The Azibo Nosology II: epexegesis and 25th anniversary update: 55 culture-focused mental disorders suffered by African descent people.
Above all guard against the vice of greed [for material things]. It is a grievous sickness that has no cure.... [It] is a compound of all the evils [and].... hateful things.
Ptahhotep, circa 2388 B.C.E. (Hilliard, Williams, & Damali, 1987, 26)
Definition. Materialistic depression is defined as a masked depression in which "people tend to judge themselves and others by their accumulation or lack of material possessions" (Black, Braithwaite, & Taylor, 1982, 1) such that the more (less) the material possessions, the more (less) favorable the judgment about self or other (Azibo, 2013c). It is a mental condition afflicting ADP in which money, material things, and the means to obtain them form the bases of self-worth and the perceived worth of others.
Diagnosing. A list of symptoms of materialistic depression from Azibo (2013c) follows:
1. motivation to obtain expensive and designer clothing, jewelry, and status-indicative accessories for one's home, car, and person for reasons of self-worth and self-definition;
2. longing a lifestyle that one cannot afford;
3. committing crime and injustices to obtain money and material things longed for (as against needed for survival);
4. dysphonia when unable to obtain or in the absence of money or material things longed for;
5. intrapersonal and interfamilial strain and psychological distress over the urge for material things and the ramifications of not having them and/or having to get them;
6. regarding money, status symbols, and items of conspicuous consumption as having an inherent value above and beyond their economic value;
7. practically revering money, status symbols, and items of conspicuous consumption;
8. ascribing a halo effect or all manner of positivity to persons of means or persons otherwise possessing the material accouterments and trappings that are thought to go with having means;
9. feeling ashamed of oneself, family, or community because of poverty;
10. feeling better about oneself, family, or community in the sense of self- and other-judgments based upon being well-off socio-economically;
11. living day-to-day or week-to-week because resources are exhausted in pursuit of affluent lifestyle or keeping up the appearance of affluence;
12. intrapersonal conflict over behaving in keeping with materialistic orientation versus a more spiritualistic or moralistic orientation;
13. feeling that one is a better human being than persons who have lesser means and fewer, less quality possessions than oneself;
14. deifying, glorifying, admiring, and striving to be like rich people just because they happen to be rich;
15. acceptance of the idea as articulated by prosperity preachers that "God" wants you to be rich;
16. judging one's or another's worth by one's own or the other's earning power;
17. feeling that money and affluence entitles one to trump, supersede, or disregard the collective good;
18. having as one's number one goal in life acquiring as much money and material wealth as possible; and
19. desiring others to look up to and admire one's self due to having material possessions or means.
The presence of any 10 symptoms or perhaps as few as five held very deeply or intensely is sufficient to diagnose. It appears that scores ranging from 7-10 on the Materialistic Depression Quiz (MDQ), reprinted in Azibo and Dixon (1998, 223), might also be used as an indicator of strong materialistic depression (Azibo, 2013c).
Discussion. Upon examining materialistic depression symptoms, it is discernible that depression lurks insidiously therein. Azibo (2013 c) found that high MDQ scorers had higher depression scores than low MDQ scorers indicating that materialistic depression appears to be a bona fide masked depression.
The two keys to understanding materialistic depression are first in knowing that the self and other judgments held by the judging individual are driven by or pertain to self-valuation issues of worth, regard, esteem and image. Second is recognizing and respecting that the judgments held are polar opposite, contradictory incompatibilities of the African-centered ontological position that human worth is inherent in being due to primeval constitution in the Divine's spirit a la the creation mythos (Azibo, 1992, 2011d). Self- and other-judgments based in materialistic depression thinking are therefore of necessity at variance with self-consciousness defined by correct orientation. By this fact alone, there is materialistic depression discordant with African heritage and thus, a psychological misorientation. This is suggested in the section epigraph which indicates as well the danger that materialistically depressed persons may be motivated at a deep level to have money or the appearance of having it via material accouterments and trappings obtained at any cost, by any means in order to feel good about themselves, others, and one's environs. Materialistic depression seems devastating of ADP's humanity.
Two broad and flawed axiological themes underlie materialistic depression. First is the serious desire for material possessions which undermines the preeminence of the presumed inhered spiritual-moral drive. If accompanied by a lack of means, preeminent material drive can be frustrating and distressing.
Second is a twisted, yet, in the United States, ecologically inspired disparaging of persons who are without means by persons with and without means themselves. These themes permeate African-U.S. popular culture and literature and they compete well with more socially desirable themes. Materialistic depression probably is associated with nihilated African identities (discussed below) and compulsive shopping (Hopkins, 2003). It is a major contributor to socioeconomic devastation of interpersonal relationships and individual financial health.
Definition. Presented by Abdullah (1998) who provided case studies, mammy-ism is defined here slightly differently. It is a condition in which the individual manages to sacrifice her or his life for the pleasure of a Eurasian employer's business, home, family, or person by acting out with conviction, pride and enjoyment the docility, servitude orientation, and hagiographic paean to Eurasians and their civilization and the corollary disparaging of things African that were historically ascribed and compelled by American Africanism (Morrison, 1993) and de-Africanized New World identity (Jennings, 2003), i.e., the making over of African-U.S. identity by the Americans.
Diagnosing. Mammy-ism is not a gynecopathy. When found in women the diagnosis is mammy-ism; in men the diagnosis is "Mr. Mammy." Some major symptoms culled from Abdullah (1998) are:
1. displeasure with/deprecation of one's phenotypical characteristics;
2. internal conflicts stemming from the expectation to nurture others;
3. inadequate nurturing or development of one's significant others and/or personal self due to attention given the Eurasian employer/job;
4. little time and/or energy to use with family or self at the end of the workday;
5. regularly sending verbal and non-verbal communications of how happy one is to be present and in service (e.g., uniform smile, widely open eyes, Jim Crow posturing updated to the present, et cetera);
6. taking on the role of offering guidance, nurturing, and protection to the Eurasian employer and his or her business;
7. embodiment of the loyal servant;
8. inclination to or practice of hair misorientation or skin bleaching behavior (discussed below) due to adherence to Eurasian beauty standards;
9. imitation of Western society's ideal of Eurasian womanhood or manhood;
10. espousing oppressive Eurasian thinking captured in sloganeering like "All American girl," "the sixties is over," these are the good times," "makin' it," "green power, not Black power," ad nauseam.
11. thinking of the employer's company as "my" or "our" company;
12. feeling or acting trapped in working for the Eurasian employer;
13. taking ownership of the Eurasian employer's troubles referring to them as his or her own;
14. basking and feeling honored in the tasks of being the company or boss's sounding board for racist Eurasian opinions, answering questions about what do ADP think about this or that, and/or lending support to or carrying out the condemnation of another African descent person;
15. having self-esteem and self-confidence enmeshed with employer's gains;
16. striking out with rage and hostility at other ADP often employing the n-word or like euphemisms; and
17. questioning one's adequacy and lowering of self-confidence in social roles (spouse, parent, and so on) and/or as a person.
Discussion. Living mammy-ism is bound to result in significant psycho-social problems. Being able to explain these problems is an invaluable contribution of the mammy-ism construct. It exposes a prevalent psycho-behavioral pattern which masquerades as functional normalcy as inappropriate, rooted in enslavement and colonization, and an insidious psychological misorientation. Also, mammy-ism and Negromachy may be reciprocally related: mammy-ism [left and right arrow] Negromachy. Either condition could engender defense mechanisms to protect the integrity of the self as well and thereby could be correlated with nepenthe defense mechanism disorder discussed above.
Definition. This disorder is defined as a defeatist response to Eurasian hegemony in which the person while engaged in human interaction or public behavior hides, suppresses, or disavows a genuine African interior and takes efforts to conceal it in the event it inadvertently slips out or is revealed. It does not matter whether the hidden interior is authentically African or misshapen by enslavement and colonial legacies.
Diagnosing. Clinical skill and judgment will be paramount as the behavior is "hidden" by the client and likely involves subtlety. Some key behaviors are:
1. muting of one's Africanness/Blackness;
2. behaving using Eurasian cultural and linguistic forms, aesthetics, and standards;
3. defeatist mentality that the Eurasian is in charge permanently or so entrenched that to assert African interiority is futile, bankrupt, and self-defeating; and
4. resignation that the Eurasian interior is superior, the African inferior.
Discussion. Psychological dissemblance can occur in African-on-African interaction, but when the dissimulation takes place in the Eurasian's presence the presumed underlying drive state may be strongest. Negromachy sufferers might be vulnerable to dissembling particularly in the presence of Eurasians. Lying disorder (below) and nepenthe defense mechanism disorder could result from psychological dissemblance. If the dissembling at some point fails to be satisfactory, the person's stress level could increase enough to precipitate onset of Eurasian supremacy stress disorder. Psychological dissemblance would seem to reflect a profound self-estrangement in ADP as the human being cannot develop from infancy without interiorization (see Quashie, 2009). The question is intriguing does psychological dissemblance or its failure contribute to dissociation and other psychotic breaks?
Sometimes when ADP "wear the masks" a la Paul Lawrence Dunbar and Frantz Fanon, it is a stratagem employed in fighting Eurasian hegemony as in The Spook Who Sat by the Door, the feigning of ignorance to fake out the planter or the social worker, the idea that "he don't know me, he don't know me, he don't know my mind ... got one mind for the White man, got one mind that's mine." These represent strategic dissemblance, not psychological dissemblance disorder. Both have been around for some time. Double consciousness a la DuBois (see Jennings, 2003) is of the latter and, frankly, represents disorder. ADP who psychologically dissembles in the presence of Eurasians will always be at a competitive disadvantage in athletics and life.
Shifting and the Sisterella Complex
Definition. Shifting (Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003, 7, 64) can be defined as a consequence of living amidst racial and gender bias in which African-U.S. women adopt seemingly with ease an alternate pose or voice that creates an acceptable outer facade in the process of placating, serving, or satisfying Eurasians, African-U.S. men, and others, in effect, by shifting from "Eurasian/White" or "corporate" then shifting back to "African/Black" or "cool" again.
Sisterella complex is defined as a product of shifting where the woman turns inwardly instead of outwardly at bigoted society resulting in personality breakdown or disorganization centered on depression, frequently masked in behaviors of stoic overachievement, overeating, overspending, obsessing on physical appearance, physical pain and ailments, abuse of substances, and own-life taking thought and behavior as well as internalization of racist, sexist, other-directed views of herself (Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003).
Diagnosing. The practitioner must determine the following sequence is in effect in order to diagnose:
1. shifting in response to racism or sexism forces in the life space;
2. a turning inward [right arrow] deprecatory behavior and depreciated sense of self; and
3. Sisterella-defined thinking and behaving.
The practitioner should also check that mammy-ism, nepenthe defense mechanism disorder, and lying disorder are not smoldering, if not igniting.
Discussion. Shifting seems to be an adaptive coping mechanism in origin much like strategic dissemblance. Nevertheless, apparently shifting is a slippery slope "chipping away at her sense of self .... profoundly self-destructive" (Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 7, 64) much like strategic dissemblance can morph to psychological dissemblance. Shifting and Sisterella complex disorder likely is applicable to Africana women worldwide. It reveals that women of African descent are suffering seriously under Eurasian domination. This disorder should forever disabuse the mis-thought of African descent women as so super in their invulnerability. When we help her heal, all ADP are helped. It is important to remember that the purpose of healing is so that the client can get (back) into the own-race maintenance fight of mental health, not simply to better adjust to Eurasian dominated society.
Personal Identity Conflict
Definition. There is nothing new about personal identity conflict. At some point in interiorizing every human probably has had questions or qualms requiring considerable cogitation. Disorder can creep in in as many ways for as many reasons as there are people. An all-encompassing definition might be any state of (a) faulty thinking about the me-myself-I aspect of the self and/or (b) dismaying confusion or non-assuredness regarding same. Part (a) allows for personal identity conflict even when the individual proceeds apace unaware or unbothered (absolute model). The Azibo Nosology II is not concerned with diagnosing personal identity conflict conditions except where they affect correct orientation adversely (otherwise they may qualify as peripheral personality disorders). Four are sub-classed here: WEUSI anxiety, individualism, hair misorientation, and sexual misorientation.
Definition. Having anxiety in any amount at all over one's collective African identity--be it ethnic or nationality based or pan-African--defines WEUSI anxiety
Diagnosing. Whenever anxiety is present in issues of personal identification (me, myself, and I) as an African descent person, the diagnosis is made.
Discussion. According to Williams (1981) WEUSI is an actual Kiswahili word that literally translates as collective Black mind. Within the spelling there is a lesson useful for healing: the WE is the genetic blackness, the US is the cultural Africanity, and the I is an individual's psychological Africanity. From this it is analogously teachable that the individual me-myself-I part of the self (the "I") is literally naturally last and least and yoked to the collective (the "WE, US") to which it is obligated as without the WE, US the I would be nonexistent, ergo the preeminence of the collective to the individual. The logic is imbued in the creation mythos as there is no possibility of existence for a human offspring ("I") without antecedent village/parental collective behavior ("WE, US"). WEUSI anxiety can only enter with, is only possible with Eurasianized consciousness as it inherently champions individualism.
Definition. The thought and practice of individual interests as paramount to and over and above collective, own-race maintenance interests defines individualism.
Diagnosing. Clinical acumen perhaps buttressed by any of various valid scales measuring individualism-collectivism and the like not incongruously with Afrocentric thought required at this time.
Discussion. Despite vaunted, lodestar status in Western civilization, individualism is the chancre for personal identity conflict in ADP. Emphasizing one's uniqueness or difference for the sake of it, practicing "rugged individualism," dog in the manger, and looking out for number one to the detriment of family and race collectives are acutely at variance with mental health defined Africentrically which is the own-race maintenance human imperative (Azibo, 1991, 1996c; Azibo, Robinson-Kyles, & Johnson, 2013).
It must be pointed out that the individual as such is highly prized in African culture (Gyekye, 1995, 158-162; Khoapa, 1980; Sutherland, 1997). Africentric individuality is nothing short of the practice of own-race maintenance idiosyncratically in one's spheres of operation and life space. Individuality thus contrasts 180[degrees] with individualism. Furthermore, as every individual has a distinct, idiosyncratically organized peripheral personality structure it can be seen that collective identification with ADP does not obtund one's individuality. As Gyekye puts it "communality does not obliterate individuality" (159). Witness the Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.-Malcolm X contrast where both prioritized the pursuit of own-race maintenance and collective African-U.S. identity inimitably (e.g., Maglangbayan, 1979; Wise, 2002). I query the reader, Is this individualism or individuality?
There are so-called "odd duck" persons who march to their own drum, so to speak, as a function of their idiosyncratic peripheral part of personality in interaction with their lived experience. So long as their behavior is not in motivation or actuality anti-African or antipersonal (me-myself-I) self and does no damage to African civilization or personal self, African culture can accommodate them as not mentally disordered.
I strongly disagree with the premise that when Black women straighten their hair they are not making a [psycho-] political statement.... How we wear our hair is not an insignificant matter of choice.... Our hair should be a constant reminder of our unwavering racial pride, silently but definitely
Milele Archibald, Esq. (2003, 197-198)
Definition. Imarogbe (2003, 213) defined hair misorientation "as the conscious and/or unconscious fear, anxiety, shame and/or insecurity about embracing one's African ancestry expressed by reactions to hair .... [where] hair is valued according to its degree of Africanity; the more African (tightly curled/'nappy'), the more inferior and less desirable."
Diagnosing. Where the definition obtains in the client, the following are symptomatic behaviors according to Imarogbe:
1. altering or hiding the natural texture of one's hair as in straightening it, coloring it, adding weaves and extensions to it, and wearing wigs--I would add shaving it off as well;
2. risky/dangerous behavior in the process of altering the natural texture of the hair that could potentially result in hair loss, scalp burns, and so on;
3. discriminating against and/or devaluing others based on their hair texture or length;
4. chasing a Eurasian aesthetic regarding hair; and
5. the projection of one's own fear, anxiety, shame, insecurity, or hatred over African hair onto other ADP.
If any single symptom is chronic, the diagnosis should be automatic. Otherwise, one or more symptoms operating for at least 30 days would seem sufficient.
Discussion. Hair misorientation, like mammy-ism, is not a gynecopathy either. The section epigraph remains valid replacing women with men and straightens with shave. Men also wave, curl, and straighten their hair. The points Archibald (2003) makes for women apply equally to men in this author's assessment. Specifically,
Is Black hair political? Of course it is. You can't de-politicize something by declaring it non-political self-expression.... we could be creating new, exciting progressive ways of dealing with our hair without giving up its [African-centered] significance .... we do not have the luxury of de-emphasizing any of our symbols of self-respect.... By straightening their hair [shaving their head for reasons other than a response to balding], Black women [men] are projecting a passive image of themselves which says: I'm trying to like you, to assimilate, please accept me.... When we relax our hair [shave our head], we relax our vigilance, our dignity, and our principles [that pertain to own-race maintenance].... [Our hair] should state our progress away from oppression .... let our hair 'Do Us Proud'. (Archibald, 2003, 197-200, original emphases)
The maternal role in transmitting an African aesthetic regarding hair to daughters is emphasized by Laws and Stricklen (1980) and Welsing (1991). There ought to be equal emphasis on African-centered hair aesthetics provided father to son, adult male to adolescent male.
Defense mechanism usage is likely to be part of resistance to eradicating (pun intended) a client's hair misorientation. Negromachy, WEUSI anxiety, personal identity conflict, alien- and anti-self-disorders, and alienating mentacide may be involved in some cases of hair misorientation. Imarogbe points out that hair misorientation qualifies as self-mutilating behavior as the pain and physical discomfort associated with risky hair practices is willingly submitted to in time. The practitioner might juxtapose these other conditions case by case. As "cutting," for example, usually takes place in private, self-mutilation via hair behavior is frequently public or social rendering it more dangerous. Can you imagine that? Just how foul is the lifestyle choice of en masse self-mutilation through hair behavior? Excellent discussions can be found in Bengu (1975, 42-44), Clark (1971), Cornwell (1997), and Roberson (1995, 147-153).
Finally, a treatment strategy might be to schedule periods of wearing one's hair African/natural style interspersed with client's usual hair misorientation behavior or even a different hair misorientation style gradually weaning off the latter two. Significant others may have to be involved.
Every time we [ADP] move to embrace everybody, and everybody's way, in a family hug, the Afrikan [in us] loses.
Mwalimu Bomani Baruti (2003, 281, emphases added)
Definition. Sexual misorientation is defined as the practice of or inclining toward male or female homosexuality, bisexuality, bestiality, or other sexual acts or sexual thinking qualifying from an African-centered perspective as perverse.
Diagnosing. Self-evident is the lifestyle practicing of these behaviors. A single incident also qualifies even if, in essence, it was experimental or happenchance as the hard-and-fastness of the culture-based proscription of these behaviors should also be self-evident. There is no room for hedging where sexual misorientation behaviors are concerned. At that point where the behaviors are eschewed by the client the diagnosis can be revoked. It is pointed out that inclining toward sexual misorientation implies more than contemplation.
Discussion. The sexual misorientation diagnosis brings home the unswaying nature of an absolute model of mental illness: nowhere, at no time, no how can these behaviors enter as normalcy or appropriate under African-centered cultural orientation. The creation mythos cannot accommodate any family formation or sexual practice in which the procreant function is precluded, obviated, or its sacrosanctity is compromised.
Del Jones (1996) makes it plain: "We come from a communal approach to life with the [hetero] family at the base" (53). Under this frame of reference barred are lifestyle choice of an exclusively masturbatory or oral sex life and life-long celibacy (though temporary celibacy can be quite serviceable) and dysfunctional relationship formats like serial monogamy, singlehood, non-African-centered polygyny, illegany, sharing, et cetera (Madhubuti, 1980; Semaj, 1980), sex obsession (Welsing, 1991) and sexual addiction in response to Eurasian oppression, and the flesh, force, cash and dependency connections (Karenga, 1978). These formats result in studding and breeding (see Welsing, 1991), behavior which is qualitatively less than/different from the humanity connoted in the creation mythos.
As a concept, sexual misorientation diagnosis reflects ancestral ADP's prehensility. Encoded as far back as Nilotic civilization from the African mythology into social theory as the 27th of 47 Declarations of Innocence or Virtue (from which the 10 Commandments were directly taken), the bestiality, bisexual, and homosexual aspects of sexual misorientation are such affronts to African human nature that a person is barred from heaven in the afterlife if s/he could not in truth declare upon the judgment of his or her immortal soul that I have not committed acts of impurity or sodomy. (ben-Jochannan, 1973, 69, 1978; see also Baruti's, 2010, re-hash, 68-121) These forms of sexual misorientation have always been proscribed in centered African culture which regards them no less than "taboo to earth" or "nso-ana" to borrow a term from Achebe (2009, 108). This regard is right as these are lifestyle choice behaviors that result in (a) actual killing off of the ancestors by precluding the passing on to progeny of their spiritual essences and (b) potential killing off of the species itself through barrenness and/or the presumed inevitable societal deterioration that the promulgation of aberrant, de-spiritualized human relations seems to bring. (Historical witness is found in contrasting Eurasian civilization itself with centered African civilization)
Though there may be as many explanations for homosexuality, bisexuality, and bestiality as there are people practicing the behaviors, none can excuse it under the African-centered view of human nature.
Regarding the great disaccord between the present position and that advocating normalcy status for sexual misorientation, it is important to disabuse the latter perspectives in addition to pointing out the centered African one. First is the idea that homosexuality and bisexuality have been around forever occurring in all cultures, ergo it should enter as normalcy. This is illogic as the conclusion does not follow from the premises. It is culture that is the linchpin of mental health definition and therefore the determinant of what enters as normalcy and what does not. It is logical that unless and until any aspect of sexual misorientation can be seen as jibing with the African-centered creation mythos, it cannot enter as normalcy as the 27th Declaration of Innocence reflects.
It is in Eurasian culture as far back as ancient Greco-Roman civilization that male and female homosexuality and bisexuality were practiced as lifestyle choices, never in African cultures (Baruti, 2003, 2009b). The Eurasian "must be stopped, at least in us [ADP]" (Baruti, 2003, 399) for if ADP do not push their cultural way, the Eurasians will push theirs on ADP (Madhubuti, 1978). Actually, this is what has happened. For example, Bengu (1975, 72) concluded that "all sexual perversities ... are a negative contribution of the Europeans to African culture ... [and ADP's] conform[ity] to a European way of life." Olade (1979, 19-20) informs "the few cases where such homosexuality did occur in any African society developed as the result of ... [ADP's] bowing under the influence of other outside, non-African [i.e., Eurasian] cultures." Arguments that traditional African brotherhoods, sisterhoods, woman- and man-hood rites of passage, woman-to-woman marriages, et cetera were breeding grounds for homosexuality and bisexuality are poor speculations bordering on intellectual dishonesty as "there is no reason to assume that such social contact was a sexual contact' (Agbasegbe, 1981, original emphases). Perhaps until proof to the contrary is brought forth, ADP, especially psychological workers, will cease assuming that bisexuality and homosexuality lifestyle choice living have been around since the beginning of civilization and amend that thought to the more factual "beginning of Eurasian civilization." It is at sexual misorientation that the cultural line is and evidently always has been irrevocably drawn.
Second is the mistaken thought that the first point can be disregarded because bestiality, bisexuality, and homosexuality among consenting adults are private matters of individual choice and as such they should be respected. This position is dismissible as it champions individualism over collective responsibility in the context of the procreant function. There is strong likelihood of a reciprocal relationship such that individualism [left right arrow] sexual misorientation. This fact, however, is an obfuscator of a more fundamental fact pointed out by Baruti (2009b, 37-39) that for individual choice of sexual misorientation to take root and flower, a homorganic base, that is, a society that actually produces the behavior socially and culturally is required.
That Eurasian societies are such (Baruti, 2003, 2009b) implicates Eurasian civilization/culture itself as the ultimate locus for causation of sexual misorientation and not the individual's psyche, genetics or biology. Therefore, the illogic of the thinking that sexually misoriented ADP are doing their own individual thing, so to speak, as if they live in a vacuum sans Eurasian cultural imposition is exposed and its force as an argument for normalcy status of bestiality, bisexuality, and homosexuality is diminished. Strengthened is the position that "the homosexualization of Afrikan people ... is a political movement .... not an involuntary awakening of individuals into their erstwhile suppressed sexuality" (Baruti, 2009b, 58).
Third, the involuntary awakening thesis, though bogus, relies on the argument that bestiality, bisexuality, and homosexuality are innate. In common parlance it is the idea that "they are born that way." Evidence, as opposed to folklore, from twin studies, gene studies, and prenatal influences of sex hormones and chemicals on the hypothalmus (e.g., Levay & Hamer, 1994) is summarized in many textbooks as possibly influencing sexual orientation, but expression is profoundly based on socio-cultural learning. Poof goes the "they are born that way" argument. Yet, for the sake of the argument suppose science verifies a large, direct genetic causation for bestiality, bisexuality, and homosexuality. So what? These dysfunctional behaviors would perhaps be explained is all. But, that is not enough as they could not be excused since each behavior diminishes the integrity of the nature of human nature reflected in the creation mythos and Declaration 27 by blocking or fogging the aspiring morality motivation (Williams, 1993, 86), inhered via consubstantiation in Divine essence (Azibo, 1996c, 2011d), which is the crux of being human (Baruti, 2010, 148-153). Chancellor Williams's identification of this aspiring morality bears explicit stating at this juncture:
The spiritual is not only an impulse toward morality, it is itself a moral feeling, an urge and desire for that which is excellent, good and right in oneself, first of all, and then in human relations .... and there should not be the slightest vagueness about what is meant by a spiritual-moral force. It subsumes all that tends to widen the gap between man and beast .... It is that which makes for ethical character .... It is that which progressively develops one's concern beyond self to others; It is the desire for order, for the beautiful; It is the emotional sense of a divine agency and relationship in human affairs .... accordingly, [human] life may be an organized system of cooperation and peace .... It is the gravitational pull away from mere animal existence toward something cleaner, nobler, higher, better and more excellent [in humans]. (Williams, 1993, 86-87).
Therefore, neither bestiality, bisexuality, nor homosexuality could enter as normalcy even if genetically caused as these behaviors exist outside of the aspiring morality inherent in human nature and contradict same. The motivation for these appears not to be the spiritual-moral force underlying ADP's humanity but a polar opposite teleological force.
Just because a behavior has biogenetic causal factors does not make it "normal," tolerable, or appropriate ipso facto. However, transcendence of inappropriate behavior including the sexual misorientation ones, irrespective of genetic causality, appears a built-in human capacity and a spiritual-moral African human imperative in light of the creation mythos.
Fourth, the Africentric creation mythos fashions a role for biogenetic factors in the nature of human nature. Specifically, biogenetic mechanisms are required for presumed Divine spirit to be transposed for human animation and unfolding. At conception or thereabout, then, Divine spirit is transmitted to the zygote (thence comes out of Africa the original Africentric Immaculate Conception idea). It follows that every offspring will have both male and female essential aspects if indeed African woman and man emerged simultaneously from Divine primeval stuff, said stuff containing the essence for everything. In actuality, "[b]efore the universal dawn, the demiurge himself [sic] was already both male and female, symbolizing thus the fundamental principles: 'The fathers and mothers who were with him when he was in the Nun'" (Obenga, 1992, 148). That is why African deep thought always portrayed creator deities as a "twinned" combination of male and female embodiment that was androgynous meaning Africentrically the "reunion of the strongest and most striking opposites" (Erny, 1973, 75; James, 1976). For example, the Nilotic culture had Bess, the Dahomey had Mawu--both simultaneously male and female--and for the Fali the genders are not completely differentiated in the primordial stuff. The basic conclusion is that each person descends from male and female genes and carries within his or her own body two appearances (Erny). This is a specific manifestation of the general centered African deep thinking principle of two relative truths--anokwalei enyo (Wobogo, 1977) --underlying reality.
The androgynous symbolism reflects the following simplicity of essentialism: the perfection to be found in the Divine's oneness or completeness was differentiated cosmologically in the Sep Tepy (big bang) and ontogenetically thereabout conception (Azibo, 2011d; Erny, 7376). From this basic Africentric idea of male and female essences constituting ontological makeup, a cosmological basis and acceptability for "Africana lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and intersexed identities" (Maat, 2012, 12) has been argued. In brief, Dr. Maat (not Maat per se) argues that a male body could receive a female spirit/a spirit predominated by female essence and be attracted to other males and a female body a male spirit/a spirit predominated by male essence and be attracted to other females as a result. Thence would come cosmologically-based attraction for the same sex in the phenomenal realm that does not necessarily rule out heterosexual attraction. The possibilities become doubly intricate for an intersexed body, according to Dr. Maat's analysis.
In addition to dismissing her argument with the same rationale adduced for the genetic causation argument, especially regarding intersexed persons, it would seem that though African-centered deep thinking compels the drive for androgyny--as just Africentrically interpreted--meaning a drive for African male and female oneness or minimally being in tune with our female and male aspects--it neither compels nor provides legitimacy for same sex sexual attraction (especially if the body is intersexed).
Nilotic African worldview apparently maintained a "consciousness of reality which signified an impulsion towards a principle of becoming" (Obenga, 1992, 150) which effectively precludes a cosmological basis for same sex attraction. Rather, a special spiritual attraction between two same-sex persons could follow from Maat's analysis, but not a desire or inclining to exchange bodily fluids where the procreant format is not implied. Innate spiritual essence in an individual seeks or motivates reproduction ontogenetically because that is its nature being a piece of cosmological spirit. The Sep Tepy (big bang) reveals this as spiritual energy begets and begets and begets some more and the cosmos expands continuously. Release of spiritual essence via an orgasm outside of reproductive format is not cosmologically compelled or motivated. That would be tantamount to a Sep Tepy (big bang) leaving the cosmos in the state of un-differentiation that preceded it and alas serving no purpose. To the contrary, the teleology that underlies the onset of the cosmos (e.g., Benjafield, 1996, 1-4; James, 1976) purposively compels the procreant format only. In the phenomenal realm, it is neither an invitation to nor motivation for same sex sex and other learned non-reproductive behaviors. Ancestral African deep thought embodied in the creation mythos seems to be telling us this. Though sankofa (go back and fetch it) will always be helpful to understanding, and Maat should be commended on that score, scholars can still get matters wrong as it appears she has.
The fifth and last argument for debunking pertains to the popular notion that because non-human primates and other animals display bisexual and homosexual behavior, it should be accepted in humans. A caution is in order before addressing the argument. Like the Piltdown fossil debacle (see Diop, 1991) and the fraudulent assertions of "Hamito-Semitic or "Afro-Asiatic" languages (Obenga, 1992) that preceded it, the sexual orientation topic is so politicized that some who favor acceptance of homosexuality might falsify their data. Were the primates taught homosexual and bisexual behavior in the labs and then put in the bush (no pun intended) for "discovery?" Why did no one in the first half of the last century and throughout the 19th report observing these behaviors? Should one assume that the animals waited for the issue to become pivotal in Eurasian civilization to weigh in? What are the genetic and social histories of these primates? How was the homosexual behavior operationalized?
Nevertheless, many websites assert homosexual behavior in thousands of animal species. Much ado is made over animals like the bonobo monkeys of the Congo and birds Juliet and Juliet of the Boston zoo. The bonobos, for instance, have homosexual sex, intense tongue kissing, face to face heterosexual copulation, and oral sex says de Waal (see Bonobo sex, 2013). Imputing sexual orientation in dumb animals, even primates, is at best dubious. Animals are probably best regarded as neither heterosexual nor homosexual. These social behavior categories require a conscious choosing that appears non-existent in animals. Moreover, whether bona fide homosexual behavior occurs with the bonobo in the bush, animals at the zoo, or people's domesticated pets, has zero relevance for interpreting sexual misorientation behavior in humans. Culture is still the interpretive linchpin. If the human cue were taken from animal life without cogitation, then there would be no need for cultural dictates.
Whensoever pets or lab animals display so-called homosexual behavior that has not been shaped, it might be noted that penetration and climax are rare and, moreover, that they do not live in what for them is a natural environment for the most part. That is, locking beasts down in cages, yards, or houses does not afford them a "natural" experience for their category of beast. Unnatural environment and experiences taking place therein likely produce unnatural behavior. On that note, the "naturalness" of life for ADP under Eurasian domination should be pondered. It is a completely unnatural state living under Eurasian domination and that is the best candidate for the cause of homosexual and bisexual orientations in ADP and most other sexual misorientations they have come to display.
In closing the sexual misorientation discussion, the reader is encouraged to also ponder what it portends for an essentially heterosexual ADP--historically heterosexually oriented since history has been codified in myth and continuing into recorded history--to incorporate into their sex life bestiality and bisexuality concomitantly coming to view homosexuality as acceptable. Also, the political landscape resulting in marital, insurance, inheritance and other civil rights for sexually misoriented persons should be pondered. At this point, the reader should please revisit the section epigraph. Poof does every instance of sexually misoriented behavior serve to eradicate the African-centered tradition. If the reader of African descent does not share the author's adamantine position that ADP exist on planet earth in perpetuity as Africans genetically black and culturally-psychologically, then s/he should openly declare it so and thereby self-sort. As being culturally-psychologically African rules out sexual misorientation living as appropriate behavior due to its incongruity with the nature of African human nature per African deep thought, perforce it also rules out "the homosexual family" as a concept. It is as much a false concept as assimilation, acculturation, et cetera discussed earlier. As it does not jibe with the creation mythos, it is unethical for the mental health worker to support "the homosexual family" per se in work with African descent clients and client systems. However, it is imperative to support ADP's families in every way that due to exigencies are headed by sexually misoriented persons. This would especially include treating the sexual misorientation. To reiterate, the purpose of diagnosing in the first place is for medicamentous sorting. "What we must do is offer the homosexual brother or sister a proper compassion and acceptance [of his or her humanity] without advocacy [i.e., without accepting the behavior]" (Hare & Hare, 1984, 65).
Definition. These are decrements in psychological functioning and debilitation usually thought of as having biochemical or biological antecedents, but actually originating in psychosocial practices where ADP have moved away from the traditional Africentric toward Eurasian psychosocial practices.
Diagnosing. The decrements and debilitation are first verified. Then the practitioner must discern the presence of movement toward Eurasian psychosocial practices that antedate the behavioral drop-off and whether they are playing a role in the problem.
Discussion. For example, senility is typically felt to be produced by biological changes related to aging. But, as ADP ape the Western practices of disregard for extended family and placing their elderly outside the home and community there seems to be a concomitant rise in senility (Akbar, 1981). Is the culprit biological aging or the psychosocial movement away from extended family, "village," and ADP's traditional centered psychosocial practices? Perhaps dietary practices might be included here also.
Definition. Called "reactionary psychoses" by Fanon (1963, 249-311), reactionary disorders are defined as direct, maladaptive responses to oppression deriving from racist bases which indicate that the person's coping mechanisms have broken down resulting in diminished capacity.
Diagnosing. The call is a clinical one. Various coping scales may abut. Importantly, the role of oppression may not be self-evident or Eurasian societal forces may attempt to hide, deny, or discount it.
Discussion. This diagnosis should be more prominent. It has been largely ignored by African- and Eurasian-centered practitioners since Fanon advanced it. The reactionary disorders diagnosis potentially can lead to revamping of how socialized and unsocialized conduct behavior problems are conceptualized. Four reactionary disorders that merit special consideration are psychological brainwashing, psychological burnout, oppression violence reaction, and Black rage disorder.
Propaganda has done more to defeat [ADP] ... than even open warfare.... we of the Afrikan race are suffering more than any other race in the world from propaganda [that].... destroy[s] our hopes, our ambitions and our confidence in self.
Honorable Marcus Garvey, Philosophy and Opinions
(cited in Jones, 2001, 19-20)
Definition. As Fanon (1963, 285-289) discussed it, psychological brainwashing is a process used to purge a given thought or ideology from the cognitive belief system and replacing it with another. It minimally entails confronting the brainwashee with actual or apparent contradictions between her or his ideology or thought and that promulgated by the brainwasher. In short, it is training or influencing a person to think solely according to the interest of the brainwasher (ben-Jochannon, 1992). It is a viciously insidious mass mind control tool--frequently employing propaganda--based in behaviorism learning principles that has been put this way:
[I]n view of the tremendous advance ... in the field of mental technologies, begun with the glorious work of Pavlov and ... totally devoted to the aligning of loyalties and extracting the obedience of individuals and multitudes. (Brain-washing, n.d., 5)
Diagnosing. The call, again, is the practitioner's. There are two necessary criteria. First, the brainwashee's material survival must be controlled by or dependent upon the brainwasher or whosoever the brainwasher is working for--at least the brainwashee must perceive this is the case. Second, as affecting correct orientation, the process may utilize direct or indirect confrontation between African-centered or pro-Africana espousals and the prevailing Eurasian ideas. Insidiously, the process frequently uses genetically black persons to push the Eurasian ideas and propaganda as there seems to be a limitless number of ADP willing to practice masochistic voluntary cultural servitude to choose from (see Baker, 2008; Chinweizu, 2013b; Council on Black, 2002). This fact should not becloud the diagnostician who is reminded of the proverb "When the axe came into the forest, the trees said, the handle is one of us."
Discussion. Psychological brainwashing occurs throughout the social structure of the society. It is an elementary process with a pervasiveness and effectiveness that are far from elementary. Since people proceed as they perceive, so to speak, psychological brainwashing attempts to control the concepts used in the perception process. Jones (1990, 26-29) reminded that the mass media of communications is more aptly named the "consciousness industry" by Dallas Smythe as its purpose is to set a daily agenda of issues, problems, values, and policies for guiding populations and society's institutions. Mind control by the West's consciousness industry is priority big business with an investment of $25,000,000 in experiments on psychological brainwashing between 1949 and 1972 alone (Fresia, 1988, 92). There is little wonder then that the United States government and the Eurocentric media industry are unsurpassed in effecting mind control (Chomsky, 1989, 1991).
A perfect, poignant example of thought control of ADP that vivifies the brainwashing process and underscores the importance of this disorder that is not to be missed is the analysis of 9-1-1 (September 11, 2001) which "If you are wondering how opinion is formed ... [is] a great lesson as we see the mass media .... orchestrated by The Council on Foreign Relations/Trilateral Commission/New World Order Connection" (Jones, 2001, 45).
Though 9-1-1 is too large for summarization here, a step-by-step example of psychological brainwashing against African people is illustrated in the mission of the armed forces of the American empire in overthrowing the revolution in Grenada. After the sovereign nation of Grenada (a country of ADP in the Caribbean) had been militarily secured (i.e., once the Grenadian citizenry were dependent on the American empire, criterion 1), the psychological brainwashing was initiated. According to Burns (1983) a Colonel Ashworth out of Fort Bragg, N.C. with a staff of 400 had attacked the Grenadian citizenry with a "major psychological warfare campaign ... for the minds of the people." Ashworth using the consciousness industry above ground directed a textbook defaming of revolutionary leader and Prime Minister Maurice Bishop, the New Jewel Movement, the 1979-1983 Grenada revolution itself, the self-determined government of the nation, and so on, and favorably positioned the image of the American empire, Ronald Reagan, and the externally imposed rulers of Grenada (Bandele, 1979; Lynch, 1981; Marable, 1987; New Jewel, 1983; Shabaka, 1981). (The impact of underground terrorist activities like assassinations, illegal jailing, torture, and so on are not to be forgotten.) Eugenia Charles and Tom Adams, respectively genetically black Prime Ministers of St. Lucia and Barbados, were in this scheme orchestrated by the U.S. National Security Council (Perkins, 1985) the official decriers of the Grenadian Africans taking of their own freedom and self-determination as anti-progress and anti-Western. They requested a United States led invasion to save the Grenadian citizenry from themselves (criterion 2). The rest is history as Grenada has been returned to the fold of the United States' "backyard" with heavy doses of propaganda figuring prominently. The handling of the truly big revolution that occurred on little Grenada by the United States is gut-wrenching, splanchnic reality that should have been a wake-up call for anyone who needed it that testifies to the spectacular effectiveness of psychological warfare conducted with psychological brainwashing against ADP and reveals the readiness with which the Americans will use it. The Grenada example illustrates the imperative that the mental health worker grasp the following:
If the victims [ADP] can be made to see the world through Amerikkkan [or Eurasian] eyes the battle is won and the victims are destroyed as a person, a community, a nation, a race. (Jones, 2001, 20)
A few questions linger regarding the mind control perpetrated on the genetically black military personnel who attacked Grenada, doing the murderous bidding of the Caucasian Americans. Were they not victims of psychological brainwashing? Do the odds favor them or the 2014 versions of them becoming a fifth column or opposing a fifth column?
Does the mental health worker of African descent who has to choose between supporting any past, present or future troop in his or her carrying out America's anti-African missions versus not supporting and opposing the same perceive or feel a dilemma, disquietude, or fear? If yes, I have two entreaties. First, s/he should refer to the Africentric definition of mental health discussion above and in Azibo (1996c, 2011c) which emphasizes own-race maintenance dictates. This requires that s/he face down the fear of Eurasian dominance remembering two things after all, namely, Malcolm X's statement that "you're not supposed to be so blind with patriotism that you can't face reality" and Gil Scott-Heron's (1984) lyric "Ain't no such thing as Superman" meaning the Eurasian as enemy can be bested.
Second, as a professional, please resolve at this instant to self-sort by openly joining authentic African-centered African (Black) psychology in its openly and consciously political stance which recognizes that the Eurocentric political-socioeconomic structure of America is a primary basis for mental problems among African-U.S. or by rejecting the same openly admitting being a part of the repressive mechanism of America (Wilson, 1993, 65, 88). As the point is a sobering one that generalizes to African-Eurasian geopolitical relationships worldwide, Paulo Freire has perhaps put it best:
One of the gravest obstacles to the achievement of liberation is that oppressive reality absorbs those within it and thereby acts to submerge ... [African-centered] consciousness. Functionally, oppression is domesticating. To no longer be prey to its force, [ADP] must emerge from it and turn upon it. (cited in Fresia, 1988, 135)
Otherwise, the talk of healing, liberation, and self-determination that characterizes the stated positions of certain African descent mental health organizations is revealed at best as remarkably, perhaps even cowardly, short-sighted. At worst, it would seem to be fake, mere mouthing, feel-good rhetoric or, in ebonics, plain old fronting as appears the Association of Black Psychologists (n.d.) and the Black Psychiatrists of America.
The African descent mental health worker who mouths "healing" and so forth in her or his theory, research, and practice but does not confront the system of Eurasian domination of ADP implicitly endorses the system of domination and actually ends up policing it (see Fresia, 135-139). This could hardly be more "bass ackards" especially in the United States context where more African-U.S. ancestors sided with George III than George Washington (Schama, 2006). It appears the American nation-state continues its practice of White nationalism (Walters, 2003) and--in contrast to the typical African-U.S. mental health worker's disquietude or fear over not supporting African-U.S. troops carrying out American military actions--the Americans display no qualms or trepidation in crushing all African-U.S. movement toward sovereignty (e.g., Obadele, 1984, 1998, 2003).
Indeed, history reveals "the United States government has consistently tried to forcibly subjugate the African-American oppressed nation" (Forman, 1981, 78), an American practice that imperils the African-U.S. This is likely true for all Eurasian oppressor-African victim relationships. The point to be taken being that in modern times the psycho-politics of psychological brainwashing explicitly plays a major role and is without lenity:
For the sake of obedience on the part of the population and [controlling] their general reaction, a level of brutality must, at all costs, be maintained. (Psychological brainwashing, 32, italics added)
The mental health worker must understand and confront the tremendous challenge that the psycho-politics of psychological brainwashing poses. Jones (1996, 170) stated the bottom line that "[u]ntil we establish 'Afrikan Nationalism' as a [worldwide mental health] norm our people will function with divided loyalties." This undermines and contradicts own-race maintenance/correct orientation/normalcy in ADP and must be eliminated.
Definition. A deep-seated fatigue in which the person feels drained of all energy accompanied with disgust, disappointment, and even doubt and disillusionment in struggling for own-race maintenance or the status of said struggle defines psychological burnout.
Diagnosing. The emotional accompaniments are crucial and clinical judgment is required. Drawing on Baruti (2009a, 108-110), the practitioner might look for an overall incapacitating nadir, heightened despair, feelings of isolation and being overwhelmed, a resignation that struggling against Eurasians is a Sisyphean task, uncharacteristic or increased disharmony with colleagues who are in the struggle, a recently arising doubt in personal abilities relative to struggling, uncharacteristic movement toward inaction, questioning the rightness of the struggle, concerns about lack of financial security for self and/or family that can result from struggling, and missing friends and family due to separation resulting from struggling.
Discussion. The diagnosis only applies to persons actually engaged self-consciously in own-race maintenance thinking and behaving. It is not to be conflated with other types of burnout though it might correlate. A person's struggling may be in organized group efforts or carried out alone. At some point the daily and protracted struggles for liberation perhaps or perhaps not in combination with routine surviving can become overwhelming. It is presently not clear whether psychological burnout is more transitory than long-term, more of a physical, mental, or spiritual nature, or how it correlates with peripheral personality disorders. Though proper exercise, nutrition, viable spirituality (Madhubuti, 1978, 1981), and regular rest and recreation (Baruti, 2010, 292-304) may counter it, nota bene that as long as Eurasian supremacy exists ADP must get comfortable with "being at peace with being at war" (Baruti, 2010, 297) for as Paul Robeson stated "there is no sheltered rear" and, is it not clear by now, that Eurasian civilization only leaves 'smoke n' ashes' in its wake?
Oppression Violence Reactions
What we carry within is a righteous rage .... [which] moves warriors beyond an oversimplified anger .... into the 'focused rage' stage of being Afrikan. Here we respond productively.
Mwalimu Bomani Baruti (2010, 7)
Definition. Emanating from the 'smoke n' ashes' attendant to post-plantation life (Johnson, 1934), oppression violence reactions are spontaneous unpremeditated violent acts, directed at in-group or out-group members and their property, which have as their root cause forces of racism and oppression in Eurasian-centered civilizations.
Diagnosing. The psychological worker discerns whether the definition maps onto the case and its exigencies. As yet, no particular signs or symptoms have been identified.
Discussion. ADP worldwide likely are burdened with significant pent up anger. In the United States, the social ecosystem generates anger by enforcing "living while Black" (Gabbidon & Peterson, 2006) and Eurasian socio-cultural-economic oppression (Schiele, 2005; U.S. Senate, 1976; Worgs, 2006) in the context of Caucasian nationalism (Walters, 2003). Roberson (1995, 133-138) points out that having received no treatment at all for it population-wise or individually, many more ADP than is known may burst out with violent, insane-appearing behavior. Triggers can be anything from national events like political assassinations, beatings, and unjust acquittals to more local issues like neighborhood gun violence or hospital closings to the intensely personal to the silly like an incidental brushing, hard stare, or road rage, but at the root the coping meltdown is a reaction to Eurasian hegemony. Oppression violence reactions are likely to be gripping and splanchnic. For example,
At age eight, Mr. X, a 60-year-old African-American man, witnessed a horrible KKK lynching of a Black man and abduction of his wife. Nightmares of this have haunted him throughout his life. As a result of the recent revival of overground Klan activity, on October 8, 1983 Mr. X was subjected to a "Klan roadblock," hate literature was forced upon him, and he was told 'Nigger, get your damn black ass away from here.'
As he went about his business, the childhood tragedy continuously flashed back in his mind. Without thinking, Mr. X, an expert marksman, returned to the Klansmen and fired once into the air and once into the open space between two Klansmen. Mr. X then snapped out of this mental state and was arrested and indicted for attempted murder. (Dees, 1985, 2-3)
In addition to being illustrative of the process of an oppression violence reaction, Mr. X's case demonstrates the need for mental health workers to intervene in the legal process on behalf of persons like Mr. X who need therapy for a psychological condition, not jail sentences. Where jailing is appropriate or inevitable, a psychological defense could be mounted to mitigate sentencing (see Harris, 1997). It seems apparent that diminished capacity occurs with oppression violence reactions.
The hoopla likely to surround oppression violence reactions could cloudy matters and lead to misdiagnosis. All violent behaviors do not automatically qualify to receive the diagnosis--even if rooted in oppression--unless the incident itself was essentially automatic and knee-jerk like in genesis. A good contrast is so-called "urban psychosis" or "urban survival syndrome" where life in violence-laden city environments is said to contribute to an individual's committing violent acts (Lawyer argues, 1993; Wikipedia, 2009; Woo, 1993). The urban psychosis involves learning and socialization to violence. Automaticity and non-premeditation are not its hallmarks.
As indicated in the section epigraph, the energy which oppression violence reactions operate on could be focally redirected in service of own-race maintenance. Again, this is why we sort. According to Jennings (1998) many men who joined the original Black Panther Party for Self-defense were searching for organized outlets to release personal and collective rage. The psychological worker is entreated to develop relationships with and counsel clients toward such outlets as they may engender the necessary cultural alignment (Schiele, 1998). Directed anger/rage/violence when righteous has a naturally healing function and is a commendable virtue as Baruti (2010) and Curry (2007) point out. Caution that oppression violence reactions do not roll into habitual, perpetual violence and assaultive behavior (e.g., Black Psychiatrists, 1994; King, 1997) may be in order.
Black Rage Disorder
[Ponder] the connections between [Eurasian] state violence and interpersonal violence. It is through [the former] that violence in our communities was introduced.
A. Smith (2004)
Definition. Physical or verbal violent behavior that (a) is rooted in and responds to Eurasian racial oppression and hegemony, (b) is pondered and premeditated, (c) is non-nihilistic, and (d) is precipitated more over personal-life circumstances that an individual finds himself or herself in than personal involvement in self-conscious racial struggle per se defines Black rage disorder.
Diagnosing. The tendency to lump all violent behavior by ADP must be resisted though in some cases elements of Black rage disorder, "urban psychosis," and oppression violence reactions may overlap. Clinical acumen, again, is called upon.
Discussion. It is progress that in the original and present Azibo Nosology Eurocentric psychology and psychiatry enjoy no hegemonic influences. That was not the case in 1968 when Grier and Cobbs published Black Rage and, being incarcerated in Western conceptualizing, insisted that Black rage was not a disorder.
Harris (1997) presents several cases of the Black rage criminal defense legal strategy in which Black rage disorder is operating. Across the cases, an etiological pattern emerges, to wit continuous racism directed at the victims [right arrow] rational (from the victim's perspective) preparation by the victims to defend themselves and otherwise overcome [right arrow] unabated, sometimes exacerbated racial oppression [right arrow] victim's mental state degenerates with time [right arrow] peripheral mentacide (and maybe seedbeds or elements of oppression violence reaction, "urban psychosis," or psychological burnout) [right arrow] criminal or criminalized violence = Black rage disorder.
This etiology is similar to that laid out by Welsing (1991) for her inferiorization of African-U.S. concept. It also makes plain Eurasian society's culpability. This culpability is clearly seen in the immediate post-plantation life of African-U.S. (Johnson, 1934). Specifically, "racism is a major factor in the equation that causes a person to strike out" (Harris, 1997, 49). Also, there seems to be a lot of peripheral mentacide in the cases Harris presents. A societal good the Black rage disorder diagnosis provides is exposing the tie between racism and mental illness in ADP. The benefit for the diagnosed is a sound psychological basis for the Black rage legal defense.
Two concerns remain. First, some violent behavior may cut across the Black rage and oppression violence reaction categories making diagnosis difficult. Plus, it would be an egregious oversight not to consider Malcolm X's paraphrased utterance "I'm neither violent, nor nonviolent ... but if the enemy is violent with me in-kind violence will be returned." For example, behavior in the mold of Harriet Tubman (Bradford, 1886/2004) or more recently Assata Shakur (Shakur, 1969, 1987) should not receive the violence stigmatism though perhaps tinged with violence on occasion. It is likely that many African-U.S. women have responded to Eurasian oppression with violent behavior admixed with Tubman-Shakur like impetus as well as elements of Black rage and oppression violence reaction (e.g., King, 2007). Second, that Black rage disorder and oppression violence reactions may be turned inward and on ADP's community and morph into the realm of self-destructive behavior is possible.
Definition. Defined as various negative lifestyles and behaviors that generally grow out of efforts to survive under oppressive conditions that Eurasian civilization visits on ADP and that weaken the fabric of the traditional African-centered ethos or set of guiding principles such as survival and enhancement of the group/collective, collective responsibility or ujima, and so forth, the self-destructive disorders pose a real danger to a community of ADP and the disordered individual. Narrowly focused by Akbar (1981), I have elaborated this category of disorders into two types. As Eurasian civilizations systematically undermine, deny or frustrate ADP's efforts to participate in the legitimate world of socio-economics, Type I self-destructive disorders can result. The common thread shared by Type I self-destructive disorders is that they all respond to oppression by attempting to destroy or depress their involvement with reality. Eight have been identified. In contrast, Type II self-destructive disorders reflect an acceleration of involvement with reality, albeit misguided tragically, by trying to become Caucasian, Arab, or other than African descent in literal and/or mental ways. There are six Type II disorders identified thus far. Each type will be presented separately. Whether Type I or Type II, it would seem inhumane, criminal, reprehensible, and unethical for Eurasian civilizations to deliberately orient ADP in a manner that alienates them from their indigenous African identity and group heritage and disorganizes their personalities. As Forman (1981) and Obadele (2003) point out, this practice is outlawed by the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (ratified by the United States, though not until 1988). For all practical matters, that the self-destructive disorders terminate the peoplehood of the African-U.S. and probably other diasporan and continental populations of ADP is a hellish infamy.
Type I Self-Destructive Disorders
the oracles, I will not cause pain, I will not cause the shedding of tears and I will not cause terror bring our attention to how we should act toward others
Mwalimu Bomani Baruti (2010, 73)
Defined above, the Type I self-destructive disorders are nihilated African (Black) identities disorder, marijuana: mentacidal psychological dependence disorder, refusal to procreate disorder, abortion as a lifestyle choice disorder, lying disorder, vulgar speech disorder, sexist personality disorder, and African high-tech lynching (misnomered suicide) disorder. Each disorder is dolorous causing pain, tears, and terror.
Nihilated African Identities Disorder
Definition. King (2011) articulated this condition among the African-U.S. It is expanded and defined here to be applicable to all ADP as the perspective internalized and/or accepted by the client that the lives of ADP represent life unworthy of life, especially in comparison with Eurasians, based on the outlook that Africana peoples' humanity is bestial and abject as espoused in anti-African appraisals from Eurasian civilizations.
Diagnosing. Always a function of mentacidal etiology, symptoms of nihilated African identities disorder include, naturally, a palpable and non-political nihilism (disdain for and rejection of social and moral values, a drive to demonstrate same in behavior, a sense of nothingness regarding community), depraved social behavior and thinking, irresponsibility, and self-identification that excludes affirming positive race-based identity (see King, 2011). Also the acceptance of injurious societal racial appraisals like former Secretary of Education William Bennett's "Black babies should be aborted," Shelby Steele's "shedding my race," Howard Stern's "Malcolm X? You mean Malcolm excrement," Ken Hamblin's "Dark Town" term for the African-U.S. community, ad nauseam is a critical symptom.
For many persons with nihilated African identities disorder, it might be predisposed by or co-mingled with the social work construct idiomatic purposelessness. Defined "as a state in which persons have a vacuous sense of self; whose sense of significance and importance is extremely marginal and whose development is devoid of, or at best insufficiently grounded in constant positive affirmation" (Beverly, 1998, 185), idiomatic purposelessness would seem a major peripheral personality disorder that affects ADP despite not being found in the DSMs or ICDs. It is incompatible with a correct orientation/own-race maintenance orientation which is the normalcy personality orientation for ADP.
Discussion. The life unworthy of life idea appears a common one for ADP reeling under Eurasian oppression (Azibo, 2011c, 2012b; Once Were Warriors, 1995). This idea, coupled with depravity, is a recipe for the killings, massacres, mayhem, and corruption plaguing ADP globally. It is likely that the proportion of convicted criminals of African descent in the United States with this disorder is statistically significant. That America is regarded as a crimogenic society (the social structure inevitably produces criminality, see King, 2007; Wilson, 1990, 1992) is a position sustained by the existence of nihilated African identities disorder (as articulated here) and idiomatic purposelessness.
The Azibo Nosology II rejects the lineage of nihilated African identities disorder that is claimable in Western mental health thought, namely that dysasthesia Aethiopica (rascality) (Thomas & Sillen, 1972) was updated and morphed in the DSM-III-R into unsocialized conduct disorder (innate devilment) which could easily morph into the concept of nihilated African identities disorder. It is probable that anti-self disorder and peripheral mentacide co-occurs in many with this condition. Reclaiming and (re)focusing people with nihilated African identities disorder as correctly oriented should be a top mental health priority.
Marijuana: Mentacidal Psychological Dependence Disorder
[Why] do we inhale? Because we're in hell already. From the radio, song and artist unknown, August 2013 And It's a terrible thing inside, When your natural high has died But, I'm so glad I've got my own, So glad that I can see My life's a natural high, The [Eurasian] man can't put no thing on me ... More and more you plead, Until you grow another need [for more weed] Playing fantasy, you have left [African-centered] reality ... I know your mind you want it funky, But you don't have to be no [marijuana] junkie Sho' is funky, Sho' is funky, I ain't no [marijuana] junkie (repeat) Curtis Mayfield (Superfly soundtrack, "I got my own"), 1972
Definition. In the coupling of marijuana and mental disorder for ADP, the song lyrics in the two section epigraphs provide exceptional insight. Called marijuana disorder for short, this disorder is defined as psychological dependence on marijuana wheresoever fallout from Eurasian supremacy is negatively influencing the daily life of the client. Psychological dependence refers to the rewarding emotional effect of the drug that motivates repeating it in contrast to physical dependence.
Diagnosing. DSM and ICD guidelines for determining psychological dependence may be used absent a sustainable objection and an alternative. A typical or overall drug abuse cycle must be in play, generally: substance abuse (persistent drug usage in the face of deplorable and/or declining social and economic circumstances) [right arrow] drug tolerance (need more and more of the substance to achieve a high formerly obtained with a smaller dose) [right arrow] physical and/or psychological dependence [right arrow] avoiding painful physical and/or wrenching mental withdrawal [right arrow] more substance abuse and the cycle continues indefinitely. Paths 1, 2, or 3b are implicated.
Discussion. Though smoking marijuana may be linked to major problems in living (Grant, Martinez, & White, 1998; Green & Ensminger, 2006), personal observation suggests the drug holds sway in everyday African-U.S. life to the point of being a hazardous phenomenon ushering in increases in long-term usage and acceptance. That drugs are used to street treat or self-medicate frustration and depression may be well-known. Still as this is taking place under Eurasian domination, the influence of mentacide cannot be discounted. ADP's marijuana consumption (non-medical) would seem best viewed as successful chemical warfare. Nation-building (Akoto, 1992; Obadele, 2003) and power accumulation and consolidation (Anderson, 2001; Wilson, 1998) are own-race maintenance activities that stand no chance if the populace is partaking of THC regularly as a matter of course. If the law stipulated that ADP had to take marijuana on a given schedule, doubtlessly that would be viewed as movement toward racial extirpation or at least inferiorization. The end does not change if the drug is self-consciously consumed even if to street treat/self-medicate "because we're in hell already." To participate in marijuana consumption as described here is mentacide-induced Type I self-destructive behavior par excellence. Nevertheless, with its apparent permeation of and actual threat to African-U.S. living, it warrants its own free-standing diagnostic category in the Azibo Nosology II. To treat it as if it were a peripheral personality disorder only would be inadequate tantamount to mistaking the tail for the dog.
Some might tut-tut this diagnosis reasoning the naturalness of marijuana makes it acceptable in moderation. That THC is one of numerous natural substances that harm and that the ancestral dictate "I will not pollute myself' (Baruti, 2010, 89-90) are two reminders that warn about what is ingested. There are four points to be taken. First, moderate usage or not, if psychological dependence is indicated the diagnosis should be made even if tentatively. Second, the marijuana: mentacidal psychological dependence disorder diagnosis does not rule out physical dependence which may or may not be present. Third is the bottom line of substance abuse, to wit
Drugs .... incapacitate the users, create unproductive members of the community, deliver an awesome criminal motive in individuals, foster dependency, invert actions as [Eurasian] society continues exploitation [of ADP] unchallenged, remove creativity .... cause confusion in the individual and amongst the people.
(Jones, 1992, 78)
Last but not least is the need to heed an especially insightful analysis advocating specialized treatment for African-U.S. juveniles with substance issues (doubtlessly generalizable to other African descent youth), to wit
Simply possessing drugs [or having mentacidal psychological dependence on marijuana] is not necessarily a crime requiring involvement in the juvenile justice system .... At most, it represents that an individual may have a problem coping or a problem engaging in unhealthy recreational activities. These are problems that could be addressed from a mental health approach .... including] teaching self-love, teaching success in one's environment, teaching the success of Africans, providing African American role models, and providing employment and academic counseling .... [all] based on Afrocentricity and rites of passage .... [incorporating African] centeredness, moral standards, rituals, and ceremonies .... [Bear in mind] that adolescents' belief that friends, neighbors, and family are involved in drug trafficking are associated with juvenile drug trafficking. Therefore ... alter[ing] adolescents' belief that drugs are the norm ... and prosocial future rewards need to [be] promoted. (Alexander, 1996, 382-383)
It seems Curtis Mayfield's insight from just a few generations ago expressed in the second section epigraph was wasted, but warrants reemergence as a practical theme for promulgation by mental health workers in tackling this disorder.
Refusal to Procreate Disorder
There is a difference between birth control per se ... and the exploitation of the idea of birth control for genocidal and racist limitation and decimation of an entire group by another--i.e. population control
Nathan and Julia Hare (1984, 35, italics original)
Definition. The self-conscious, non-medical decision by a heterosexual person or couple not to biologically reproduce or have offspring at all as a lifestyle choice using any means including permanent celibacy, abortion, and the removal or disabling of reproductive systems defines refusal to procreate disorder.
Diagnosing. Importantly, if the decision to not procreate is a self-conscious one, then the diagnosis is made irrespective of client's non-medical rationale. His or her rationale is important only for understanding where the client is at or is coming from. Documentation from the appropriate professional should be required if client presents with a medical or health rationale including mental health. Client should be re-evaluated as medical/health status changes.
Discussion. Genocide of ADP could be a distinct possibility (Vargas, 2005; Yahshua, 2012). In the United States, the genocide charge has been made (Clegg, 1981; Marable, 1982; Olomenji, 1996; Patterson, 1971). Malcolm X, for one, upon establishing the Organization of Afro American Unity, in a petition to the United Nations charged the United States with economic genocide, complicity to commit genocide, and mental harm (Williams, 1982). Psychiatric science has been implicated in worldwide assisting of genocide (Citizen's Commission, 1995). As Eurasian civilizations continue on pursuing their White-over-African cultural dictate, evidence of their appalling utamaroho (cultural energy thrust) pertaining to genocidal inclination toward ADP is left in the open. Examples abound: regarding the Tasmanian ADP, "no not one; " in the transition to neocolonialism, Lloyd George's statement "Okay, but we absolutely reserve the right to shoot niggers; " the American refrains "[who cares about] the other bodies in the river" (Delany, 2000) and "they was just niggers; " and in reference to the Sudan, Muhammad Ali Pasha's "we are in this to procure Negros," ad nauseam. Former President of South Africa P. W. Botha summarized Caucasian civilization in relationship to ADP like this: "The racism they talk about didn't begin with the White Afrikaner. It has always been a fact of this life.... It is our strong conviction, therefore that the Black is the raw material for the White man" (cited in Jones, 1992, 70-73, emphases added). To influence ADP to voluntarily not reproduce seemingly at their own behest at just that point in history where anti-African Western civilization poses the question Who needs the Negro? (Wilhelm, 1971) appears an absolutely astonishing feat of social engineering. Huzza Eurasian supremacy in your masterful employment of miseducation and the psychology of oppression.
In the Academy, the recently deceased Dr. Aaronette White's work has been all the rage among those promoting Eurocentric feminism applied to ADP by an African descent person (e.g., Caplan, 2012). To my knowledge, she is the number 1 scholar whose work espouses Africana women self-consciously electing to refuse to procreate as a lifestyle choice. She held Western feminist theory higher than the creation mythos as a reference point for understanding the nature of human nature and the foundation for male/female relationships (personal conversation, Oakland, CA August 2008). Though persons with refusal to procreate disorder can be very pro-Black/pro-African otherwise, like Dr. White was, this disorder nevertheless shows how distorting and warping of ADP's humanity proceeding apace with Eurasian definitions about social behavior--that is, psychological misorientation--can be. Refusal to procreate disorder violently flies in the face of Africana people's endemic behavior systems that "reflect a kind of intuitive mode of cooperation with the natural order" (Mayers, 1976, 190). It certainly cracks the skull of this writer.
Although Dr. White and I were on a first-name basis, received our psychology Ph.D degrees at the same university with the same major advisor and two of the same professors on our committees, and I would accept her collect calls from Surinam and the Netherlands when she worked there, and she shared with me many of the unpleasant personal experiences at the hands of men that influenced her development and were thrust upon her again in graduate training by (publicly) unnamed professors, I would be remiss not to remind the reader of the proverb given earlier: "When the axe came into the forest, the trees said, the handle is one of us." A related reproductive behavior disorder that also is blatantly incongruous with the creation mythos is wanton pregnancy termination.
Abortion as a Lifestyle Choice Disorder
Moyo Webe (singular), Moyo Wenu (plural)
(Life to you or I/We wish you life, a salutation from central Africa)
Definition. The thought and/or practice of a man or woman that assigns legitimacy and acceptability to pregnancy termination at any point post conception for non-medical reasons by any means defines abortion as a lifestyle choice disorder.
Diagnosing. While an aborted pregnancy speaks for itself, it speaks volumes when repeated. When repeated, indeed it is a voicing of unsurpassed degeneracy. Furthermore, in exploring client's position that abortion as a lifestyle choice is a legitimate option the practitioner might look for faulty thinking such as:
1. non-African-centered social theory and utamawazo significantly underlying the position like I do what I want to with my body, it is legal so it must be okay, crumb snatchers or similar derogatory referencing, ad nauseam;
2. inconsequential appreciation or no knowledge whatsoever of the centered African view of self-extension connoted by the creation mythos;
3. no or inconsequential awareness that pregnancy termination is tantamount to murdering the ancestors, poof, by virtue of preventing their spiritual essence or Ka from continued life via birth in progeny;
4. overall yielding to the perceived practical benefits that abortion affords like freedom to pursue hedonistic and self-centered living and money-making, eliminating or lowering expenses, enhancement of one's attractiveness for mate- or date-catching, et cetera.
Discussion. It is the stark anti-procreative nature of non-medically-based pregnancy termination that cements abortion as a lifestyle choice as a psychological misorientation. It is usually driven by mentacide in the current ordering of the world. It is polar opposite the centered African life-giving orientation reflected in the creation mythos and the moyo webe/moyo wenu greeting. Lorraine Hansberry attested to the life-giving orientation of African-U.S. people in A Raisin in the Sun. Doubtlessly a cultural holdover from Africa (see J. King, 1976 regarding cultural holdovers), the family matriarch reminded her daughter-in-law who was contemplating having an abortion "we come from a people who give life, we don't take it" (paraphrased). The basis of the life-giving cultural orientation in African deep thinking is the presumed primordial ensoul of Africans:
unapologetically essentialist .... via the procreant function .... the Soto-Tswana of southern Africa [say] the Creator gave to each [human] ... a seriti [which is] a portion of ... the [Creator's spirit/soul] .... This thinking ... is continent wide .... also pre- and post-colonial .... Nile Valley Africans of ancient times called the spiritual essence Ka ... Akan called it Okra Sunsum ... Dogon called it Nyama ... Bambara called it Faro ... ad infinitum .... the African worldview compels us to conceive of [individual] life as a spiritual [phenomenon beginning in] .... an unbroken chain between Creator and mankind through procreation .... God did not merely create humanity, God procreated human beings. (Azibo, 2011d, 78, italics original)
The creation mythos codifies this deep philosophical thinking. Nowhere can lifestyle choice abortion enter as normalcy. Always does lifestyle choice abortion enter as an abject aberrancy for ADP. Rank individualism may be operating in many cases, sometimes of a selfish sort. As with refusal to procreate disorder, claimed medical bases for terminating should be verified.
Two words on "choice" are warranted. First, it seems that the traditional African-centered deep thinking limits the woman's choice to choosing to have intercourse or not. If intercourse is chosen, then all that results from that requires responsibility for both parties. Abortion, again, is not an acceptable out when mental health is considered Africentrically. Abortion is irreversible and shockingly different from adoption and rearing by others, kin and non-kin, or even turning over to social services. Incest and rape complicate the social reality, but neither moot nor trump the life-giving principles imbued in self-extension which remain preeminent. Perhaps "the Village" needs to kick in seriously with human and material resources under these circumstances especially. Colonialism, enslavement, and the aftereffects of these have, however, everywhere decimated the village and is eroding the village mentality. Still, for ADP to respond with wanton lifestyle choice abortion is a mentacidal development.
Secondly on choice, a question arises. Is choice choice? Similar to ADP's own-life taking behavior (analyzed below), has ADP's choosing of self-conscious pregnancy termination been predetermined by Eurasian civilization? The mentacidal etiology suggests it has. To whatsoever extent this is the case, then resulting lifestyle choice abortion thinking and behavior by ADP is not "choice" at all. Rather, it is pure obedience to the dictates and orders from the still-in-place social theory of the slaver/master/colonizer. Can you imagine that, death-dealing self-destructive obedience by ADP in 2014 with no whip-cracking, pistol-pointing "master" in sight, yet the Kool-Aid is still drank?
Lying Psychological Misorientation Disorder
Cheatin', stealin', and lying. One thing I can't stand is a liar. Another thing I can't stand is a cheat. There's only one thing I desire. You've gotta be truthful when you come to me. Billy Paul (The Best of Billy Paul compact disk, 1999)
Definition. This disorder is defined as misrepresenting the truth about any matter, public or private, forethoughtfully or with knee-jerk, matter of course like automaticity on a recurring basis.
Diagnosing. Establishing the recurring basis of client's lying may be as tricky as it is central to the diagnosis. In its absence, the diagnosis cannot be made. It is imperative that practitioners justify or document reasons for the imputation of regular, routine, habitual, standard operating procedure status to client's lying.
Discussion. Racist former policeman Mark Fuhrman remarked that he did not believe anything African-U.S. people say because everything out their mouths was a lie (paraphrased). Alarmingly, the author's personal knowledge with African-U.S. of all walks of life and demographics these past 30 years yields a similar conclusion. Others (e.g., Ipet Isut, 2013a) have decried what appears to be a pandemic of regular, matter of course lying behavior among African-U.S. Excluded from this diagnosis is lying when interfacing with Eurasian institutions and forces that control ADP in the society. As Baruti (2009a) reminds us a mask of deception is often called for and, frankly, honesty is not to be offered to ADP's enemies except strategically.
ADP's chronic lying, which seems to be intergenerational, qualifies as a Type I self-destructive disorder because "it works to intensify our [ADP's] fragmentation" (Baruti, 2009a, 71). That it seems commonplace to view askance promises, pledges, and statements of all sorts made by ADP bears witness. Pervasive smiling in a person's face while telling them a lie and big-facing and fronting, to use popular culture parlance, within the community erodes members' confidence in each other while simultaneously being passed on as a behavior to be emulated. At this point in ADP's history, at least the African-U.S., truth and the telling of it seems outmoded and strange. With a little cogitation, one can see that this sort of lying is as death-dealing to ADP's extended-self community as is sexual misorientation.
The psychological misorientation basis of ADP's lying behavior can be discerned from the work of Hampate Ba (1981) whom Baruti (2009a, 72) and Sutherland (1997, 128) quote: "the man [sic] who breaks his word .... breaks the sacred unity, the reflection of cosmic unity, creating discord in and around him." In other words, lying is an active, harmful violation of the self-extension principle depicted in the creation mythos as it cuts the felt, consubstantiating interconnection between ADP which itself is a microcosmic reflection of macrocosmic interconnectedness (as above, so below). Cutting ADP's interconnectedness by lying serves as an open wound that disempowers correct orientation for own-race maintenance. Equally damaging to correct orientation is the wound caused by inaction or "not speaking truth, i.e., being silent and/or letting lies circulate unchecked, [which] is still lying" (Baruti, 2009a, 72).
When looked at seriously, lying psychological misorientation disorder is a first-order debasement of the African personality. It is to be repugned at every opportunity by the practitioner. The difficulty lies in its reinforcement, apparently, throughout society. This disorder, nevertheless, is reparable in the rescue and imparting in therapy and society at large of African moral traditions as they cannot co-exist with reprobate behaviors like lying or vulgar speech.
Vulgar Speech Disorder
Good Speech is not just proper in the sense of grammatically correct speech ... but even more importantly, Good Speech is morally correct language.
Jacob Carruthers (1995, 46)
Definition. Regular, routine, matter of course usage of profanities in spoken, written, or non-verbal communication defines vulgar speech disorder.
Diagnosing. As with lying psychological misorientation disorder, the recurring, repetitive character of employing abusive, vulgar, or irreverent language, body language included, is critical. That aside, the obviousness of vulgar speech can be misleading. This diagnosis covers more than cursing, salty, coarse language, and obscene gesturing like presenting the middle finger. Vulgar speech disorder encompasses any profanation of the African perspective on the nature of prototypical African human nature that is communicated through speech behavior. By the Azibo Nosologly II definition, then, behaviors ranging from sagging or the deliberate wearing of outer pants in a manner that exposes or leaves the buttocks and underwear uncovered, a behavior that at best can be labeled gross, social penis grabbing or a male's conscious or unconscious holding or otherwise handling his penis and/or genitalia for non-biological, non-sexual reasons in the presence of another(s), spitting in public unrelated to physical need to expectorate especially while in conversation and on non-porous surfaces like sidewalks that people have to traverse, to regularly cursing are examples of vulgar speech disorder.
Discussion. One of the simpler initial goals in treating the present disorder and perhaps all others in this nosology is a client's recognizing that African-centered traditions are the requisite foundation of authentic behavior for ADP (Sutherland, 1997). Such recognition would be a milestone that portends a more positive prognosis. Jacob Carruthers provided a profound treatise on the traditions of ADP's speech behavior which the practitioner might find valuable. In summary, existence in Africa consisted of a hierarchy of speeches. At the apex is the Divine Word, the creative speech of God. Next comes the sayings of the ancestors ... whose wisdom must be consulted periodically.... [Then] comes the sacred speech of the priests ... through whom God and the ancestors speak [therefore] ... priest['s] or divine spokesperson['s] ... words command obedience as do those of God and the ancestors. The utterances of the elders in general are subordinate only to God and the ancestors ... and must be obeyed. Thus, .... this is the context in which one must understand the oral and written traditions of the African heritage. [African] human life is to a large extent an intergenerational conversation which is defined through Divine Speech [of the Creator] and Good Speech [of African humans]. (Carruthers, 1995, 83-84) If this be the African tradition, whence comes the following in settings public and private:
Mother to daughter: b-word, get out that tub or b-word sit still while I do your hair; Parent to son: don't lie to me, n-word or n-word, I told you no; Angry adult to adult with or without children present: F-bomb you, n-word or go suck your mother's p-word; Pleasant adult to adult: your ass lucky, fool/n-word or I can't hit s_ _ _on that GD lottery; Child to child: I did tag you, you it b-word/n-word/mf; Adolescent to adolescent: what's up, ho'/whore? or F-bomb that s_ _ _; ad nauseam.
Speech behavior of this sort while displayed regularly enough to be statistically normative is utterly vulgar. What you think, my n-word or dog or MF-word? (OK, enough.) It is not derivable from the African tradition, but has sprung forth during enslavement, colonialism, and the aftermath of these. Usage of the MF-word by ADP is traceable to faulty adjustment to Eurasian supremacy (Welsing, 1991, 119-130). Thus, vulgar speech disorder is not inherent in ADP or their cultures, but an intergenerational psychological misorientation with mentacidal etiology that, consisent with the definition of Type I self-destructive disorder, is shredding as we speak (pun intended) ADP's most central of all traditions, namely intergenerational Good Speech (Carruthers, 1995).
Sankofa (bringing forward traditional African principles) in the realm of speech behavior is imperative if vulgar speech disorder is to be counteracted. Strategically, the practitioner might begin by instilling the legitimacy and urgency of the ancestral oracle "I will not speak evil" (Baruti, 2010, 73, italics original). After that, the client should be returned "to the Divine conversation which commands Good Speech" specifically "speak truth and do truth .... [for] in this is the essence of cause and effect" (Carruthers, 1995, 176). If this can be impressed on the client, it would be a signpost of readiness for further transformation and possibly transcendence. Speaking of transcendence, it is early 2014 as I write and sexism is still strong with many ADP.
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|Title Annotation:||p. 68-102|
|Author:||Azibo, Daudi Ajani ya|
|Publication:||Journal of Pan African Studies|
|Date:||Oct 15, 2014|
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