18) The list of Civic Alliance Party's, Gheorghe Gorun's personal archive

(19) To be seen, for example, "22", year III, no. 41 (142), October 15h-21s 1999, pages 4, 10-11, 12; "22", year III, no. 42 (143), October 22nd-28th 1992, pages 1, 5, 10

(20) Dan Capalana, Why we lost, in "22", year III, no. 42(143), 22nd-28th October 1992, page 10

(21) Ibidem, page 5

(22) To be seen: "The Express" no. 44 (144), 3rd-9th of November 1992; "The Word"--December 8th 1992, pages 4-5

(23) "Zig-Zag", year III, no. 43(135), November 1992, page 3

(24) Stan Stoica, quoted work, page 57

(25) "22", year III, no. 47(148), November 26th-December 2nd1991, pages 5-6

(26) Ibidem, page 6

(27) In order to know the Civic Alliance's opinion--to be seen "22", year III, no.48(149), December 3rd-9th 1992, pages 5- 6

(28) "The Word", no. 51-52(151-152), December 22nd-31st, pages 4-5

(29) Rodica Palade, Serenity and Involvement, interview with Mihai Sora, in "22", year IV, no. 12(164), April 1st-7th 1993, pages 8-9

(30) Stelian Tanase, A party at crossroads--C.A.P. (fragment) in "The Politics Sphere", first year, no. 3, February 1993, pages 5-7

(31) Ibidem

(32) Ibidem

(33) Liviu Antonesei, C.A.P.--Classes, masses and social intellectuals, notes related to Stelian Tanase's study--"The Politics Sphere", first year, no. 4, March 1993, pages 9-10

(34) George Voicu -The complex of identity, in "The Politics Sphere", first year, no. 4, March 1993, pages 8-10

(35) Aurelia Boriga, Will C.A.P have National Liberal Party's fate and Manolescu, Campeanu's fate? In "Zig-Zag", year IV, April 8th-14th 1993, page 4

(36) Informative Bulletin--C.A.P., no 13, March 1s--14th 1993, Gheorghe Gorun's personal archive

(37) Nicolae Manolescu--Political Report presented at CAP.'s Congress, April 23rd 1993, Gheorghe Gorun's personal archive

(38) Civic-liberal motion. Gheorghe Gorun's personal archive

(39) The statute of Civic Alliance Party, 1993, Gheorghe Gorun's personal archive

(40) Informative Bulletin of C.A.P., no. 19, September 13th--27th 1993, Gheorghe Gorun's personal archive

(41) Informative Bulletin of C.A.P., no. 22/January 1994, page 1, Gheorghe Gorun's personal archive

(42) Ibidem, page 12

(43) Ibidem, page 6

(44) Ibidem, page 12

(45) Protocol for constituting the Civic-Liberal Alliance, "Liberals", Gheorghe Gorun's personal archive

(46) Stan Stoica, quoted work, page 75

(47) "22", year V, no.33 (236), August 17th-23rd 1994, pages 1-9

(48) "The National Currier", year VI, no. 1173, 17th January 1995, page 1

(49) "The Politics Sphere", no. 24, January 1995, page 25

(50) The meeting of The National Committee of C.A.P., January 13rd 1995, Gheorghe Gorun's personal archive

(51) "The Day", February 18th 1995, page 5

(52) Idem, February, 20th 1995, page 5

(53) Gheorghe Gorun, personal notes, 1995

(54) Stan Stoica, quoted work, page 78

(55) "22", year V, no.12(267), March 22nd-29th 1995, page 4

(56) Ibidem, page 9

(57) Ilie Serbanescu, We do not expect from anyone to promote reform, in "22", no. 17, April 26th-May 2nd 1995, page 4

(58) Nicolae Manolescu, The political report presented in Alba-Iulia, May 4th 1995, Gheorghe Gorun's personal archive

(59) CAP.'s statute, adopted at The Congress from Alba-Iulia, May 4th--6th 1995, Gheorghe Gorun's personal archive

(60) Documents from the Congress from Alba-Iulia, May 4th 1995, Gheorghe Gorun's personal archive

(61) CAP.'s documents, Gheorghe Gorun's personal archive

(62) The National Committee, January 13rd 1996, Gheorghe Gorun's personal archive

(63) Circular Letter no.12/April 18th 1996, Gheorghe Gorun's personal archive

(64) Stan Stoica, quoted work

(65) Ibidem, page 90

(66) Ibidem, page 227

(67) Register of evidence of C.A.P.--Gorj members, Gheorghe Gorun's personal archive

Gheorghe GORUN,

"Spiru Haret" High-School, Targu-Jiu


Hadrian GORUN,

"Constantin Brancusi" University, Targu-Jiu,

Faculty of International Relations, Law and Administrative Sciences

List of abbreviation:

    Romanian             Romanian meaning             English
abbreviation list                                abbreviation list

     P.A.C.          Partidul Aliantei Civice          C.A.P.
      A.C.                Alianta Civica                 CA.
     C.D.R.            Conventia Democrata            R.D.C.
   P.N.T.C.D.       Partidul National Taranesc      N.P.C.D.P.
                         Crestin Democrat
     F.S.N.         Frontul Salvarii Nationale        N.S.F.

     P.N.L.         Partidul National Liberal         N.L.P.

    P.L. '93           Partidul Liberal '93          L. P. '93
  P.N.L.--A.T.      Partidul National Liberal-      N.L.P.--The
                           Aripa Tanara             Young Part
  P.N.L.--C.D.      Partidul National Liberal-     N.L.P.--D.C.
                       Conventia Democrata
     A.N.L.         Alianta National Liberala         N.L.A.
    A.N.L.E.        Alianta National Liberala        N.L.E.A.
                          si Ecologista
    P.S.D.R.         Partidul Social Democrat        R.S.D.P.
    P.D.S.R.           Partidul Democratiei          S.D.P.R.
                       Sociale din Romania
  P.D. (F.S.N.)     Partidul Democrat (Frontul     D.P. (N.S.F.)
                       Salvarii Nationale)
    F.D.S.N.           Frontul Democrat al           D.F.N.S.
                        Salvarii Nationale
    U.D.M.R.           Uniunea Democrata a           D.U.H.R.
                     Maghiarilor din Romania
    P.U.N.R.            Partidul Unitatii            R.N.U.P.
                         Nationale Romane

    Romanian                   English form
abbreviation list

     P.A.C.              The Civic Alliance Party
      A.C.                  The Civic Alliance
     C.D.R.               The Romanian Democratic
   P.N.T.C.D.         The National Peasant Christian
                             Democratic Party
     F.S.N.            The National Salvation Front

     P.N.L.             The National Liberal Party

    P.L. '93                 Liberal Party '93
  P.N.L.--A.T.            N.L.P.--The Young Part

  P.N.L.--C.D.         N.L.P.--Democratic Convention

     A.N.L.            The National Liberal Alliance
    A.N.L.E.        The National Liberal and Ecologist
    P.S.D.R.          The Romanian Social Democratic
    P.D.S.R.            Social Democracy Party from
  P.D. (F.S.N.)     The Democratic Party (The National
                             Salvation Front)
    F.D.S.N.         The Democratic Front of National
    U.D.M.R.        The Democratic Union of Hungarians
                                in Romania
    P.U.N.R.         The Romanian National Unity Party
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Title Annotation:ORIGINAL PAPER
Author:Gorun, Gheorghe; Gorun, Hadrian
Publication:Revista de Stiinte Politice
Date:Jan 1, 2013
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