The Azibo Nosology II: epexegesis and 25th anniversary update: 55 culture-focused mental disorders suffered by African descent people.
Amos Wilson (1993, 119, original emphasis)
To outline this work, it begins with a proem that covers the approaches to psychological inquiry employed in developing the nosology. The nosology itself is led into with discussion of multicultural competence, the Africentric definition of mental health and its grounding in the African asili or deep structure of culture, and mental health at the level of psycho-behavioral modalities. Real life examples of mentally healthy functioning are provided to vivify the Africentric mental health idea contained in the African personality construct and referred to as correct orientation (Azibo, 1989). A templet for correct orientation/mentally healthy functioning is presented next followed by practical working criteria for primary and secondary mental disorder (defined below). Then, how DSM and ICD conditions are handled by the Azibo Nosology II is explained and contrasted with the asinine position of Kambon (2003) which dismisses out of hand the relevance of Western mental illness concepts. After this the 55 specific disorders are presented followed by concluding remarks and an afterword.
Wilson's is a most apropos epigraph to start with as the original Azibo Nosology (Atwell & Azibo, 1991; Azibo, 1989) 25 years ago epitomized kujichagulia (self-determination, self-definition) in conceptualizing mental well-being and disorder in African descent people (ADP). That nosology took its own African-centered culture-focused lead and in doing so it revoked proactively the license of the Eurasian conceptual systems of mental health and personality disorder reflected in the DSM and ICD nosologies to prevail. This legacy is maintained in the Azibo Nosology II. My overall gestalt of the Azibo Nosology II likens it to the spear in the African proverb "If you have enemies then travel with your spear" (Baruti, 2003, 329). It is the spear for the African descent mental health worker and it is the platform from which s/he should enter the discourse on and praxis regarding (multi)cultural competence and diversity in mental health instead of perennial, encapsulated debate and adjustment regarding the latest DSMs and ICDs. I assert the fundamental place in the world of the Azibo Nosology II is its destined counterpoise to Eurasian domination in defining mental health in general and for ADP in particular.
A Brief Word on the Role of Construction, Reconstruction, and Deconstruction
The original 1989 Azibo Nosology was grounded in the long view of centered African psychology meaning the psychology originating among ADP of the ancient nilotic civilization located in today's Arab-centered Egypt, but called Kemet by the African indigenes (Azibo, 1996a) before Eurasian conquering. Thus, its articulation of concepts and perspective was derived using African utamawazo which means culturally structured thought (Ani, 1994). This unfolding of African-centered psychological knowledge is properly called the construction approach to psychological inquiry as psychological knowledge is created and articulated-literally constructed--using the irrefragable African-centered framework outlined in Azibo (1992). The construction approach, interestingly enough, is the original way psychological knowledge was brought into the world. Using the construction approach in developing the Azibo Nosology II represents my serious endeavor to (re)articulate as accurately as possible the mental health platform of indigenous, culturally matured, classical African civilization. Therefore, constructing knowledge about mental health and mental dysfunction with the Azibo Nosology II is manifest Sankofa as against mouthing Sankofa.
The 1989 Azibo Nosology was also open to the reconstruction and deconstruction approaches which were reactions to manifest Eurasian domination. The former means recasting Eurasian psychological concepts or ideas in African-centered premises. As Eurasian formulations of mental functioning frequently are not companion to centered African ones and often are laden with anti-Africanism, deconstruction or dismantling completely the Eurasian idea along with data advanced to support it has been warranted frequently in modern-day mental health.
Centered African psychology benefits when deconstruction and reconstruction bridge to construction, a task attempted throughout this article. All three approaches are discussed in Azibo (1996a) and have been used in developing the Azibo Nosology II. They are springboards to appreciating the necessity for multicultural competence in mental health work.
The Azibo Nosology II
Calls from within Western-dominated psychology for multicultural competence (American Psychological, 2011; Schultz, 2003), celebrating the non-Caucasian other (Sampson, 1993), the advancement of culturally sensitive techniques (e.g., Arnault & Shimabukuro, 2012) as well as admonishments that anti-racism efforts in mental health could be better (e.g., Corneau & Stergiopoulos, 2012), critiques of the handling of culture-bound syndromes (Bhugra, & Munro, 1997; Hughes, 1998) and the presentation of disorders related to culture (Kleinman, 1997; Tseng, 2006) have arisen. Dana (1998, 13) succinctly nails the point central to multicultural competence in mental health services that "each multicultural group must provide the idiosyncratic perspective and cultural/racial idiom in which all providers become fluent." Toldson and Toldson (2001, 417) impressively make the point too: "Psychological health care must begin to .... mak[e] accommodations for the expression of belief patterns, thoughts, and sociocultural customs indicative of the presence of an African identity in the behavior of African people." The Azibo Nosology II answers these calls for ADP. In 1989, the original Azibo Nosology contained 18 culture-focused disorders. Scholarship responding to it without my involvement (Anderson & Stewart, 2007; Belgrave & Allison, 2006; Harrell, 1999) and with me involved in some way (Anderson, 2003; Atwell & Azibo, 1991; Azibo, 2013 c; Azibo Nosology, 1998; Schultz, 2003) has been mostly favorable. As far as I know, Eurasian writers except for Schultz did not acknowledge its existence. As the nosologist of record--creator, definer, and nomenclator of the original--it is my honor to advance the Azibo Nosology II containing 55 disorders drawing on the works of 22 scholars and mental health workers spanning over 60 years. Most of the work is not inchoate, but established. This advancing is an act of freedom or interpreting the world in ways contiguous with that of authentic African ancestral worldview and literacy or applying said freedom in the here and now of ADP's lives (definitions paraphrased from Harris, 1992). All mental health workers of African descent are invited to participate. The invitation, however, comes with the stipulation for thinking from the African-center in conducting mental health work for ADP (Azibo, 1990b). This is growth as we begin building our discourse on the point Gyekye chose to conclude his, namely the imperative for centering in African deep thinking: "It is never too late in human history to start from where one should start (or should have started)" (Gyekye, 1995, 212). Eurasian mental health workers of good will should find using the Azibo Nosology II enhances their multicultural competence.
Mental Health Defined
In appraising the society-wide intra-racial mental maladies which prevent ADP from orienteering in their own best interests, Baruti (2010) likened it to a war-torn frontline where ADP are far from home. Marcus Garvey responded to this reality in his time by observing "the time has come when we have ... to sort ourselves" (Blaisdell, 2004, 158). In those times, psychology had little to offer our honorable ancestor in the way of assistance. Decades later nascent "Black psychology" remained ill-equipped to help with such mass mental maladies, but at least recognized "obviously, a new definition of normalcy is required" (Wilson, 1979, 51). Around this time at the height of the Black Arts Movement in 1976 playwright Joseph Walker opined "as an oppressed people I think we ought to subject ourselves to scrutiny more often than we do" (104).
Scrutinizing ADP with the Azibo Nosology II unveils diagnoses of many of these en masse mental sufferings and ipso facto the fundamental psychological sorting can begin. To start, there are two basic categories--the mentally healthy and the mentally disordered. Sorting ADP into these two categories will better enable reinforcing and reinvigorating the former and medicamentous, meliorative transformation of the latter. Sorting with the Azibo Nosology II is righteous, completely devoid of elitist or Blacker-than-thou sentiments, as it is prerequisite to group progress and unity, to wit:
Before a group can enter the open society, it must first close ranks (Carmichael & Hamilton, 1967, italics original), and [to close ranks] it is necessary first to divide and then unite; otherwise you can never remove the obstacles that stand in the way of unity in the first place. (Hare & Hare, 1984, 108)
Therefore we sort as "it is a privilege to be Afrikan, but Afrikans must unite" (Jones, 1992, 3). Azibo, Robinson-Kyles, and Johnson (2013) evaluate models for transformation and rehabilitation of the mentally disordered. But support for the mentally sane among ADP may be as critical at this juncture than help for the disordered. The observation is serious that "without Black sanity, there will be no resurrection of Black life" (Cheatwood, 1992, 8).
Azibo (1996c) defined mental health Africentrically as that psychological and behavioral functioning that is in accord with the basic nature of the original human nature and its attendant cosmology (cultural deep thought) and survival thrust. This implies that the limiting form of what mental health is is parameterized by the cultural dictates codified in the deep thought of earliest African high civilization. In particular, continent-wide African mythos about the creation of humanity took the position that the One God (henceforth the Divine) brought forth the African woman and man simultaneously and both were constituted from the same primeval stuff--namely, the Divine's own spiritual essence--from which they emerged as a unit with offspring (Azibo, 2011d; Barashango, 1991; Carruthers, 1980; Harper-Bolton, 1982).
Upon codification as a deep thought statement of what the nature of original human nature (i.e., the nature of the African) or human personality is, the mythos is informing allegorically that the sexes are complementary parts that complete the other, consubstantially equal or the same in Divine essence, and lifelong obligated to the procreant function and the protective function as parents have to protect young offspring who, in turn, may have to protect aging parents.
Moreover, the mythos is straightforwardly interpreted as implying that thinking and behaving in ways that reflect gender complementarity and equality in the context of an aspiring morality--that is preeminent to the appetitive urges--all within the overarching context of producing progeny and securing their hereafter (here on the planet after the parents are gone/deceased) is the only (presumably "God-given") way to protect human life ultimately and perennially. Falling short of thinking and behaving of this sort is always a psychological functioning beneath and undermining of the basic nature of the original human nature. By aspiring morality is meant a desire for that which is excellent, good and right in oneself first and then in human relations (Williams, 1993, 86), said morality itself emanating from the platform African human nature/African personality receives from ensoul with the Divine's essence.
Therefore, it can be seen why when codifying the mythos at the level of psychobehavioral modalities, traditional African deep thinking embedded the protective function. It took note that in natural contexts all life forms tend to preserve themselves. For an original human being, in order for this self-preserving propensity to operate within the bounds of normalcy, mental health, or appropriate functioning, his or her orientation to living must be to prioritize protection, development, and maintenance of the self. As an organism, the self is considered to be extended--not just figuratively, but literally via consubstantiation in the Divine's Ka or spiritual essence (Azibo, 1996c, 2011d)--as per the creation mythos from the Divine to ancestors to the living on in perpetuity to the yet-to-be-born progeny. That is why early on "there was no confusion [in] African societies .... both group and individual were responsive to and responsible for the other" (Evans, 2006, 131). In part a cultural holdover now eroding, it was routine among African-U.S. to be "mentored by parents, neighbors, extended relatives, teachers, church members ... demonstrate[ing] a communal culture" (Rouse, 2007, 69).
The upshot, then, is that at the level of psycho-behavioral modalities thinking and behaving incorporative of the sustentation of selves of biogenetic commonality relative to nonhuman organisms and human organisms of lesser biogenetic commonality that oppose African life individually and culturally is the final arbiter of mental health. In today's racialized world founded on full blown anti-Africanism (Ani, 1994; Williams, 1976), this translates into own-race maintenance as the final arbiter of mental health or appropriate psychological functioning for ADP (Azibo, 1989, 1991). Thus, Garvey's race first social theory (Daniels, 2005; Maglangbayan, 1979; Martin, 1976) is vindicated. Social theory throughout this article refers to the principles and concepts that are used in negotiating reality or the social world thereby determining how a people relate to one another, to people who are not of their collective, and to nature (Azibo, 1999).
How about gender first? It is impossible to derive a gender-superseding-race position from this arbiter of mental health (Azibo, 1994b, 2012a). Gender focusing--male or female--as well as child focusing are derivable from the creation mythos but each comes to us at once from jump street or get go delimited to or parameterized within the context of sustentation of the extended-self.
At this point, primary mental health can be distinguished as an inhered propensity or potentiality occurring in own-race maintenance thinking and behaving that is delimited to a positive bias towards the biogenetically common and not an anti-bias toward the more biogenetically dissimilar (Azibo, 1991). (Secondary mental health is explained below in juxtaposition to primary.) The Azibo Nosology II rests upon this mental health conceptualization which combines the psychological and absolute models. The psychological model refers to a theory of personality that specifies mental illness or disorder as something in the personality process gone haywire. For the present nosology, that would be any misfiring in own-race maintenance functioning (Azibo, 1991). The absolute model refers to an a priori standard that is culturally determined and nonarbitrary for what mental disorder is. In the present case, that would be failure or falling short in realizing the inhered self-extension propensity or potentiality presumed to underlie African human nature. The absolute model is preeminent to the psychological because any theory that can be infixed within the bounds of the articulated cultural absolutism can be interchanged for another that does the same as pleases the mental health worker. The medical model (all mental illness is biological) and statistical model (if enough people do it, then the behavior cannot be abnormal or a mental illness) are rejected. These four models are discussed in Azibo (1996c) and Calhoun (1977).
Abbreviated Examples of Primary Mental Health: Three Correctly Oriented Persons or African Personality Manifest
Remember, our most serious battle is to resurrect our sanity ... allow[ing] us to purge our consciousness and culture of the cancerous white[Eurasian] supremacist induced self-hatred[s]
Del Jones (1993, 79)
A unique feature of the Azibo Nosology II carried over from the original is its explicit yoking of disorders to the African personality construct of normalcy. This construct can be defined as a mentality that uses African-centered cultural definitions in negotiating reality. It is tantamount to what Jones (2002) identified as the common Africanity existing beneath Africana peoples' diversity. This part of "cultural unity is far more significant than is superficial [read ethnic, national, surface] diversity" (Hilliard, 1995, 90).
Cogitating on this suggests that for African descent persons to be mentally incapable of, neutral or opposed to, or oblivious to identification and orienteering with the cultural dictates of ancestral Africanity as a result of forced living under the rule of a Eurasian dominated civilization or in reaction to same is less psychological minutiae, not at all an assimilation or diversity issue but more quintessential mental disorder in the African personality that afflicts an otherwise normal population (Azibo, 1989, 1996c; Azibo, Robinson, & Scott-Jones, 2011). Because the African personality construct derives from the cultural substrata of African deep thinking about African humanity, it is applicable as a normalcy statement for all ADP. It follows that the 55 conditions of disorder that will be yoked to it below are also globally applicable with local adaptations where necessary.
The juxtaposition of normalcy with disorder forces the consideration of disordered behavior as a function of a theory about ordered behaving. That would be the African personality construct in this case. Ordered human conduct is conceived as an inhered propensity according to the irrefragable African worldview or reality structure or asili or deep structure of culture (Azibo, 1992). Contrariwise, the DSMs and ICDs carry on about disorder without offering a corollary theory of a priori order in the nature of human nature. This makes cultural sense given Eurasian origins of civilization in the northern cradle and African origins in the southern cradle (Diop, 1978b; Wobogo, 1976) where chaos and cooperativeness ruled respectively. It also makes sense from the perspective of Western psychology/psychiatry as an agent for government oppression in which diagnosing mental disorder is inextricably tied to social control (e.g., Abdullah, 2003; Bulhan, 1993; Citizen's Commision, 1995; Kilty, 2008).
Vivification of the own-race maintenance idea as manifested in the African personality construct might be helpful. For that, snippets of three persons whose behavior in this regard has been exemplary are offered. First, Marcus Mosiah Garvey implemented perhaps the greatest racial uplift program on behalf of ADP since the enthronement of Eurasian supremacy domination. His efforts were lifelong and global. They included institution building in the political, economic, health, and cultural arenas (Maglangbayan, 1979; Martin, 1986). Garvey provided philosophy and down-to-earth social theory to guide ADP's behavior to be effective in our own interests under Eurasian domination (Garvey, 1986). Garvey insisted repeatedly that for ADP he was glad to suffer, sacrifice, and even die. There has never been a truer statement than Garvey's "All I have I have given to you [ADP]." His orientation to work for improving the life chances of ADP is summed up in his statement "Would I not lose the whole world and eternity for you?" (All African, 1983; Blaisdell, 2004). Mr. Garvey is a hero for true (Martin, 1983). His 2nd wife, the veiled Amy Jacques Garvey, should be remembered as she struggled alongside him (Taylor, 2002).
Second, Kwame Ture is another life-long struggler for ADP's betterment. He dropped his English language/slave birth name (Stokely Carmichael) for the African one. Continually he pushed pride in African heritage and advocated and demonstrated organizational development for effective action. He served as Chairman of the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee known as SNCC, Prime Minister of the Black Panther Party, an Ambassador for Guinea, worked to establish the United States Black United Front and the All-African People's Revolutionary Party. Ture instilled a palpable fear into the enemies of ADP likely to last forever and reminiscent of the chilling effect the phrase "Hannibal at the Gates!" had on the Romans, and Italians still, when in 1966 he uttered "Black Power" (see Carmichael & Thelwell, 1998; Harris, 1990). Ture took the position that if an African person did not work to overturn oppression of ADP, an own-race maintenance activity, "then by your very act of inactivity you are against your people" (All African, 1983). It follows that not participating in own-race maintenance for ADP is outside the bounds of mental health defined Africentrically.
Third, Jean Wilkins Dember, M.H.S. shows that exemplars of own-race maintenance need not be deceased, a man, or nationally known. For 24 years and counting she has been a main organizer of annual mental health conferences in Houston and New York City under the auspices of Afrikans United for Sanity Now!, an organization she helped to found. Under her direction the organization actively advocates for culturally sensitive mental health work with ADP and training for providers. Mother Dember staunchly opposed drug and electroshock therapies on ADP and carried that fight to Harlem Hospital where it has been reinstituted. Many psychological workers have become aware of deleterious mental health practices and alternatives for them through her work. She was awarded the Community Service Award by the National Association of Black Psychologists. Her efforts have been courageous as she single-handedly (for the most part) engaged the Roman Papacy over sexual abuse, palpable racism directed at priests of African descent within the church and, moreover, the frequent murdering of African-U.S. (descendents of Africans enslaved in the United States) in New York by Catholic police. Additionally, she is a mainstay, activist supporter of the New Black Panther Party and the local and national Black United Front. She carries the fight for increasing African-U.S. life chances almost daily be it political, health or otherwise to civic leadership. Mrs. Dember's behavior epitomizes a Queen Mother and is in the tradition of Harriet Tubman (Bradford, 1886/2004), Sojurner Truth, Queen Mother Audley Moore, Ida B. Wells Barnett, Mary McLeod Bethune, Annie Malone, Assata Shakur (1987), and the many others of great rectitude and capability. Finally, her spousal union of over 60 years with Clarence Dember (R.I.P.) and parenting epitomizes the point of the creation mythos. Mother Dember lectures/teaches youth and adults of both genders on male-female-familial relationships rooted in African-centered principles drawing on her own life's example.
The foregoing snapshots show persons whose orientation to living prioritizes the defense, development and maintenance of the life and culture of ADP all within the casing of their individual idiosyncratically organized personality (see individualism versus individuality contrast below). The term proffered by Azibo (2006a) for prioritizing of this sort is psychological Africanity. No behaving and thinking could be greater manifestations of normalcy or appropriateness than psychological Africanity geared to purposefully ensure that ADP remain on the planet in perpetuity as Africans. This is what the African personality is designed to do naturally. Thus, the behaving of Garvey, Ture, and Dember warrant the label "correct orientation" defined by Azibo (1989) in short as a genetically black person who possesses psychological Blackness/psychological Africanity. In research, African-U.S. persons classifiable as correctly oriented report having greater psychological Africanity scores and are deemed to provide better psychological profiles for social engineering than persons classified as having diffused or incorrect orientations (Azibo, Robinson-Kyles, & Johnson, 2013) where diffused refers to an orientation admixed with both pro-African and pro-Eurasian sentimentality with the Eurasian highlighted and incorrect refers to an orientation dominated by pro-Eurasian attitude.
The Azibo Nosology II promotes producing correctly oriented ADP through child rearing (Azibo, 2013 a) and therapeutically-directed transformation. As the examples of Garvey, Ture, and Dember reveal, correct orientation represents the authentic African personality, to wit
The authentic struggler sees value in .... [and] is dedicated to his or her [individual] African self and by extension to all African persons .... not allowing the oppressor to manipulate him or her to maintain the oppression of [ADP] .... lives in accordance with African-centered attitudes .... is a person of [African-centered] culture .... informed by our collective history and common concern .... has fallen in love with the race and consistently sacrifices for our uplift [as] .... a situation of oppression can never be adjusted to .... existing as a sovereign people [is preferred as] our only stake in the present order of things would be to change it .... [thus] seek justice, but strive for the liberation of productive forces [resources] .... possessing a true and lucid consciousness of the Manichean world's design .... accepting] of the risks and responsibilities associated .... [as his or her] will to freedom ... exceeds any ... psychological and physical fears .... resolved never to yield ... to rebuild ... and to fight.
(Sutherland, 1989, 1997, 58-60)
Marcia Sutherland has in effect provided the templet for transforming ADP and diagnosing correct orientation or normality/appropriate behavior. Her description can be used as if it were a scale or ledger on which successive approximations of attitudes and behaviors to a correct orientation are recorded. This templet is dictated by the African personality construct idea of correct orientation which is the normalcy reference point of the Azibo Nosologies I and II.
In other words, we have here the primary goals set for child rearing and mental health intervention, respectively, before procreation and before the client presents in the consulting room and irrespective of his or her presenting problem, which if something else is automatically relegated to a secondary goal(s) of intervention though it may have to be dealt with first.
This point of incorporating the transformative goal of (re)establishing own-race maintenance orientation--used henceforth interchangeably with correct orientation--in clients of African descent is particularly relevant to the mental health worker for refusing in one's professional capacity to do so is a violation and complete disregard of the primary medical ethic of the four received via Hippocrates, namely non-maleficence: "physician, first do no harm." The harm done by treating the client's presenting problem--be it schizophrenia, depression, substance abuse, a work or sexual dysfunction problem, and so forth--then terminating therapy releasing her or him back into the world sans addressing her or his own-race maintenance orientation status is incalculable. It is safe to say that most clients are neutral or negative in own-race maintenance orientation when first seen by the psychological worker. Turning him or her out with a "fixed" presenting problem only is tantamount to fattening the calf (improving the client's adjustment) only to send it to the slaughterhouse (Eurasian-dominated/based civilization).
Indicted in this nasty state of affairs, which is inherent in Western mental health practice, the African descent psychological worker is culpable and in dereliction of Nia (purpose) (Azibo, 1990b). As treating deficiencies in correct orientation is the back end of the problem, it could be minimized if "the rearing of 'race men and women' [was] entered into at birth" (Evans, 2006, 137). Laws and Stricklen (1980), Perkins (1986), Sutherland (1995), Johnson (1981), Johnson, Brown, Harris, and Lewis (1980), Wilson (1992), and Azibo (2013a) concur on emphasizing own-race maintenance in rearing children of African descent. Until that time, however, mental health workers are entreated to invest in securing snapshots of hosts of correctly oriented ADP, sung and unsung, ancient and modern for use in intervention and prevention activities.
Mental Illness/Mental Disorder: Working Criteria
For ADP, it follows from the above conceptualization of mental health that the mental illness/disorder criterion is thinking and behaving that is devoid of, opposes, or contradicts own-race maintenance, protection, and development. It seems that thinking and behaving of this sort is the rampart by which Isft enters ADP's lives. Isft is a Kemetic term referring to a state of confusion and disorganization where chaos reigns and disorder is the resulting norm (Baruti, 1985a; Carruthers, 1984). If not characterizing large segments of Africans globally, Isft nonetheless is impacting ADP today. Ordinarily, the African personality (Azibo, 1991; Bengu, 1975; Khoapa, 1980) would protect ADP from Isft. According to the African personality construct, under natural conditions all ADP ought to be able to think and behave in terms of own-race maintenance (Azibo, 1990a, 2013a).
But, the Maafa or exceedingly great destruction caused by enslavement and its aftermath (Baruti, 2005a; Jones, 1992; Roberson, 1995) visited upon ADP worldwide by Eurasian civilizations arrests the African personality whenever it finds it. Thus, in addition to the African-centered criterion, Wakefield's (1992, 385) criteria for mental disorder--namely, a condition is a mental disorder if and only if (a) the condition causes some harm or deprivation of benefit to the person as judged by the standards of the person's culture ... and (b) the condition results from the inability of some mental mechanism to perform its natural function--are met when ADP think and behave in opposition or without regard to own-race maintenance due to the Maafa and Eurasian world hegemony.
DSM and ICD "Peripheral" Personality Disorders
There is a part of human nature that is idiosyncratically organized in individuals and does not involve own-race maintenance dictates. For ADP, what personality is is the individual's integration of this non-racial component with the racial African personality construct component. A negative and a positive example using public figures will illuminate. Clarence Thomas, Condoleeza Rice, and Colon Powell are forever defined by their infamy in routinely perpetrating anti-African acts ranging from legal decisions to assassinations to kidnapings on behalf of the American nation-state to which each displays a perfervid, perverse allegiance. Thus, each of them evinces the same negating consciousness in matters pertaining to own-race maintenance. Yet, their senses of humor, equanimity, gregariousness, boorishness, crudeness, artistic likes and dislikes, moodiness, and so on are most likely different and idiosyncratic in them by comparison. Similarly, Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X, and Mary Mcloud Bethune probably also differed from one another in these same characteristics as they are all idiosyncratically organized psychically. But, they shared a consciousness of own-race maintenance just as the other three shared an anti-own-race maintenance consciousness. The point to be taken is that the gestalt of mental health theory and work with ADP must include each aspect of personality, the idiosyncratic and the own-race maintenance. Either or both may be ordered or disordered. This point or position seems straightforward. Yet, mental health workers of African descent do not seem to take this point. Such, I suppose, is the power of miseducation and conceptual incarceration in Eurocentric thinking.
It might help to conceptualize the matter as the four-fold table shown in Table 1. Regarding quadrant A, where the idiosyncratic and own-race maintenance parts of personality are each in good order, the psychological worker wants to optimize both idiosyncratic and own-race maintenance functioning. Considering scenarios in which Thomas, Rice, Powell, King, X and Bethune each is adjudged to be perfect or healthy pertaining to idiosyncratic aspects of personality, the first 3 would fall into quadrant C where own-race maintenance is in disorder and the last 3 would continue to be categorized in quadrant A. Now, changing the scenario to where the first 3 have clinically dysfunctional idiosyncratic aspects lands them in quadrant D. I pose the question Does it matter mental health-wise C versus D for these 3 (Thomas, Rice, Powell)? A more poignant way of asking this question is Did it matter when Powell invaded Grenada solidifying the deposing of hero-ancestor Maurice Bishop or when Powell and Rice had Jean-Bertrand Aristide of Haiti kidnapped, both victims being Heads of State no less, and Thomas stood by ready to rule the constitutionality of it all? Clearly, for ADP who function without or in opposition to own-race maintenance orientation consistent with the dictates of Eurasian civilization, the ordered quadrant C versus disordered quadrant D status of the idiosyncratically organized aspects of personality makes no functional difference in their behaving and thinking pertaining to the maintenance of ADP/own-race maintenance. The idiosyncratically organized aspects of human personality warrant the label peripheral in juxtaposition to own-race maintenance aspects which are more central functionally.
Now, consider if Messrs. X and King and Mrs. Bethune were bereaved over the loss of a family member eventuating in clinical depression for them. This would place them in quadrant B obviously. I pose the question Is this not a real possibility for anyone with ordered own-race maintenance? In other words, can an African descent person who is correctly oriented suffer mental disorder at the same time? It should be obvious that ADP can be correctly oriented and experience a mental disorder found in the DSMs or ICDs. Said disorder would be considered valid for ADP if two criteria are met. The first is Wakefield's and second is the disorder must not be incongruous with African-centered culture. Though touched on by Wakefield, this point of incongruity is made throughout the 20th and 21st centuries by African descent mental health workers.
Kambon (2003, 100-107) is the only personologist who takes the position that DSM and ICD disorders have relevance for ADP only if the individual is psychologically misoriented or disordered in his or her African personality. This position is taken on the grounds that in the final analysis DSM and ICD disorders are derived from Eurasian thought. What an astounding, not well thought out, skull-cracking position (makes your head snap involuntarily as you contemplate). In other words, Kambon's position is that a correctly oriented person living according to own-race maintenance dictates cannot suffer any mental illness contained in the DSMs or ICDs and remain correctly oriented, to wit
Azibo['s nosology] sees no worldview contradiction in a normal Black personality suffering at the same time from a Eurocentrically defined mental disorder, and yet still be regarded as in a state of African-centered normalcy .... [possessing a Eurocentric consciousness is] the necessary precursor or prerequisite condition to the onset of virtually all ... [DSM and ICD] mental disorders in Blacks. (Kambon, 2003, 103-106)
That Kambon's position is asinine should be self-evident. Yet, some good may be extracted as it is an important point for teaching and practice. First, the illustrative scenarios about bereaved Messrs. X and King and Mrs. Bethune debunk the position. Second, were the position to stand it would eliminate the need for the deconstructive and reconstructive approaches. Third, it would depress and dumb down knowledge in Africentric mental health as thinkers might shy away in light of such an indefensible position founded on fiat only. Fourth, the position is retarding in its preclusion of viewing the personality of ADP as holistically integrating idiosyncratically organized peripheral and central own-race maintenance components as important, nay critical, for the psychological worker. Fifth, the position at best is shortsighted, but Kambon's "modification of the [original] Azibo Nosology" (2003, 103) to fit this position was arrogant as neither supporting rationale nor data were provided. Instead, Kambon's position smacks of overweening bombast, a frequent failing in much of his work.
Though sublated, pressing this point is neither overkill, japery, nor epistemological minutiae as, sixth, the Azibo Nosology II distances itself from fiat and decree of this sort and instead classifies as peripheral personality disorders any DSM, ICD, or other condition defined in Western psychology that satisfies Wakefield's criteria pointed out above without violating African-centered criteria. These "peripheral" disorders are to be considered alongside--yet secondary to--disorders deleterious to correct orientation referred to earlier as primary. The four-fold Table 1 discussed above compels the primary-secondary scheme.
The superiority of the Azibo Nosology II formulation on the interplay of peripheral/DSM-ICD disorders with the central/own-race maintenance/correct orientation disorders over the absurd Kambon position can be nailed shut with two more tragic, splanchnic examples from real life. First, the honorable Paul Robeson would doubtlessly be classified in either quadrant A or B of Table 1. Tellingly, it matters not which because ancestor Robeson's own-race maintenance behavior--the mental health worker's "primary" concern--is legendary. But, supposing this giant of correct orientation actually had DSM diagnosable issues pertaining to "secondary," non-racial, idiosyncratic aspects of his personality, how absurd and grossly off the mark is Kambon's formulation that Mr. Robeson had to be psychologically misoriented before these DSM issues could onset? Kambon's formulation cracks the skull as bombast is wont to do. Speculation, however, is not necessary as the CIA poisoned ancestor Robeson with a hallucinogen causing him immense, debilitating psychological distress (Cockburn & St. Clair, 1999; Paul Robeson, 2010) which upon onset affected not his correct orientation but the idiosyncratically organized peripheral aspects of his personality. For certain, the latter can become so compromised in an individual as to make moot the race-maintenance or primary aspect of personality. The second example involves Hurricane Katrina which devastated African-U.S. residents of New Orleans. It is a safe bet that many residents experienced diagnosable psychological distress such as post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and what Fullilove, et al. (2008) called "root shock" defined as the harm caused when people lose their emotional ecosystem over and above the loss of human habitat. It is equally safe that these effects were felt by both the correctly oriented and the psychologically misoriented caught up in the Katrina devastation. Does the reader hold that the correctly oriented persons presto chango became psychologically misoriented before the onset of PTSD or root shock? This is what Kambon's (2003) framework requires. Enough said.
55 Specific Disorders
Have I made myself very clear by opening the challenge that White psychiatry [and psychology] is totally incapable of diagnosing what became 'Black Mental Health'
Yosef ben-Jochannan (1992, vol. 2, 16)
Turning to the 55 specific disorders in the Azibo Nosology II, nota bene that they have no precedent in the DSMs or ICDs, consistent with "Dr. Ben's" epigraph. The culture-focused disorders presented here would likely be regarded as nomina nudu in the Eurasian-based perspective. Maser, et al.'s (1991) observation that the DSM-III and DSM-III-R were especially deficient in cross-cultural psychopathology and ignored culture-focused disorders remains relevant overall for the later versions. As well, the research foundation of the DSM-III and DSM-III-R (Abdullah, 2003; Kirk & Kutchins, 2008) and probably later DSM versions too is highly suspect. Thus, at best, each of the DSMs to date should not be the Bible for diagnosing ADP, but only one source of information to be juxtaposed with that from the Azibo Nosology II.
Each Azibo Nosology II disorder will be defined and discussed regarding diagnostic criteria, etiology, predisposing, precipitating, and correlated conditions so far as current knowledge permits. Definition is all important because the minimum prerequisite for diagnosing any Azibo Nosology II disorder is that the manifest behavior actually maps onto the definition. In sorting with these diagnoses the psychological worker might "remember that the very first and last step to physical freedom is a free mind" (ben-Jochannan, 1992, vol. 1, 98). Free the Mind!, then, is espoused as a rallying cry to be uttered each time psychological work with an African descent person or population is begun by African descent psychological workers. It can keep them on task toward sovereignty serving simultaneously as an a propos corollary to the Free the Land! cry of the Republic of New Afrika (Obadele, 1984, 2003; Taifa, Plummer, & Lumumba, 1997) and the Garveyite's "Africa for Africans, Those at Home and Those Abroad."
For a [colonized,] captive and enslaved people which we Blacks [worldwide] are, the highest form of mental instability could be ... a Black who has adjusted to his [or her] condition and/or has accepted the value system of the White [or Arab] oppressor .... [she or he] is more in need of the services of the mental health provider than the traditional 'patient' [with peripheral/secondary disorders] .... because [his or her] ... level of adjustment [to Eurasian society] ... is dangerous not only to him or herself and the family related, but also to present and future Black generations.
Yosef ben-Jochannan (cited in Alexander, 1980, 34-35)
Definition. Drawing on Azibo's work (Atwell & Azibo, 1991; Azibo, 1989; Azibo, Robinson, & Scott-Jones, 2011), psychological misorientation to reality is defined in two parts, both being required to make the diagnosis. The definition is (a) interpreting and negotiating reality or proceeding in the world with that part of one's individual consciousness that determines his or her psychological Africanity (racial identity) being bereft of cognitions and lacking ideation that would orient him or her toward prioritizing own-race maintenance and, most importantly, (b) the person's cognitive structure/ideational mechanism, i.e., constellation of beliefs, values, attitudes, and so forth is composed of concepts opposed to or incongruous with African-centricity in thinking and behaving, especially those of psychological Arabism, psychological Europeanism, or nihilism. Genetic blackness minus psychological Africanity is a capsuled definition.
Diagnosing. At present there is no substitute for soundest clinical judgment based in analysis from African-centered human sciences per analyses by Azibo (1992, 2012a), Carroll (2012), and Semaj (1996). The ideal situation is when African-centered cultural analyses [right arrow] a culturally competent practitioner [right arrow] the capacity for making a psychological misorientation diagnosis, where [right arrow] means lead to. Making the diagnosis is neither a flippant nor unchallenging undertaking as case studies reveal (Abdullah, 1998; Atwell & Azibo, 1991; Denard, 1998). Here lies the "most importantly" aspect of part (b) of the definition as the practitioner must determine that the attitudinal, belief, and value elements in the client's cognitive structure that are oppositional and contradictory to African centering were imposed by societal forces fostering Eurasian orientation and/or deliberately chosen by the client despite knowing the beliefs, values, and attitudes to be anti-African or contradictory thereto. The former case may be distinguished as classic psychological misorientation and the latter as treasonous psychological misorientation. The distinction makes sense remembering that the individual African person remains connected via self-extension to all other living ADP as well as African ancestors and future African progeny. Relinquishing or rejecting the African way for oppositional, African killing ways of Eurasian civilization is treason (Baruti, 2010).
Diagnosing psychological misorientation gets even more intricate. Part (a) of the definition by itself is insufficient as it cannot be distinguished from mere low, underdeveloped, or truncated psychological Africanity. It is likely that a vast majority of ADP in the diaspora have not learned how to be culturally African. As things continue to fall apart on the continent (Achebe, 1994), ADP there may be learning less African culture as well. That does not ipso facto render those affected with low psychological Africanity as psychologically misoriented even though their thinking and behaving may be indistinguishable from actual psychological misorientation thought and behavior. Low psychological Africanity and psychological misorientation, though similar, do not appear to be redundant. Where correct orientation is the standard, a state of low psychological Africanity is weak and psychological misorientation is psychopathologic.
Azibo (2006b) advanced a theory to disentangle low psychological Africanity and psychological misorientation along with supporting preliminary data. It could be that for significant numbers of ADP the own-race maintenance part of personality is being driven by low psychological Africanity as against psychological misorientation per se. Discerning which would seem imperative for the practitioner. By definition low psychological Africanity leaves a void in the cognitive structure regarding own-race maintenance. There is little else to fill this void other than concepts that will eventually lead to psychological misorientation. As these concepts increase in the psyche, they overtake and override low psychological Africanity which concomitantly increasingly diminishes in capacity to drive thought and behavior. This psychic, cognitive process warrants its own diagnosis as a subfeature of psychological misorientation. Thus diminutional psychological misorientation is the diagnostic label that refers to the process in which the capacity of low levels of psychological Africanity to drive own-race maintenance behavior is diminished (and likely to be eclipsed) by concepts that reflect psychological misorientation as the latter increase in number and influence in the cognitive structure. Perhaps a substantial number of ADP arrive at psychological misorientation through this process.
Scales for diagnosing. Cut scores for diagnosing psychological misorientation based in research have not been reported. However, Azibo has operationalized "correct orientation" as defined above and "diffused," "unclear," and "incorrect" psychological Africanity orientations using a variety of existing scales of psychological Africanity (racial identity). The terms diffused and unclear refer to a consciousness admixed with African and Eurasian cognitions and incorrect to a consciousness in which Eurasian cognitions predominate. With African-centered criterion variables, persons classified as correct outperform diffused and unclear who outperform incorrect (Azibo, 2008b; Azibo, Cassius, Marion, & Caspar, 2013; Azibo, Robinson, & Scott-Jones, 2011; Azibo, Robinson-Kyles, & Johnson, 2013; Dixon & Azibo, 1998). A rough index of psychological misorientation might be possible following the procedures used to operationalize these last three categories. The index would be a temporary fix useable in research and as an adjunct to clinical judgment and not a substitute for valid cut scores not yet developed.
The procedure is generic and can be used with any scale that provides at least two scores indexing correct orientation/psychological Africanity/racial identity. Combinations of scores from several scales may also be used. The procedure works with any type of score like total, subscale, factor, and so on. The median value has been used most, but other values might be used. For example, using the Black Personality Questionnaire groups were operationalized as follows:
1. correct orientation = Africentric score > Mdn of 13 and Anglocentric score < Mdn of 5;
2. incorrect orientation = Africentric score < 13 and Anglocentric > 5; and
3. diffused orientation = all others (Azibo, Robinson-Kyles, & Johnson, 2013, 118).
Another example used scores from a 2-factor solution of the African Self-Consciousness Scale where Factor 1 was positive for correct orientation and factor 2 negative;
4. correct orientation = Factor 1 score above the 60th percentile and Factor 2 score below the 40th percentile;
5. incorrect orientation = Factor 1 score below the 40th percentile and Factor 2 score above the 60th percentile; and
6. orientation unclear (diffused) = all others (Dixon & Azibo, 1998).
Several examples that combine scores from different scales are given in Azibo, Robinson, and Scott-Jones (2011). The procedure can be gleaned here supposing the two datasets from items 1-6 were one. Persons could be classified as correct orientation by combining lines 1 and 4, incorrect lines 2 and 5, and diffused or unclear lines 3 and 6. (I no longer use the "unclear" term to refer to this construct in favor of the "diffused" term which was first employed by Semaj, 1981.) It is recommended that practitioners obtain scores periodically as needed from current literature and average them.
Of the psychological Africanity (racial identity) scales developed on African-U.S, only the African American Multidimensional Racial Identity Scale, Black Personality Questionnaire, and Cultural Misorientation Scale can be recommended at this time. Among these three, which scale, scoring method, or type of score is superior for assessing psychological misorientation is an empirical question. The fault with most others like the Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity, Cross Racial Identity Scale, Racial Identity Attitude Scales, Developmental Inventory of Black Consciousness and similar scales is that they commit the "contradiction in construct conceptualization" error (see Azibo, Robinson, & Scott-Jones, 2011, 251) in which scale indices of an actual psychological misorientation are mistakenly interpreted as appropriate, high, sometimes even apical levels of African oriented identity. In so erring, these scales contradict the sacrosanct, rudimentary notion that psychological Africanity (racial identity) is necessarily and sufficiently defined as an African descent individual's prioritizing in his or her thinking and behaving the defense, development, and maintenance of ADP (Azibo, 1991, 2006a) as the creation mythos suggests.
In many of these scales psychological Africanity (racial identity) as the underlying construct is distended so greatly that "Africanity" or "Blackness" comes to include prioritizing the defense, development, maintenance of and the integration and interfacing with Jews, lesbians and male homosexuals, and Eurasians on par with ADP. In this way, Africanity or Blackness encompasses everything and ipso facto becomes a neutered nothing: "if Blackness is everything, then it is nothing" (public lecture by Dr. Bobby Wright, circa 1980). As these contradictory scales are the ones that receive recognition and respect in Eurasian-centered psychology, they and their attendant theories provide the rampart for a Eurasian-centered African psychology that I have warned about (Azibo, 1994a, 1998). Also, having determined in 1998 that Joe Baldwin/Kobi Kambon and his co-authors Yvonne Bell and Reginald Hopkins straight-up advanced the African Self-consciousness Scale and the Worldviews Scale (Baldwin & Bell, 1985; Baldwin & Hopkins, 1990) with falsified data, I cannot recommend their use in any activity.
Etiology. Psychological misorientation derives from deAfricanizing caused by the superimposition of Eurasian civilization on ADP. When this happens Eurasian cultural forms and definitions are continually promulgated and reinforced while simultaneously enforced is debasing and relegation to marginalia of centered African cultural dictates. This attacking of ADP's correct orientation and the psychological misorientation which results is hardly happenchance as it originates in codified Eurasian supremacist thought across the ages (Ani, 1994; Management of Negroes, 1919; Wobogo, 1976) which at its base is anti-African culture and civilization (Azibo, 1992). This fact is given witness by the utter truth that the Eurasian has never come in peace (see Blaut, 1993; Chomsky, 1993; Fagan, 1998; Williams, 1976). The overall effects observable in ADP worldwide have been a co-dependency to racism (Ukombozi, 2011), mental wrecking, and wretchedness (Walker, 1829/1965). Reparations for this infamy are warranted (Azibo, 2011c, 2012b; Carroll & Jamison, 2011).
A Predisposing Condition. Each of the other 54 disorders in this nosology proceeds first from the state of being psychologically misoriented. Most likely, so will any disorder pertaining to own-race maintenance not identified. Thus psychological misorientation is the pivotal disorder in the Azibo Nosology II as it predisposes all other culture-focused conditions. (A caveat is introduced below regarding the condition known as mentacide.) A precise trigger or precipitator for its onset is unknown and unlikely given its arising from all facets of society or people activity (family, church, school, media, and so forth).
Superior construct to false concepts of acculturation, assimilation, bi-culturalism, multiculturalism, and diversity. A false concept is one that seems applicable at first glance but after scrutiny is seen to obscure and mislead into the Eurasian conceptual universe and utamawazo. Once there, the mental health worker may mean well but will only deliver theory, research, and practice using Eurasian conceptualization. Even if s/he deconstructs and reconstructs, absent construction, the fact remains that s/he is working from the confines of Eurasian utamawazo. This is a problem for ADP as Eurasian culturally structured thought is by definition designed to maintain the culture that produced it. Necessarily, Eurasian-based sciences including mental health work is as supremacist and geared toward the continuing of White-over-Black ethos as is its parent culture (Baruti, 2006; Carruthers, 1996; Semaj, 1996).
Therefore, as discussed in Azibo's works (Azibo, 2011c, 2012b; Azibo, Robinson, & Scott-Jones, 2011) the question is whether psychological misorientation or acculturation, assimilation, bi- and multi-culturalism, and diversity capture the reality of the thinking and behaving contrarily to correct orientation that ADP engage in. If psychological misorientation is the more valid concept, then the others ipso facto are false concepts. Nota bene there is a lot riding on this question, namely the validity of the entire Azibo Nosology II enterprise specifically and generally that of Africentric culture-focused disorders. The reader may make up her or his own mind after considering the following:
1. Jacobus E. Capitein (aka Rafael Septien) was an enslaved African who in his 1742 dissertation argued that Christian dogma supported African enslavement. That is, the latter was reconcilable and consistent with the former. After that, he served as Chaplain at the infamous slave dungeon Elmina Castle (deGraft-Johnson, 1986; Thompson, 1987). Assimilation?
2. Neptune Small served the Confederacy in battle at the side of his enslaver's sons. His exploits were so heroic that the state of Georgia named a park--Neptune Park--in his honor (St. Simons, 2010). Acculturation?
3. For a $390,000 contract African-U.S. William Keyes lobbied the United States Congress on behalf of apartheid South Africa. He worked against social justice reforms pertaining to legal and voting rights, land, and income that the indigenes were fighting for (Williams, 1985). Diversity?
4. African-U.S. Courtney Mann worked for the Ku Klux Klan for over 3 years as its Pennsylvania state director. She assisted Grand Dragon David Duke in working for "White Rights" (Mann has destruction, 1997). Bi- or multi-culturalism?
It would seem the Azibo Nosology II enterprise is on safe grounds as the psychological misorientation concept--not assimilation, acculturation, diversity, bi- and multi-culturalism--captures the psycho-sexual terrorism that underlies the imposed and maintained nature of the thinking and behaving of these four persons and by extension ADP in general.
Nomenclatorial Nuance. Psychological misorientation is a superior term to cultural misorientation. The two should not be conflated. In the consulting room, it is the client's psyche that the practitioner evaluates and tackles because the individual psyche is the locus of directions that proximally guide, nay determine, thinking and behaving, ideation itself. The truism that people proceed as they perceive implicates individual cognitive structure as the focal point for the practitioner.
To illustrate, when treating a husband for philandering the practitioner works on the problematic beliefs, values, and attitudes that the client holds while trying to displace them in his psyche with more appropriate ones. Two points to be taken are that (a) this is what is done in real-life casework (e.g., Atwell & Azibo, 199a; Denard, 1998) and (b) the client's culture is not treated. Culture as the linchpin of mental health definition (Azibo, 1996c) necessarily is drawn upon, but it bears repeating that the client's psyche is treated and not the culture of the client. For example, in the philandering scenario the centered African creation mythos can be used to teach the sacredness of the marital union and the idea of the Great Mother to encourage respect for the wife and African womanhood. Technically speaking, practitioners prioritize working through the psyche or cognitive structure or on the overt behavior directly as these are the proximal targets. The cultural concepts drawn upon are too distal for direct intervention. "Cultural" misorientation, then, as both concept and phenomenon is ethereal except that it is rooted in the psyche of the individual client. Therefore psychological misorientation is the better nomenclature for theory, research, and practice. Supporters of using the term cultural misorientation need an argument better than the one presented here as, again, the Azibo Nosology II distances itself from fiat and decree, particularly that of Kambon (2003).
Four disorders are subclassed under psychological misorientation. They appear to be quintessential types or instances of the condition but have a distinct enough character to warrant an explicit diagnosis of their own. I refer to alien-self disorder, anti-self disorder, negativists-pejorativists profile, and Negromachy.
Definition. This disorder may be defined as an active rejection of one's personal self (me-myself-I) as meaningfully African beyond mere lip service acknowledging of African descent, and sometimes not even that, coupled with an eschewal and disparagement of thought and behavior perceived to be associated with ADP or their cultures historically or contemporarily.
Diagnosing. Clinical impression based on symptom presence will have to suffice at this juncture. Akbar (1981) may be consulted. Typical symptoms include socialization to strongly identify with Eurasians and/or their culture, the internalization or acceptance of this socialization, excessive tension and discomfort with racial matters generally and matters African particularly, avoidance of sunlight, avoiding or minimizing social contact with ADP, and disaffection with natural sexual roles a la the creation mythos including wifehood, husbandry, and parenting (as ideas or in actuality).
Discussion. See discussion section under anti-self disorder.
Definition. An orientation that is actively hostile toward ADP and their cultures as well as disparaging and undermining of them while concomitantly favoring Eurasian people and culture defines the anti-self disorder.
Diagnosing. With the addition of active and rigid hostility, the diagnostic criteria and symptoms are generally the same as for alien-self disorder (Akbar, 1981). Symptoms of this hostility include aggression against ADP of the kind typically perpetrated by Eurasians like beatings, kidnappings, rapes, social and economic persecution, et cetera, opposition to affirmative development of ADP, outmarriage, and dating non-ADP.
Discussion. Akbar's (1981) articulation of anti-self and alien-self suggests the former disorder is more serious or damaging than the latter due to the anti-African hostility. However, Azibo (2006b) has re-thought this and sees the matter vice versa. It would seem that the hostility component of the anti-self-disorder can penetrate the psyche at a surface level or, of course, it can penetrate deeply. In either case hostility is the pivotal component of the anti-self-diagnosis. Consider that the attitude "if you're Black stay back, yellow you're mellow, light and near White you're alright" when deeply penetrating the psyche may lead to out marriage based in hostility, but if penetrating not so deep may lead to hostility-based use of the n-word, but no more. Both scenarios map onto African-U.S. life. Thus anti-self-disorder is warranting of reconceptualization as graded to include hostile--but run of the mill--anti African sentiment that penetrates little farther than the surface of the psyche at the low end through a more deeply psychically penetrating active opposition to and negation of ADP's life and culture at the high end. This means that the anti-self-disorder diagnosis could apply to persons who resonate with the hostility contained in society's prevailing anti-Africanisms, but show no inclination for or history of aggression against ADP. The veneering of anti-self-disorder in this way in contrast to deeply ingrained is less psychically penetrating than alien-self disorder and consequently can be less damaging according to Azibo (2006b) whose survey research provides preliminary empirical support. Alien-self disorder by definition would seem to penetrate the psyche deeply enough to always seriously affect own-race maintenance behavior. The same cannot be said for low-end, run of the mill anti-self-orientation which is probably more prevalent than the classic high-end type. Therefore alien-self disorder may be more damaging to own-race maintenance and more prognosis poor than anti-self. It is prudent that the practitioner be mindful of this while not losing sight that both conditions are seriously damaging.
Definition. Negativists-pejorativists profile (N-PP) is defined as a maladaptive syndrome culled from the unfavorable descriptions of African-U.S. personality found in six select, classic Western-based theories published from 1951-1975 (Azibo, 1990a).
Diagnosing. The symptoms of N-PP are taken from Kardiner and Ovesey (1951), Pettigrew (1964), Vontress (1971), Mosby (1972), Karon (1975), and Kirk (1975) each of whom was describing the normal African-U.S. personality in his or her mistaken view. These works evinced themes not unlike the vulgar sambo personality thematic (Scott, 1997, 89-91) which preceded them. Specific symptoms are:
1. compulsiveness/immediate gratification;
2. low personal self-esteem and/or personal-self-hatred (I, me referent);
3. sense of personal humiliation;
4. deep feelings of inferiority;
5. fragile, split, or otherwise inadequately functioning self (see also Welsing's 1991 concept of inferiorization and Wilson's 1992 alienated self-concept);
6. extended-self-hatred/disparagement of the extended self (We, us, the race referent);
7. caricature or overdoing of characteristics associated with the Eurasian cultures;
8. anger and aggression;
9. fear of success; and
10. confused personal or extended self-identity.
This syndrome reflects an aberrated, disorganized personality system, not a normal one. When the symptomatology is exhibited, the N-PP diagnosis is made. Precise guidelines regarding the intensity or number of symptoms required for the diagnosis remain to be developed in clinical research. For now, perhaps the clinical worker should weigh both intensity and number of symptoms. It could be that one symptom intensely held or deeply penetrating the psyche is as much a psychological disturbance as several symptoms less psychically penetrant.
Discussion. All symptoms are negative and pejorative, hence the nomenclature. The symptoms constitute psychological misorientation because they reflect discomposed correct orientation resulting from Eurasian psycho-cultural hegemony as presented in Baldwin (1980), Eyerman (2001), and Jennings (2003). Although much of the literature that underlies the negativists-pejorativists perspective on ADP's normal or modal personality functioning has been discredited by deconstruction and reconstruction work, N-PP is not to be dismissed when it comes to disordered mental functioning.
Definition. Thomas (1971) defined Negromachy as confusion and doubt of self-worth in an African-U.S. person due to dependency on or the use of standards and definitions from White American culture. The self-referent here is to the personal self. To generalize to global ADP, replace "White American" with Eurasian.
Diagnosing. Difficulty may arise in distinguishing Negromachy from N-PP. The crucial differences for diagnosis are that Negromachy pertains exclusively to personal self-worth whereas N-PP entails multiple symptoms of both personal--and extended-self matters.
Discussion. Eurasian civilizations produced Negromachy in ADP part and parcel to conquering them. The worldwide enslaving and colonizing schemes that forced ADP's abjuration of their traditions and murdered and marginalized those who maintained traditional memory while implanting Eurasian ways full of anti-Africanity is a formula for rendering ADP anti-intellectual, a theoretical, and completely ahistorical as Wright put it (cited in Carruthers, 1985). Confusion and doubt of self-worth in Africans was bred in historic conditions like these (e.g., Eyerman, 2001; Jennings, 2003). That Negromachy is a continuing factor in the minds of ADP today speaks volumes to the power and intergenerational character of psychological misorientation (Azibo, 2011b, 2011c). Jones (1992) underscores that living amidst mental confusion in self-consciousness straight-up bars group progress for ADP.
[F]irst look back at the 15th century. At the 500 year span of time, the age of menticide, and explain the colonization of the mind that has brought us [ADP] to the sad state where we can get close to liberation--close enough to touch and taste it--and turn around and move in the other direction.
John Henrik Clarke (1994)
All of our problems can be attributed to the systematic theft of our Afrikan personality .... brought about by the conscious destruction of our culture by both our Arab and European enemies. The results of their cultural imperialism has been devastating as we stumble around leaving "Race First" logic behind.
Del Jones (1996, 162)
Definition. In applying the mentacide term to ADP, Dr. Bobby Wright defined it as the deliberate and systematic destruction of an individual's or group's mind with the intention of extirpating that group (Olomenji, 1996). It is worth underscoring that by definition there can be no de-linking of inflicted mental harm to target group physical demise. To maintain the Eurasian-over-African relationship, Eurasian civilizations are compelled to completely destroy ADP's potential for social functioning. To achieve this, controlling the African mind by Eurasians is prerequisite and therefore prioritized in Eurasian cultures. Mentacide it would seem is the ultimate weapon for that.
Mentacide as a Process. Mentacide as a perpetration employs societal institutions which project images, values, beliefs, and opinions which render correct orientation in ADP void of its pro-African orientations to living by instilling in the psyche pro-Eurasian orientations to living with their corollary anti-African sentiments. Mentacide is in no way a lightweight idea or psychological farce, but rather is the necessary psychological gearing which precedes a smooth, well-managed extirpation of ADP physically or psycho-culturally. Cheikh Anta Diop provided witness when he noted that the Eurasian war on the African mind has resulted in "a cultural and mental death which preceded and prepared genocide" (Jeffries, 1986, 149). The United Nations official position on genocide seems to also bear witness by pointing out the mental devastation-group extirpation relationship as part of the genocide definition, to wit "'[c]ausing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the [target] group'" (Obadele, 2003, 229, emphasis added). The colloquialism "if you control minds, you will control behinds" is apt for mentacide. Combining metaphors from "Dr. Ben" and Olomenji yields a view of mentacide for serious cogitation by mental health workers as the silent raping or murder of a people's collective mind which effects in its wake a kind of living-dead.
Mentacide as an Effect. As a mental disorder, mentacide is bi-partite as it can discombobulate the peripheral, non-racial, idiosyncratic, secondary part of personality as well as the own-race maintenance/correct orientation, primary part. Peripheral mentacide is defined as disorganization in the idiosyncratically organized secondary part of personality via a peripheral personality disorder when it is caused by the mentacide process. To illustrate, consider a correctly oriented individual who otherwise is a typical African-U.S. person. S/he is utterly thrilled at Barack Obama's elections as president. Eating away at the elation, however, is the unrelenting, unprecedented vicious treatment of Mr. Obama (e.g., McCamey & Murty, 2013) and the First Family as carried in blogs, news reports, and radio and television shows. Examples might be Dr. Oz saying on his television show to the First Lady "I wish I was in the room when you had that colonoscopy," the broom placed in the behind of the rodeo clown wearing the Obama mask, the finger in the face by the Arizona Governor, the 40 and counting Congressional attempts to repeal "Obamacare," protestations like "Kenyan, go home," "Muslim," et cetera. The person eventually presents with an intact correct orientation and a sleep disturbance and/or a "work problem" solely caused in reaction to the non-stop Obama-bashing.
This bashing is part of the mentacide process. To diagnose and treat, shall we say, the peripheral personality disorder sleepwalking or insomnia only rather than sleepwalking or insomnia induced by peripheral mentacide is likely to yield less efficacious treatment. This illustration is realistic and, moreover, reveals the important consideration that mentacide can directly engender a diagnosable peripheral personality disorder contained in the DSMs or ICDs for ADP who are correctly oriented. (A diagnosis of sleepwalking, insomnia, or work disorder as found in the various DSMs would satisfy both Wakefield's and the non-incongruity with African culture criteria in this scenario.)
What if the client here had been psychologically misoriented instead of correctly oriented before presenting with sleepwalking or a work problem? Assuming an anti-self-disorder, for example, prior to Obama's election, the client still could admire Obama's presidential ascent as a prodigious achievement as could any Ku Kluxer and start sleepwalking or develop a work problem in response to the propounded imagery. In this scenario, the mentacidal process is still driving the sleepwalking or work problem and the pre-existing anti-self-psychological misorientation has nothing to do with it.
Continuing with the Obama imagery [right arrow] sleepwalking illustration and assuming that a pre-existing correct orientation in the client was damaged due to implanting of the vulgar imagery, the diagnosis would be alienating mentacide. Alienating mentacide is defined as debilitation or destruction of correct orientation by the mentacide process that yields or facilitates an overall disparaging of all things African which leads toward estrangement or alienation from African-centeredness in orientation and possibly ADP at personal and societal levels. Popular culture in its diminishing of racial awareness, identity, and preference (Azibo, 2010; Hilliard, 1988; Milloy, 2010) is a major vehicle for alienating mentacide as is Western education (e.g., Akoto, 1992; Azibo, 2011c, 2012b; ben-Jochannan, 1973; Carruthers, 1999; Kamau, 1996; Ukombozi, 1996; Williams, 1976, 37-40). From this point, additional culture-focused disorders and/or peripheral personality disorders--like the sleepwalking--could be generated.
Etiological Caveats. In the Azibo Nosology II correct orientation represents a state of personality normalcy. Peripheral personality disorders, mentacide and psychological misorientation are major states of disorder. Consideration of the possible etiological paths to disorders should be instructive. In the 5 nominal paths that follow, the [right arrow] symbol stands for directly leads to, [right arrow][right arrow] stands for dissipated by, and [left and right arrow] stands for bi-directional/reciprocal causation or influence where either can lead to the other.
Path (1): mentacide [right arrow] peripheral personality disorder in a correctly oriented person: diagnosis is peripheral mentacide;
Path (2): mentacide [right arrow] peripheral personality disorder in a psychologically misoriented person: diagnosis is peripheral mentacide noting that the pre-existing psychological misorientation disorder(s) is etiologically unrelated to the peripheral personality disorder;
Path (3): correct orientation [right arrow][right arrow] alienating mentacide [right arrow] psychological misorientation [right arrow] either (3a) or (3b) where (3a) is any other Azibo Nosology II culture-focused disorder(s): diagnosis is the particular culture-focused condition(s) with alienating mentacide etiology; and where (3b) is any peripheral personality disorder(s): diagnosis is the particular peripheral personality disorder induced by psychological misorientation disorder with alienating mentacide etiology.
As the mentacide process is part and parcel of Eurasian civilization and affects ADP worldwide, path 3 might be the prevailing path to psychological misorientation. This would imply that it is Azibo's construct of alienating mentacide that is the pivotal disorder in the nosology and not psychological misorientation as stated earlier. This issue awaits future resolution.
Path (4): correct orientation [right arrow][right arrow] psychological misorientation or diminutional psychological misorientation; and lastly
Path (5): correct orientation [right arrow][right arrow] psychological misorientation or diminutional psychological misorientation [right arrow] alienating mentacide [right arrow] another culture-focused disorder(s): diagnosis is the culture-focused condition(s) induced by alienating mentacide and psychological misorientation.
Discerning the etiological path is not just an academic exercise, but important for three reasons. One is theory evaluation. For example, the Azibo Nosology II views each path as possible and alienating mentacide and psychological misorientation as capable of reciprocally influencing each other (alienating mentacide [left and right arrow] psychological misorientation) based on paths (3) and (5). This feature is held over from the original Azibo nosology (Azibo, 1989). What is new is postulating path 3 as possibly more probable than path (4). In contrast, Kambon's (2003) theory, by fiat, rejects paths 1, 2, and 3 as impossible ruling in only path 4 (path 5 is actually subsumed by path 4).
The second and third reasons for discerning the etiological path pertain to why mental health workers diagnose in the first place: to provide the most efficacious treatment and, embedded into the mental health enterprise, to support the societal framework. Speculations about William Keyes and Courtney Mann (based only on published newspaper reports) will provide illustrations. Recalling that Keyes accepted a lucrative contract to harm Africans and help their Caucasian enemies, there is nothing in Williams (1985) that suggests mentacide. The impression is of a high functioning person, yet a sickie. It seems he simply made a calculated choice to profit on ADP's pain. On the other hand, in Ku Klux Klan server Mann the mentacidal process seems discernible at several points in her life (Mann has destruction, 1997). Assuming for the sake of illustration only that these speculations are accurate, Keyes' behavior would fit path (4) and Mann's path (3) or (5). Concerning treatment, Mann's disorder may be deeply penetrant of her psyche and resisting of intervention due to the alienating mentacide.
All of that (speculated) mentacide would have to be countered before therapeutically-directed metamorphosis to correct orientation could be accomplished. A stratagem might be to work backwards from the diagnosed disorder(s) to correct orientation--reversing the etiological arrows--battling the ravages of mentacide and psychological misorientation where they occur. It is different with Keyes, however, with whom a transformation to correct orientation could be more readily effected, if he wanted it. The therapist would have to get him to embrace the goal, but would not have to contend with mental roadblocks from mentacide.
Concerning psycho-political implications, the assumption is that both would be convicted of treason under African-centered law. Mann would seem deserving of a psychological defense which might mitigate sentencing. But, it would be appropriate that death, the maximum penalty for treason, be pressed for Keyes. It will be seen throughout the remainder of this article that the implications that derive from the Azibo Nosology II are no joke.
Sub-classed under mentacide are five disorders. They are dependency deprivation, Eurasian supremacy stress, racial encounter distress disorder, mentacidal falling out/blacking out disorder, and nepenthe defense mechanism disorder.
Children are the only future of any people. If the children's lives are squandered, and if [they] are not fully developed at whatever cost and sacrifice, the people will have consigned themselves to certain death.
Frances Welsing (1991, 239)
... reiterate that our children are our future and it is up to us to pave the way for them to run towards freedom.
Del Jones (1992, 6)
Definition. Articulated by Welsing (1991) as a consequence of inferiorization, which is a concept equivalent to mentacide, dependency deprivation is defined here as a state of chronic inadequate satisfaction of emotional and physical needs usually beginning in the pre-natal period and running through infancy, childhood, and adolescence or onset anytime within these periods that is caused by the failure of adults responsible for socialization (especially parents) to meet the child's dependency needs.
Diagnosing. When the client's life space is or was characterized by lack of mature, patient support and understanding consistently provided by adults for extended periods of time during early life, infancy and childhood particularly, and is associated with the following symptoms, the diagnosis can be made:
1. continued, un-weaned need for high-level emotional support and need-gratification;
2. incorrect and/or immature behavior pattern organization including discipline and control;
3. impregnation or pregnancy to fulfill unmet dependency needs;
4. being the offspring of a child-parent;
5. significant issues with one's parents or main caretakers including anger and violence;
6. depression masked by disturbing patterns of behavior like sex obsession, substance abuse, longing, and despair; and
7. failure to master adult male and female functioning, particularly social functioning.
These symptoms were culled from Welsing (1991, iii, 239-274).
Discussion. Welsing articulated dependency deprivation as a function of inferiorization defined as the conscious, deliberate, systematic process utilized by White supremacy systems to mold ADP from their birth to death into inferior beings through stressful, destructive ecosystem experience (241-242). Inferiorization, then, is best considered a specific instance of the mentacide process. The DSM or ICD may be used (under the restrictions pointed out earlier) for distress resulting from unmet dependency needs not engendered by the mentacidal process/inferiorization as that would entail peripheral personality disorder.
Though child psychologists and mental health workers have to their shame been derelict by not reporting research in the context of dependency deprivation theory (and several other issues Welsing has articulated for over 40 years), casual perusal of ADP involved with the criminal justice and family services systems everywhere suggests its presence. The initial section epigraph is foreboding and ADP does appear to be in extremis. The Azibo Nosology II joins the long list of calls for special and redoubled preventive and intervention efforts for the development of ADP's children, lest we forget just how special, vital (Edelman, 1981; Stewart, 1996; Whitehurst, 1980; Wilson, 1978, 1992) and vulnerable (Kleeman, 2007) they are.
Eurasian Supremacy Stress
Definition. This disorder refers to psychological distress and biological and behavioral dysfunction or impairment resulting from the extra stresses that mundanely operates in ADP's lives under dominance of Eurasian civilization. Pierce (1995) articulated an identical concept calling it mundane extreme environmental stress (MEES) (Smith, Hung, & Franklin, 2011).
Diagnosing. When the stress that grips an African descent person is due to factors of White or Eurasian Arab supremacy, it would be important to diagnose any resulting personality debilitation or problems in living as involving alienating and/or peripheral mentacide, as the case may be, as Eurasian supremacy stress is a function of mentacide.
The extra stresses can bring about loss in correct orientation (alienating mentacide) or effectively foster disorganization of the peripheral part of personality (peripheral mentacide). The extra stresses needed for diagnosis are culled from Welsing (1991, iii) and Myers (1976) who provide broad, but maybe not exhaustive, coverage. Extra stresses are operating on the African descent client if s/he is directly or indirectly affected by
1. poverty related to race or racism;
2. socio-political-economic oppression related to racism;
3. racism per se;
4. ethnic or racial minority status;
5. socio-political powerlessness of one's racial or ethnic group;
6. race or racism related socio-economic state of existence including environmental decay, inadequate sanitation, health care, social and recreational services, high unemployment and/or underemployment, education, and limited resources;
7. awareness that ADP will likely have more difficulty surviving than other groups;
8. awareness of racially differential access to coping resources;
9. awareness that taking action to remove environmental stressors frequently result in severe punishment for ADP (i.e., Eurasian-over-African is societally enforced);
10. an ample regard for passive denial and suppression of feelings in response to racially stressful events; and
11. a generalized feeling of hopelessness and/or powerlessness related to race. It would seem that whenever a client of African descent is suffering from stress, if any of these extra stresses exist in his or her life space the Eurasian supremacy stress diagnosis is warranted. Perhaps a single extra stressor is too scant a criterion for some practitioners, but maybe not given the powerful impact Eurasian world order has on the lives of ADP. Until a more definitive analysis is made, the clinical worker's judgment is likely best.
Discussion. Since Eurasian supremacy requires the inferiorization of ADP, Eurasian cultures implement a design of the social structure that ensures Eurasians will be on top of or over ADP (see Ani, 1994). This appears as faits accomplis (Williams, 1976; Wilson, 1998). Therefore it is a truism that "nothing happens under White [Eurasian] supremacy that is not about the business of White supremacy" as Frances Welsing utters frequently. In consequence of this dynamic, daily living for ADP where Eurasian domination is in effect is replete with myriad, extra stresses which add to the regular stress in a society like taxes, rent, marriage, rearing children, negotiating school and the workplace, et cetera. Baseline stress level becomes a function of regular stress + extra stresses and, therefore, is no doubt elevated in comparison to Eurasian's basal stress level (comprised only of regular stress). Myers (1976) captured this idea in his model of "Black stress."
Unfortunately, Myers' analysis smacks of victim analysis. Rather than emphasizing the victim's role, I will heed Wright's (1985, 16) observation that "one of the most difficult tasks of a Black scholar is to analyze the influence of racism on Black behavior and attitudes, and, at the same time, escape the .... 'analysis of the victim' methodology (which involves seeing the victim as the cause of his [or her] own problems)." Victim blaming has been a historic challenge to African descent mental health workers for whom Welsing's (1994) question remains relevant: Will they help their people understand what the real issues are or will they be dragged and pulled into victim analysis because grants are being given for it? Also, as many, maybe most, African descent mental health workers are conceptually incarcerated in Western psychological paradigms victim analysis/blaming is still a problem. Karanja Carroll (2010, 2012) has detailed social science paradigms that make victim blaming less likely. Diagnosing from the Azibo Nosology II perspective should ameliorate victim analysis. Additionally, the nomenclature employed--Eurasian supremacy stress--directs attention to the cultural source and motivation for the stress explicitly by name unlike the "Black stress" and MEES terms, nomenclatures not opted for. As well, coping responses to stress such as John Henryism (Duke Medicine, 2006; Job Stress, n.d.) might also funnel focus onto the victims at the expense of this larger perspective.
Smith, Hung, and Franklin (2011, 68) discuss the stress response African-U.S. men make to racial micro-aggressions (their model applies to women as well). The racial micro-aggressions they discuss can be seen to arise in the mentacide process reflecting "Black misogyny" and "Black misandry" in order to justify and reproduce African-U.S. subordination. They use the rubric "racial battle fatigue" to conceptualize the resulting stress. Their construct appears subsumable under the Eurasian supremacy stress disorder construct.
Using the Azibo Nosology II framework to conceptualize formulations about stress pertaining to ADP such as acculturative stress, racial battle fatigue, and others would appear to be warranted and potentially fruitful. A case in point is Johnson's (1993) description of racial encounter distress disorder.
Racial Encounter Distress Disorder
Definition. Johnson did not provide a definition, so racial encounter distress disorder (REDD) is defined here as stress-related psycho-behavioral debilitation resulting from a racial encounter. The encounter may be of the individualized or institutionalized type, spontaneous or planned.
Diagnosing. REDD is diagnosed when the encounter is galvanized around race, issues pertaining to race, or racist behavior and there are at least three of the following:
1. reporting a verbal or physical incident or any other act experienced as racially/ethnically intimidating or distressing;
2. an internal re-experiencing of the trauma;
3. linkage of the re-experienced trauma to previous racial experiences;
4. an understanding that the incident was not part of ordinary crime or behavior;
5. experiencing excessive anticipatory anxiety associated with people who are of the same race as the perpetrator(s); and
6. reporting a decline in daily functioning (work, school, interaction with others, physiological factors, et cetera) since the encounter.
The listed diagnostic criteria is a modification of Johnson's (1993, 456).
Discussion. For victims of Eurasian supremacy, life will involve racial encounters (Fuller, 1984) that can be clinically distressing. Three factors among many that might affect the amount of distress are the nature of the encounter (high versus low threat, importance to self-conceptualization, reflective of individualized versus institutionalized racism, and so on), whether the time of occurrence of the encounter is at a critical juncture in the victim's life, and myriad personality variables of the victim. REDD may have strong potential to stimulate peripheral personality disorder (and reactionary disorders discussed below).
REDD can occur across the lifespan, but may be especially harmful to children and youth (Coker, et al., 2009; Fisher, Wallace, & Fenton, 2000; Sellers, et al., 2006). "Afrocizing" which is a process of childrearing that teaches African-centeredness including how to deal with Eurasian supremacy (Azibo, 2013a; Laws & Stricklen, 1980) and racial socialization a la Sutherland (1995) are the prevention recommendations as "children reared by parents who prepare them for racism ... report less distress in response to [racial] mistreatment" (Wise, 2010, 172). Establishing or reaffirming "awareness" (Luther X, 1974) of centered African cultural functioning versus Eurasian functioning (Baruti, 2009a) including a general appreciation of racial differences, preferences, and identity (Azibo, 2010) should be a major goal for intervention (Azibo, 1990b). Preventive and intervention activities of this sort should fortify correct orientation against the ravages of REDD.
Johnson's (1993) work while excellent also exemplifies an egregious, yet common error. The Azibo Nosology II disclaims the paradigm in which Johnson operated. His article offered a "new diagnostic alternative" and new "assessment impressions" (Johnson, 1993, 458) relative to standard DSM interpretations. The tragedy is that his entire analysis was located, nay incarcerated, in the Eurocentric psychology ballpark. Specifically, the format and springboard for mental disorder conceptualization was the DSM-III-R. Thus the DSM's underlying conceptual universe was provided a tacit and sometimes explicit assumptive legitimacy. (This criticism applies to Leary, 2005, also.) As a consequence, in the final analysis Johnson accomplished no more than a blackening or, more technically, a reconstruction of Eurocentric nosological classifications with his "new diagnostic alternative" and new "assessment impressions."
Bravo. There certainly is a place for reconstruction. Nevertheless, his work amounted to a supplementing of Western psychology thereby abetting its unabated hegemony over the interpreting of ADP's psyche. There was no bridge or rampart to construction from the African center tendered, possible, nor conceived apparently.
This ignominious state of affairs overall characterizes so-called African (Black) psychology since the early 1990s as I read it, not just Johnson. Still, his work is a quintessential example of the upshot of what Azibo (1994a) identified as the fundamental failure to engage construction which still prevails among African descent psychological workers. This fundamental failure is facilitating African (Black) psychology's degeneration into and subsumption as an irritating boil appended to Western psychology's backside that from the West's perspective apparently is best ignored until subsumed. The same thing happened to Black Liberation Theology and that is why it has almost totally disappeared and appears irrelevant to ADP today (Azibo, 1994a). With historical perspective (Azibo, 1996a), Harrell's supplement to the DSM nosological framework as far back as 1979 is acceptable; in the 1990s and beyond, however, the basing of supplementary offerings in the underlying conceptual universe of the DSM, as Johnson (1993) did, should be seen as undesirable, if not unacceptable. The African descent mental health worker is not showing any growth when s/he stays put in the Eurasian psychology conceptual systems. Doing so is not only paradoxical--professing to liberate ADP's minds using the tools and theory that are employed to keep their minds incarcerated in the first place--but also damaging for African-centered psychology insofar as it delays the unfolding of and undermines the foundation for (re)emerging cultural science (Semaj, 1996) and culture-focused research framing (Azibo, 1996d) and treatment of which the Azibo Nosology II is a part and thereby provides rescue.
A case in point for further illustration is post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Before long, in response to the strong footing of nascent African-centered mental health analysis Western mental health has little choice but to re-define PTSD to accept intergenerational trauma rooted in enslavement. This acquiescence will occur for no other reason than Western psychology's need to successfully feign inclusiveness or movement in that direction in response to multicultural arithmetic. My assumption is that neither Western psychology nor its parent culture are actually opening up to inclusiveness of African-centered reality on par with its own, but is responding politically to manage it. Arguments like Cross's (1998) which epistemologically or in the sociology of knowledge qualify as "Negro" scholarship were promulgated because they oppose and deny scientific bases for widening PTSD and other DSM-based disorders in accord with centered African reality (see Azibo, 2011b). Such arguments today in 2014 embarrass the Western scholarship that promoted it despite having successfully spent itself policing against African-centered thinking for 10-15 years until Western-based analysis could capture the tide. This is what opening up PTSD diagnosis to African-U.S. intergenerational trauma reflects. It leaves no room for and militates against interest in relevant culture-focused disorder. This is precluded when the diagnostic pandect is the Azibo Nosology II.
Mentacidal Falling Out/Blacking Out Disorder
Definition. Adapting from Dana (1998, 105) "'falling out/blacking out' is a sudden collapse into semiconsciousness, with or without warning, but with immobility accompanied by understanding and inability to see .... generally an unrecognized and untreated reaction to [Eurasian supremacy] stress among Blacks .... called indisposition in Haiti" (italics original).
Diagnosing. In addition to the striking behavior, this diagnosis is appropriate when Eurasian supremacy stress of the acute encounter or chronic type is the igniter. Otherwise, the mentacidal term is dropped from the diagnostic label and "falling out/blacking out disorder is diagnosed and considered a peripheral personality disorder of the culture-bound syndrome type. Sue and Sue (1999), Tseng (2006), and Hughes (1998) discuss culture-bound syndromes.
Discussion. When extra stresses are impacting the client by definition so is the mentacide process, hence the nomenclature. Most practitioners would readily recognize the seriousness of "blacking out" when overwhelmed and treat it. Unfortunately, most do not recognize or know what to do with the mentacidal influences. The Azibo Nosology II framework eliminates this ignorance.
Nepenthe Defense Mechanism Disorder
Definition. This condition is defined as responding to threats to one's psyche that emanate from the Eurasian controlled or inspired ecosystem with inordinate levels of defensive behavior which provide the individual with a nepenthe--inducement of forgetfulness of pain or sorrow causing in the mind oblivion of grief or suffering.
Diagnosing. Any of the scales (e.g., Davidson & MacGregor, 1998) or projective techniques (e.g., Cramer & Blatt, 1990) that measure defensive behavior might be used. If a client's score exceeds the 60th percentile of an appropriate comparison group or is two standard deviations above that group's mean, a tentative diagnosis can be made. It is incumbent on the practitioner to determine if a nepenthe is being afforded. If it is, then the diagnosis is confirmed. Alternatively, clinical judgment might suffice until research based cut scores and the better scales are determined.
Discussion. Azibo's (2007, 2013b) nepenthe theory is a provocative, culture-focused explanation of defense mechanism functioning in ADP under Eurasian domination. It maintains that present-day Eurasian civilizations worldwide are continuations of The Destruction of Black Civilization (Williams, 1976) and direct a relentless campaign of psychosexual terrorism at ADP resulting in major psychological debilitation.
Adding to this the intergenerationally transmitted debasement caused by enslavement, colonialism, and the aftermath of these, it is reasonable that Eurasian civilization generates a host of psychic threats for ADP, not the least of which is fear. Welsing (1991, 153-161) explains ADP's psychic response to fear as involving circular thinking where a problem is perceived but the person moves away from it mentally down a diversionary path thereby proceeding apace not confronting the problem only to have the problem return again. The process repeats continually. Defense mechanisms are perfect vehicles that can lead down diversionary paths to false, delusional ataraxia. The nepenthe theory premise is that out of necessity defense mechanism usage is brought forth to protect self-esteem and the integrity and integration of the self. The subsequent defensive behavior results in a nepenthe.
This is not good coping, but abnormal behavior that occurs en masse in otherwise normal ADP (at least the African-U.S.). It is generally recognized that defensive behavior carried to the extreme can be dysfunctional. The defensive function emanating from the mental health definition given above does not invoke psychological defense mechanisms to deny, rationalize, identify with the aggressor, regress to child-like posture, et cetera. Rather, the defensive function requires own-race maintenance behavior of persons with correct orientation mentality. As defensive behavior in response to Eurasian domination serves to block own-race maintenance behavior, it is a disorder. This breakdown or disorganization in personality is taking place in the peripheral part of the personality--not the own-race maintenance part. It is crucial, however, not to (mis)diagnose inordinate defensive behavior/defense mechanism usage as simply peripheral personality disorder. It can come via paths 1, 2, or 3b.
There is initial empirical support for nepenthe theory. Azibo (2013b) surveyed a small sample of HBCU students and found greater defense style scores (DSS) compared to Caucasian norms and association between DSS and depression. As well, this study found that DSS predicted indices of psychological misorientation disorders. Also, own-race negation and abjuration indices predicted DSS. These findings replicated results from Azibo (2007) and Azibo, Jackson, and Slater (2004).
Each of the remaining disorders is distinctive and not subcategorized under psychological misorientation or mentacide. Yet, none occur without being predisposed by psychological misorientation and may manifest with or without mentacidal etiology. Peripheral personality disorders may or may not be present as well.
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|Title Annotation:||p. 32-67|
|Author:||Azibo, Daudi Ajani ya|
|Publication:||Journal of Pan African Studies|
|Date:||Oct 15, 2014|
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