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The Alberta Press on Ukrainians in Canada during World War II: two case studies.


This paper discusses the coverage given to Ukrainian Canadian topics in two Alberta newspapers, the Edmonton Journal and the Edmonton Bulletin, during the World War II years. Examples of the subjects included in the essay are Ukrainian Canadian participation in the war effort through enlistments in the Canadian armed forces and other ways, the banning of the Ukrainian Labour-Farmer Temple Association, the formation of the Ukrainian Canadian Committee, the raising of the matter of Ukrainian independence, and the Canadian conscription plebiscite of 27 April 1942. The two newspapers published in the provincial capital accorded significant attention to Ukrainian Canadian issues, a coverage that was paralleled by the many stories that related to Ukraine, a major battleground in the war.


Cet article porte sur la couverture donnee a des sujets concernant les Canadiens ukrainiens dans deux journaux albertains, le Edmonton Journal et le Edmonton Bulletin, pendant la deuxieme guerre mondiale. Y sont inclus par exemple: leur participation a l'effort de guerre en s'engageant dans les forces armees canadiennes et autrement, la proscription de l'Ukrainian Labour-Farmer Temple Association et la formation du Ukrainian Canadian Committee, la question de l'independance ukrainienne et le plebiscite du 27 avril 1942 sur la conscription au Canada. Les deux journaux, publies dans la capitale provinciale, ont porte une tres grande attention a tout ce qui touche les Canadiens ukrainiens. Ils leur accorderent une couverture equivalente a celle des nombreux reportages sur l'Ukraine, un champ de bataille majeur pendant la guerre.


The Second World War has been considered a turning point in the history of Ukrainians in Canada. Among many other things, it was during the war years that the Ukrainian Labour-Farmer Temple Association (ULFTA), a pro-Soviet organization with thousands of members, was banned and the Ukrainian Canadian Committee, an umbrella organization which included groups that were not pro-Soviet, was formed. In an essay on Alberta's Ukrainians during the Second World War, Peter Melnycky pointed out that this large ethnocultural group was subjected to a scrutiny reminiscent of that which it experienced at the time of the Great War of 1914-18. (1) Indeed, the World War II years were characterized by public declarations of loyalty to Canada by different Ukrainian organizations. They were also distinguished by acts of support for the Canadian war effort. In commenting on Ukrainian participation in the war effort through enlistments in the Canadian forces, Michael Luchkovich, Canada's first member of Parliament of Ukrainian origin, quoted the Winnipeg Free Press, which noted that Ukrainians were now "first class citizens, thoroughly imbued with Canadian ideals." (2) In his book on Ukrainian Canadians during the Second World War, Thomas Prymak remarked that veterans, proud of the part they played in the war, "fully expected to be accorded an honourable place in the mosaic of Canadian society." (3)

The war also affected Ukrainians in Canada in another way. The boundaries of Ukraine, which before the outbreak of war were governed by four jurisdictions--namely, Soviet, Polish, Romanian, and Czechoslovakian--shifted several times. After the war, Ukrainian territories formerly in Poland, Romania, and Czechoslovakia were merged with lands further east to form a reconstituted Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic within the Soviet Union. The majority of Canada's Ukrainians had roots in the western regions of Ukraine (especially the territories under interwar Poland and Romania). Members of pro-Soviet organizations in Canada were sympathetic to Soviet claims to western Ukrainian territories. In the first years of the war, the territories formerly under Poland and Romania came under Soviet rule, only to fall to Germany or Romania after the Nazi invasion of the USSR on 22 June 1941. Although these territories were regained by the Soviet Union toward the end of the war, Ukrainian groups in Canada which were not pro-Soviet had hoped that the war would provide an opportunity for an independent Ukraine, free of Soviet rule, and that the Canadian government would support that aspiration. That sentiment was voiced in the House of Commons by Canada's lone member of Parliament of Ukrainian origin, Anthony Hlynka, who represented the Alberta riding of Vegreville as a member of the Social Credit Party in 1940-49.

According to the Canadian census of 1941, there were 71,868 Ukrainians in Alberta, who ranked second in the province (behind the Germans, who numbered 77,721) among the groups who were not of English, Scottish, or Irish descent. (4) That number constituted nearly one in ten of the province's population, though Ukrainians were especially numerous in districts in the east-central part of Alberta with Vegreville and Edmonton being two of the major urban centres of Ukrainian community life. Nationwide, there were 305,929 persons of Ukrainian origin in Canada, (5) many of whom maintained parishes of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic, Ukrainian Greek Orthodox, and other Churches, and/or belonged to secular organizations which had branches across Canada.

In his preface to the translated memoirs and diary of Anthony Hlynka, Oleh Gerus noted that the member for Vegreville and Ukrainian issues attracted a good deal of media attention. (6) This paper provides examples of the coverage given to Ukrainian Canadian themes during the war by two daily newspapers published in Edmonton: the Edmonton Journal and the Edmonton Bulletin. (7)

In the days just prior to and following the declaration of war on Germany after its invasion of Poland on 1 September 1939, Edmonton newspaper coverage included such stories as the breaking up of a meeting of communists in the wake of the Nazi-Soviet Pact and a pledge of loyalty to Canada by the ULFTA. According to the Edmonton Journal on 5 September 1939, a statement issued by the ULFTA at its provincial headquarters at 10628-96 Street declared that its "members would take their place with the people of Canada and the British Commonwealth of Nations to defeat German aggression." The organization said it represented "close to 3,000 Albertans." (8)

Just two days later, the same newspaper reported a Ukrainian Canadian offer to raise a force of 25,000 to be deployed for service in Canada or overseas. That offer came not from the ULFTA, but from another group the newspaper described as the Ukrainian National Council. The newspaper article provided no details about which organizations formed the Council and who the key individuals were, but it did say that "[c]ommand of the force has been accepted by" Volodymyr Sikevych, a former brigadier general in the Army of the Ukrainian National Republic. (9) The Ukrainian National Republic had a brief existence as an independent state between 1917 and 1921. After its defeat by the Bolsheviks, many of its leaders and supporters went into exile, including Sikevych, who settled in Canada in 1924. Sikevych, who was born on 5 September 1870, was sixty-nine years old at the time that the offer was made. Quite possibly the council saw in the war an opportunity for an independent Ukraine, much as had happened toward the end of World War I when the Ukrainian National Republic was formed and an army created. (10) In any event, no such force was ever raised as the very concept as proposed lacked government support. (11)

By 1939 the majority of people of Ukrainian origin in the Dominion had been born in Canada. However, a large number were born outside the country: many had come as part of a smaller, albeit significant, second wave of immigration during the 1920s and 1930s. The majority of the tens of thousands of Ukrainian immigrants of the second wave came to Canada as bearers of Polish passports. Occasional reports in the Edmonton newspapers alluded to the matter of naturalized Canadians serving in non-Canadian armies. One article noted that the Canadian government had allowed men who came from Poland, Norway, the Netherlands, Belgium, or Czechoslovakia, and now were naturalized Canadians, to join forces being raised in Canada by recognized governments of their native lands. It had refused in the past to allow such naturalized people to enlist in foreign forces since it "would interfere with their assimilation as Canadians when they returned after the war." (12) Among the forces being raised was the one by the Polish government-in-exile, whose recruitment efforts extended to immigrants who had come to Canada from Poland. Its representative in Canada was Victor Podoski, who was born in Ukraine. (13)

Any efforts to recruit Ukrainians who had emigrated from Poland would likely not have found much support among the anti-Soviet or pro-Soviet Ukrainian organizations in Canada. As far as the former were concerned, any such recruitment would have interfered with aspirations to raise a Ukrainian force in Canada. Indeed, even before the war began, there was talk of Ukrainians not only in Canada, but also those in the United States, Brazil, and Argentina raising an army "of 200,000 Ukrainian men ... to fight on Britain's side if she were to engage in a European war." The claim that such an army could be raised was attributed to W. Dorosh, who spoke at a meeting of the Ukrainian National Federation in Edmonton's Memorial Hall in March 1939. According to the Edmonton Bulletin, Dorosh said that the "Ukrainians would be willing to fight ... in the hope that a redistribution of borders in Europe would leave the Ukrainians an independent country." (14) The Ukrainian National Federation, a nationalist organization with branches across Canada, was founded in 1932. Anthony Hlynka was "a former ... executive officer" of the Federation. (15)

To many of the immigrants who had come to Canada from Poland in the 1920s and 1930s, war was not something new. A story in the Edmonton Bidletin about patients in the Military Ward of the University of Alberta hospital mentioned a veteran who had served in the Polish and Ukrainian armies. (16) Another, in the Edmonton Journal, focused on Mike Zaetz, a farmer west of Rimbey, who was "born in Poland" and came to Canada in 1929. Having witnessed the First World War and the devastation that resulted from it, in 1941 Zaetz was getting ready to experience the Second World War as a member of the Canadian armed forces. "Now Mike Zaetz has given up his farm, for which he has toiled and sweated, and is going to fight ... Hitler and all he stands for," said the Edmonton Journal. The author of the article, Viola Macdonald, quoted Zaetz on why he enlisted in the Canadian army: "Why shouldn't I fight for Canada? ... It has given me a home where I could be free and happy. I have worked like everything for 15 years, but I will give everything to beat Hitler." (17)

As can be inferred from many articles in both the Edmonton Bulletin and Edmonton Journal, Ukrainian organizations urged members of the community to get behind the war effort by either enlisting or buying victory bonds. Names of the people who enlisted can be found in the compilations titled "These Volunteer to Serve Country" that were regularly featured in the Edmonton Journal. That information can also be culled from the section titled "District News" in the Edmonton Journal, and the one titled "Provincial Briefs" in the Edmonton Bulletin. Both newspapers also included death notices and there, too, a reference or two might be made to a son or daughter of the deceased serving in some capacity in the forces. Then there were the stories about Ukrainian Canadians who paid the supreme sacrifice or were reported missing. (18) And there were announcements of Canadians of Ukrainian origin who received military awards. (19)

In the announcements in both newspapers about marriages, it may well have been the case that the groom himself was in the forces. In fact, in September 1939 the Edmonton Journal reported a spike in the number of marriages, linking the rush of marriages with the outbreak of war. (20) In June 1942 it reported that there had been a substantial increase in marriages over 1938. (21) During the war years people from other parts of Canada came to Alberta for a temporary stay, and there was also an increased presence of Americans in the province. That presence once or twice was reflected in announcements of the marriage or engagement of a local Ukrainian Canadian to an American.

By September 1942 there was already a significant number of Albertans of Ukrainian origin serving in Canada's forces. In fact, in the opinion of Michael Luchkovich, who in 1926-35 had represented in Parliament the district of Vegreville, they were enlisting more than other groups. In a letter to the editor of the Edmonton Journal published that month, Luchkovich began by drawing attention to the August 1942 issue of the Canadian Geographical Journal, where, he said, J. F. C. Wright had noted that more Ukrainian Canadians from Saskatchewan in proportion to their population had joined the forces than any other national group, including the British. And what about Alberta? Luchkovich asked. Based on several lists of volunteers that had been published in the Edmonton Journal, Luchkovich concluded that of 173 persons named, 29 were of Ukrainian extraction--a proportion that was greater, he said, than the percentage of the Albertan population that was of Ukrainian background. By way of explaining this participation, Luchkovich referred to the Winnipeg Free Press, which, he said "suggested that the Ukrainians had now finally arrived as first class citizens, thoroughly imbued with Canadian ideals."

Luchkovich then took the opportunity to appeal to everyone associated with the volunteers to do their bit to supply them through the purchase of War Stamps, Certificates, and Bonds. (22)

It is possible that when Luchkovich wrote his letter to the editor he was still using the 1931 Canada census as his guide for the number of Ukrainians in Alberta. Toward the end of 1942, an Edmonton Journal editorial titled the "Racial Origins of Albertans" mentioned that in 1941 there were 71,868 Ukrainians, nearly 16,000 more than in 1931. (23)

In 1944 nearly two years after Luchkovich's letter appeared in the Edmonton Journal, the Edmonton Bulletin covered a speech made by Maj.--Gen. Leo Richer La Fleche, Canada's Minister of National War Services, in which he acknowledged the presence of Ukrainians in the armed forces. The speech was prepared for delivery before the Dominion convention of the Canadian Legion and noted that 62,000 persons had become naturalized Canadians since the outbreak of war, and that many of them were from Slavic countries. La Fleche is quoted as having said: "I wonder would it surprise you to know that we could assemble perhaps more than a division of our armed forces who speak a Slav language fluently, and about 12,000 of these speak Ukrainian.... We have over 9,000 speaking German, and nearly 2,800 speaking Polish, despite Polish army enlistments." (24) Earlier, in November 1941, the Edmonton Bulletin referred to an entire reserve unit composed of Ukrainians. Attached to the Second Battalion of the Edmonton Regiment, the Edmonton Bulletin noted that it was honoured at a banquet held in the Ukrainian National Federation Hall. (25) In January 1942 the Edmonton Bulletin mentioned a Julian-calendar Christmas gathering at the Ukrainian National Hall in Edmonton on 96 Street and 106 Avenue--formerly, it seems, the provincial headquarters of the rival ULFTA (see above) (26)--during which an estimate of 35,000 Ukrainians serving in the Canadian armed forces was presented. Attending the gathering were thirty members of the Second Battalion, Edmonton Regiment (R)CA, and twenty members of the RCAF, as well as "General V. Zukievich [Sikevych], Ukrainian hero of the First Great War, and now stationed in Toronto." The general offered a toast "to the soldier guests of honor and to the 35,000 Ukrainians in the different armed forces across Canada," and a tribute "was paid to the many Ukrainian boys listed in the honor roll of the defence of Hong Kong." (27)

Teachers and doctors were among the people who enlisted for service in Canada's armed forces, ultimately leading to a shortage of both groups in some parts of the province. In October 1942 the Edmonton Journal reported that twenty teachers from the Two Hills area had enlisted for service in the RCAF and in the army. (28) Less than four months later the same newspaper noted that eleven schoolrooms in the Two Hills School Division had to be closed for lack of teachers. (29)

A similar situation arose with doctors in the province. In December 1942 the Edmonton Journal announced that Dr. Edward E. Tomashewsky of Two Hills had joined the Canadian Army Medical Corp and would be going to the Pacific coast for training. His departure, it said, had reduced the staff of the Two Hills health unit to two people, that is, to two nurses." (30) The following month, the newspaper noted that the "[e]nlistment of doctors in the armed forces has caused a shortage in the province." (31)

During the war years there was recognition in the press that Ukrainians had already been in the country for about five decades. The fiftieth anniversary of Ukrainians in Canada commemorated in Mundare and elsewhere in 1941 and 1942 received good coverage. (32)

And there was a reminder during those years, too, that the aspirations of a large segment of the community was for an independent Ukrainian state separate from the Soviet Union. The organizations representing those aspirations were strengthened by the Government of Canada's decision to declare illegal such associations as the ULFTA under the Defence of Canada Regulations. That decision was announced by the Edmonton Bulletin on 5 June 1940, which also noted, a day later, that a planned nationwide tour of ULFTA's string orchestra might be called off as a result of the decision. (33) After Nazi Germany invaded the Soviet Union (June 1941) and the USSR became an ally of Canada, the two Edmonton newspapers contained stories on the efforts directed at lifting the ban on the ULFTA and securing the release from internment camps of a number of its leading members. (34) Although on 5 September 1939 the Edmonton Journal had publicized an ULFTA statement of loyalty, as Jaroslav Petryshyn has noted, the Canadian government (during the war years, the Liberal Party under William Lyon Mackenzie King was in power) was wary of Communist sympathizers who had stayed "faithful to the Comintern after the Nazi-Soviet Pact." On 17 September 1939 the Soviet Union moved into eastern Poland and then annexed Western Ukraine and Western Belarus. Pro-Communists "launched a campaign calling for Canada to withdraw from the 'imperialist' conflict." Subsequently, the Communist Party of Canada "was again declared illegal; so was the ULFTA, along with various other pro-Communist organizations." ULFTA leaders were "apprehended and interned, and its numerous properties were confiscated--and in many cases sold to Ukrainian nationalists and church organizations at extremely low prices." (35)

Later in 1940 an Edmonton Journal editorial welcomed the news of the creation of the Ukrainian Canadian Committee on 7 November 1940 in Winnipeg. A "movement to put an end to the dissensions has met with much success," the editorial said on 22 November 1940, which went on to say that "[t]he spirit thus displayed is a fine one and many good wishes will be extended to the committee by the Canadians of other racial origins as it enters upon its tasks. (36) The founding members of the Ukrainian Canadian Committee were the Ukrainian Catholic Brotherhood, the Ukrainian Self-Reliance League (a lay organization of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church), the Ukrainian National Federation, the United Hetman Organization, and the League of Ukrainian Organizations. (37)

Readers of the Edmonton Journal soon learned that the organizations that made up the Ukrainian Canadian Committee advocated an independent Ukrainian state. On 23 May 1941 the newspaper reported that the Committee had sent a letter to Prime Minister Mackenzie King asking that claims for an independent Ukrainian state not be disregarded when Europe was to be reconstructed. (38) It was more difficult to make the case in Canada for an independent Ukrainian state after Nazi Germany invaded the USSR and the Soviet Union subsequently became a Canadian ally in the war. That is what Anthony Hlynka found when he raised the matter of Ukrainian independence in the House of Commons.

Hlynka, like Luchkovich some time before him, represented the federal riding of Vegreville. That district in Alberta was the only one in the province in which a majority voted "no" in a national plebiscite held on 27 April 1942 that asked the following question: "Are you in favour of releasing the Government from any obligations arising out of any past commitments restricting the methods of raising men for military service?"

A number of explanations have been presented by scholars to account for the large "no" vote in the Vegreville riding. Melnycky noted that while the ULFTA, which had reappeared as the Ukrainian Association to Aid the Fatherland (later, in June 1942, it changed its name to the Association of Canadian Ukrainians (39)), was officially in favour of a "yes" vote, "there was nevertheless a substantial community of interest among the Ukrainians of Alberta that had reason to vote No as a protest over specific losses suffered at the hands of the Liberal government." (40) As noted, ULFTA leaders were interned and properties had been confiscated. Melnycky also noted that on both the provincial and federal levels "the Social Credit party took a non-committal attitude towards the plebiscite, which many interpreted as a whisper campaign against a Yes vote." Hlynka, he continued, called for conscription not only of manpower but also of wealth and industry, and in declaring himself in the "yes" camp did so by presenting reasons that were "very pragmatic." (41)

In his discussion on the plebiscite, Bohdan Kordan noted the Ukrainian Canadian Committee's response to Winnipeg Free Press criticism about Ukrainians and the "no" vote. In a private meeting with the editor of the newspaper, the reasons presented by members of the committee's executive for a "no" vote among Ukrainians in Canada included a perceived close co-operation between the Liberal government and leftists, the government's silence on the Ukrainian question in Europe, claims that a "yes" vote was a vote for the Liberal party, and that conscription could lead to economic ruin of the farm. (42)

The conscription plebiscite of 1942 is the subject of an entire chapter in Prymak's study on Ukrainian Canadians during the war. Among the conclusions he reached was that the results were a "real shock to Ukrainian political leaders," and a surprise for the government, too, for as Prymak noted, it was expected that "English-speaking Canada would vote yes in the plebiscite and that French-speaking Canada would vote no." (43)

The result in the Vegreville riding was quite exceptional and the subject merits further exploration and more discussion than can be afforded here. Neither the Edmonton Journal nor the Edmonton Bulletin offer much in the way of clues for the large "no" vote in the Vegreville riding. Prymak noted that that riding was one of three prairie constituencies which registered a "no" majority. The other two were Provencher, Manitoba (which he described as "an important French and Mennonite population centre"), and Rosthern, Saskatchewan ("a Mennonite and German-speaking area"). (44) However, as the votes in the plebiscite were still being counted it briefly seemed that the Vegreville riding might not be alone in the "no" camp in Alberta. On 28 April the Edmonton Bidletin reported that results from 2,094 of the 2,531 polls in the province gave 169,619 "yes" votes compared with 63,639 "no" votes. The newspaper noted that the Vegreville riding "showed a majority of 'no' votes and in Athabaska [sic] the vote was about even." In the former, it added, the "margin for the 'No' vote was 3-2," while in the Athabasca riding the "'No' has a six vote lead out of more than 8,000 ballots." (45) More details were given about the results nationwide, and in the province specifically, elsewhere in the 28 April 1942 issue of the newspaper and in the edition published the next day. The figures revealed that the following ridings on the prairies had a majority "no" vote:
Athabasca (123 of 176 polls):   4,981 "no" versus 4,963 "yes."
Vegreville (111 of 121 polls):  8,290 "no" versus 5,144 "yes."
Provencher (Manitoba):          4,117 "no" versus 3,041 "yes."

At that time, the riding of Rosthern in Saskatchewan was reporting slightly more "yes" votes (3,331) over the number who voted "no" (3,259). (46) Ultimately, the number of "yes" votes in Athabasca slightly surpassed the "no" votes, (47) making the Vegreville riding the exception in Alberta.

Both the Edmonton Bulletin and the Edmonton Journal were aware that Ukrainian community leaders had worked hard to try to get a "yes" vote in the plebiscite. A March 1942 Edmonton Journal report about a gathering in the village of Andrew, north of Vegreville, mentioned such efforts. The report began by noting that pictures were shown under the auspices of the National Film Board and the Department of Public Information. Some 325 children and more than 200 adults attended the showing. The person chairing the meeting, A. Woroschuk, spoke about the production of war materials and "referred appreciatively to the support of this district in the recent Victory Loan campaign, the quota having been reached." The report closed by mentioning that L. L. Kostash urged support for a forthcoming Red Cross drive and "asked for a 'yes' vote on the plebiscite." (48)

Another, published the following month, focused on Willingdon (north of Vegreville) and bore the title "Willingdon District Plans for Yes Vote." The report said that a number of "cooperating bodies"--namely, the village of Willingdon, Eagle municipality, school district, Home and School Association, Daughters of the Empire, Catholic Women's League, Ukrainian Greek Orthodox Church, and the Ukrainian Association for the Aid to the Fatherland--were planning a public meeting for 20 April as part of a campaign to get a strong affirmative vote in the 27 April plebiscite. The report continued that meetings would be arranged in points outside the village in such places as Desjarlais, Shandro, Pruth, and Boian. It then added that "[e]very meeting held here by any society or club before voting day is to be addressed for five minutes by some speaker on the plebiscite, urging [the] importance of a 'yes' vote." (49) The Edmonton Bulletin ran a similar article, which was published later, on 20 April, the day of the meeting. (50)

Both the Edmonton Journal and the Edmonton Bulletin, a day apart from each other, mentioned the efforts of the Ukrainian Self-Reliance League in urging support for an affirmative result in the plebiscite. The Edmonton branch of that organization prepared circulars in Ukrainian and English which were mailed to "thousands of Ukrainian Canadian residents of Alberta." The text of the circular explained that by voting "yes," the government would be given full freedom to use methods of increasing the war effort as deemed necessary. It also stated that the many people who were serving in the army expected the support of those at home. And that a "yes" vote was a reaffirmation of faith in the ideals for which democracies were fighting. (51)

The Edmonton Bulletin also documented the efforts of leaders of the pro-Soviet camp to secure a positive vote in the plebiscite. On 19 April 1942 about a thousand people packed into the Empire Theatre in Edmonton to hear speakers appeal for an affirmative vote in the plebiscite. The rally, which included a musical program, was sponsored by the Edmonton Affirmative Vote Committee (chaired by Alderman H. D. Ainlay) and organized under the auspices of the Ukrainian Association to Aid the Fatherland and allied groups. The speakers included Alderman Sydney Parsons, L. Y. Cairns, K. C., and N. Alexievich. (52) Later in the year, in August (1942), the Edmonton Journal ran a story about a concert that the Association of Canadian Ukrainians was putting on at Edmonton's Imperial Hall. The purpose was to celebrate the first anniversary of the Association, which had recently been renamed from the Ukrainian Association to Aid the Fatherland. According to the report, the Association had been organized to "mobilize the strength and energy of Ukrainian Canadians for a total war effort." During the past year, it said, the national organization had collected $133,000 for medical aid to the USSR, assisted in the Victory Loan campaign, promoted recruitment for the Canadian armed forces, and "worked with the affirmative vote committee during the plebiscite." (53)

Perhaps in acknowledgement of such efforts, neither the Edmonton Journal nor the Edmonton Bulletin reacted negatively to the large "no" vote in the Vegreville riding. In fact, in contrast to the Winnipeg Free Press further east, the Edmonton Bulletin put a positive spin on the plebiscite and the part played by the foreign-born element in Alberta. In an editorial, it emphasized the large number of affirmatives in Alberta and Saskatchewan where many immigrants had settled. "The vote should suggest something to critics in other provinces who have thought it the part of patriotism to sneer at the 'foreigners' in Alberta and Saskatchewan," the editorial said. "The 'yes' vote in Alberta," the editorial continued, "was way above the Dominion average; in Saskatchewan even more so." (54)

That interpretation was not shared by A. Lockton of Myrnam, Alberta, who challenged the editorial. "Do I take it you mean to infer that the so called 'foreign' vote had an influence in producing the favorable 'yes' vote of about 72 per cent in this province?" he asked in a letter to the newspaper. If that was the Edmonton Bulletins intention, Lockton continued, then "my opinion is that your [sic] are very mistaken or purposely false. The negative constituencies in Alberta are almost solidly non-English and non-French." (55)

In June 1943 a columnist writing for the Calgary Herald, Richard J. Needham, also mentioned the plebiscite, claiming that "the anti-Russian Ukrainians living in Canada" voted "no" in that referendum. He wrote thus:
   [W]e believe a good many people in Canada are getting tired of the
   hyphenated groups which always seem to be living in a dim fog of
   European politics. In this connection, we see by the papers that
   the Ukrainian-Canadian organization is going to hold a meeting in
   Winnipeg later this month 'to discuss and pass upon resolutions
   dealing with Ukrainian problems in Europe.' (For the record, it
   should be stated that this organization represents the anti-Russian
   Ukrainians living in Canada, who voted 'no' in Mr. King's famous
   plebiscite. Their 'resolutions' at the Winnipeg meeting will
   doubtless be a reiteration of their previous demands for detachment
   of the Ukraine from Soviet Russia, and its establishment as an
   independent state.) (56)

A year later, a letter to the editor appeared in the Edmonton Bulletin about the Canadian war effort, which also mentioned Vegreville. The letter writer, who identified himself/herself as "Native Canadian" from Red Deer, took exception to a statement that had been made that the many so-called Europeans who were said to be "walking our streets in civies" were engaged in essential jobs. The letter from Red Deer then continued:
   It would be interesting to learn the amounts of Victory Bonds being
   held by these people of foreign origin who are holders of big pay
   essential jobs. Is it true that in the last Victory Loan drive, the
   Central European district of Vegreville, purchased $220,000 worth
   of bonds, exceeding their quota by about $130,000. A remarkable
   record indeed and a highly commendable one. But were the total
   sales to Central Europeans in this community, recognized as a
   Central European centre by at least 75 per cent, only a mere
   $14,000? (57)

That letter was challenged by two individuals identified as George and Paul, who pointed out that Canadians of British birth were foreigners, too, as this was, after all, Canada and not Great Britain. (58) Nothing was said about the Victory Loan drive, but from other material published in both the Edmonton Bulletin and the Edmonton Journal it is clear that there was significant support among Ukrainians for such campaigns. A story told to the Edmonton Journal in May 1942 by A. W. Fraser, who was canvassing in the Vegreville area, provided insight into the campaign in that district. The newspaper said:
   Mrs. Zaparozen is a widow living four miles from Vegreville. She
   has three children, one cow, and a few chickens. The owner of the
   house allows her 15 acres for the pasture of her cow.

   As her children explained to her the purpose of our visit [,] their
   faces lit up as they went on to say their mother told them they
   must give all they could to the Red Cross to help the little
   children in England.

   They gave $1 in pennies and nickels and I hated to take it, knowing
   it was all their savings, tucked away in their little bank. But
   they said I must take it to help other little children. And they
   were delighted to think they were giving assistance to someone less
   fortunate than themselves.

   At another stop I spoke to Fred Podealiuk. After telling him what
   the campaign is for, he went into the small house to see his wife
   about a contribution. He came out with 20 50-cent pieces and gave
   them to me with a smile. He said he was sorry he couldn't do more.

According to the Edmonton Journal, to Fraser, that gift of $1.00 "meant more than others which were in greater amounts." (59)


As can be inferred from the foregoing discussion, the two major newspapers published in Alberta's capital, the Edmonton Journal and the more left-leaning Edmonton Bulletin, gave considerable coverage to Ukrainian Canadian issues during the war years. Although that coverage may have overlapped on more than one occasion, the degree of attention was such that it served as a reminder that the Ukrainian community was a demographic force in Alberta and in Canada as a whole. Articles about the commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of Ukrainian settlement in Canada helped in creating public awareness that the community was an established one in the young province and in the country as a whole. Evidence that it was a community with organizational experience behind it came in the many articles about the different Ukrainian organizations that were active in Alberta and elsewhere in Canada. Such stories would suggest that Alberta branches of Ukrainian organizations headquartered in cities outside the province were not disengaged in the development of relations with the local media. District stories in the newspaper would necessarily include some Ukrainian content because in certain localities of east-central Alberta, people of Ukrainian descent formed the majority of the population. It was still there that a good portion of the Ukrainians in Alberta was concentrated. For although the number of Ukrainians inhabiting Edmonton had been increasing over the decades, the figure (there were 6,070 people of Ukrainian origin in the provincial capital, according to the 1941 census) represented only less than a tenth of the nearly 72,000 Ukrainians in the province. (60)

Indeed, it was from the riding of Vegreville that Canada's first MP of Ukrainian origin, Michael Luchkovich, was elected--and Canada's second MP of Ukrainian background, Anthony Hlynka, too. Even though they served at different times, both their names appeared in the Edmonton newspapers during the war years. Hlynka was the member of Parliament for Vegreville during the April 1942 plebiscite. If doubts were raised about Ukrainians' loyalty because of the results in that riding, they were not expressed in either newspaper, except in the manner shown above in the discussion of letters to the editor. There were sufficient examples presented that the community was actively participating in the war effort. And that in spite of differences in the viewpoints held, some groups could come together behind a single cause as the example of Willingdon showed of the co-operating bodies for the 20 April 1942 public meeting.

In 1942 Luchkovich had emphasized the degree of support for the Canadian war effort through enrolments in the armed forces. About a year earlier, Michael Petrowsky, described in the Edmonton Bulletin as an Ottawa writer, had made a similar point about enlistments. "My people and I want to be real Canadians, even if we pronounce 'with' 'wit,'" he told participants at a convention of the Canadian Authors' Association. He went on to add that "[t]heir allegiance to Canada was shown by their enlistments in both the First Great War and the present war." (61)

Alongside the many stories on Ukrainian Canadian-related topics in the two Edmonton newspapers, there were many others that referred to what was happening in the war in places such as Ukraine. And on occasion an article linked Ukrainians in Canada with that eastern European region, which had become a major battlefield. The two became linked when Hlynka suggested in late March 1945 that members of anti-Soviet Ukrainian organizations in Canada and the U.S. be invited to the April San Francisco conference on world security in order to present the case of Ukraine, a proposal which the Edmonton Journal described as "outrageous"--a characterization which, in turn, prompted Hlynka to respond with a letter to the editor. (62) In (1942) the Edmonton Journal had linked Canada, Ukrainians, and the USSR in another way, through the person of Constantine Olynyk, described as "a Ukrainian by birth, now serving with a Toronto regiment of the Canadian forces in England." The newspaper noted that he had "seven brothers fighting with the Red Army" in the USSR. (63) In 1943 it showed pictures depicting four women under the title "These Royal Canadian Air Force Girls Work to Free Nazi-Held Homelands." Two of the women were Jenny Ozipko of Holden, Alberta, and Elizabeth Anne Oleschuk of Winnipeg Beach, Manitoba, both of whom, the newspaper said, were "born in the Ukraine of Austrian parents." (64) And the December 1942 Edmonton Journal article that was titled "2 Million Ukraine Civilians Slaughtered by Nazi Army" brought home to readers the colossal human losses suffered to date in that part of Europe and by the Soviet peoples generally. Readers were urged to donate to the Canadian Aid to Russia Fund, which would send medical supplies, blankets, and other items overseas. (65)

Indeed, at times readers of the Edmonton Journal and Edmonton Bulletin may have read as much about Ukraine as they did about Ukrainians in Canada. A question that may be posed is the extent to which such reading enhanced understanding of that ethnocultural community and the ancestral homeland.


(1.) Peter Melnycky, "Tears in the Garden: Alberta's Ukrainians during the Second World War," in For King and Country: Alberta in the Second World War, ed. K.W. Tingley (Edmonton: Provincial Museum of Alberta), 327.

(2.) Michael Luchkovich, "Ukrainians and the War," Edmonton Journal, 3 September 1942, 4.

(3.) Thomas M. Prymak, Maple Leaf and Trident: The Ukrainian Canadians during the Second World War (Toronto: Multicultural History Society of Ontario, 1988), 130.

(4.) N.J. Hunchak, Canadians of Ukrainian Origin (Winnipeg: Ukrainian Canadian Committee, 1945), 57. In addition to the 71,868 Albertans listed as Ukrainian by origin, another 19,316 people in Alberta declared their ancestry to be Russian (ibid., 47).

(5.) "Distribution of the Population, by Ethnic Group, Census Years 1941, 1951 and 1961," Statistics Canada,

(6.) Oleh W. Gerus and Denis Hlynka, eds. The Honourable Member for Vegreville: The Memoirs and Diary of Anthony Hlynka, MP. Introduction by Oleh W. Gerus (Winnipeg: Centre for Ukrainian Canadian Studies, University of Manitoba, 2005), xxvii.

(7.) The Edmonton Bulletin was published until 1951.

(8.) "Ukrainians Here Declare Loyalty," Edmonton Journal, 5 September 1939, 11.

(9.) "Ukrainians Offer Raise 25,000 Men," Edmonton Journal, 7 September 1939, 2.

(10.) For a brief biography of Sikevych, see Iuvileina pamiatka z nahody piatydesyatoi richnytsi viis'kovoi sluzhby ta dvadtsyaty litn'oi pratsi dlia ukrains'koi derzhavnosty ioho ekstselientsii general-khorunzhoho Volodymyra Sikevycha (Toronto: Lieutenant-General Sikevich Fiftieth Anniversary Committee, 1937), 9-10.

(11.) See, for example, the discussion in Bohdan S. Kordan, Canada and the Ukrainian Question, 1939-1945: A Study in Statecraft (Montreal-Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2001), 23-25.

(12.) "Allow Enlistment in 'Foreign' Forces," Edmonton Journal, 5 February 1942, 17.

(13.) "Pole Plans Speak in City May 26," Edmonton Journal, 8 May 1942, 13.

(14.) "Ukrainians Ready to Help Britain, Speaker Declares," Edmonton Bulletin, 28 March 1939, 11, and Edmonton Bulletin, 29 March 1939, 9.

(15.) Kordan, Canada and the Ukrainian Question, 1939-1945, 70. See also Gerus and Hlynka, The Honourable Member for Vegreville, 12. For more on the Ukrainian National Federation, see Prymak, Maple Leaf and Trident, passim. See also Orest T. Martynowych, "Sympathy for the Devil: The Attitude of Ukrainian War Veterans in Canada to Nazi Germany and the Jews, 1933-1939," in Re-Imagining Ukrainian-Canadians: History, Politics, and Identity, ed. Rhonda L. Hinther and Jim Mochoruk (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011), 173-220.

(16.) "Veterans Made Merrier by Not Forgotten Fund: Benefits Distributed," Edmonton Bulletin, 26 December 1940, 1,2.

(17.) "Mike Zaetz Leaves Farm to Help Put Hitler Down," Edmonton Journal, 26 November 1941, 8.

(18.) For example, Edmonton Journal, 28 April 1942, 9 (picture of Capt. Nick E. Nykiforuk, Royal Canadian Medical Corps, who died in England). See also, "Funeral Is Held for City Soldier Joseph Adamchuk," Edmonton Bulletin, 26 September 1941, 11. Flt-Sgt. Michael Sawry, who went overseas in November, 1943, was among those who were reported missing. See "Missing," Edmonton Bulletin, 26 October 1944, 9. Melnycky ("Tears in the Garden," 333) cited a 1946 almanac which listed 168 Albertans of Ukrainian origin killed in action, another 252 wounded in action, 68 missing in action, and 16 prisoners of war. For more on Ukrainian Canadian fatal casualties, see Prymak, Maple Leaf and Trident, 116-17.

(19.) Examples include Sgt. Edison Gowda, who was awarded the British Empire Medal (see "Mother, Daughter of Airman to See Presentation of Medal at Ottawa," Edmonton Journal, 27 November 1942, 1, and the "Air Force Supplement" to the Edmonton journal, 31 March 1943, 16); Flight-Sgt. William Walter Bigoray, who was awarded the Distinguished Flying Medal (see his picture in Edmonton journal, 15 April 1943, 1); Acting Fit. Lt. W. J. Klufas, a recipient of the Distinguished Flying Cross (see "Alberta Airmen Receive Awards," Edmonton Journal, 23 November 1943, 5); Peter Olynyk, Distinguished Flying Cross ("Ukrainians Aim Take Big Part in Nation's Life," Edmonton Bulletin, 4 May 1944, 16); Sqdn.--Ldr. Russell Bannock, Distinguished Flying Cross (see "Two Edmonton Airmen Decorated with DFC," Edmonton Bulletin, 6 October 1944, 1 and "Edmonton Airman Leads Squadron," Edmonton Bulletin, 31 October 1944, 1). On Bigoray, see also "Canadian Place Names of Ukrainian Origin," Ukrainian Weekly, 21 May 1950, 2. That article noted that a study by Prof. J. B. Rudnyckyj showed that a river in Alberta was renamed from the Mosceg River to the Bigoray River, "in honor of a Ukrainian Canadian World War II hero, flight officer (P/OW) W. Bigoray DFM of Redwater, Alberta, who saw service with the Canadians on all fronts and finally was killed during a raid over Germany." For more on individual profiles of Canadians of Ukrainian origin in the forces, see Melnycky, "Tears in the Garden," 334-38. In a paper presented at the conference "Becoming Canadian: Ukrainian Canadians and the Second World War" (Ukrainian Cultural and Educational Centre, Winnipeg, 2011), Melnycky included among others the story of Russell Bannock, "born Slawko Bahniukin Edmonton in 1919." See "Winnipeg Hosts Conference on Ukrainians in Canada during WWII," Novyi shliakh/New Pathway, 29 December 2011, 6.

(20.) "Rush of Marriages Still Continuing," Edmonton Journal, 8 September 1939, 14.

(21.) "More Weddings Mean More Homes," Edmonton Journal, 10 June 1942, 4.

(22.) "Ukrainians and the War," Edmonton Journal, 3 September 1942, 4.

(23.) "Racial Origins of Albertans," Edmonton journal, 3 December 1942, 4.

(24.) "Foreign-Born Draw Praise on War Work," Edmonton Bulletin, 8 June 1944, 16.

(25.) "Ukrainians in Army Honored," Edmonton Bulletin, 4 November 1941, 3.

(26.) After its ban, ULFTA property sometimes ended up in the hands of rival groups. For an example of the process of such transfer, see "Order Police Probe of Ukrainian Body," Edmonton Journal, 17 January 1941, 19.

(27.) "300 Ukrainians Fete Yuletide Tradition," Edmonton Bulletin, 7 January 1942, 9 and 16. The event was sponsored jointly by the Ukrainian National Federation and the Ukrainian War Veterans Association of Canada. Michael Luchkovich, Anthony Hlynka, Andrew Zmurko (veteran and member of the reserve unit), and Cpl. L. Golds, RCAF, Calgary, were among the speakers.

(28.) "Two Hills," Edmonton Journal, 9 October 1942, 9.

(29.) "Two Hills Schools Hit by Enlistments," Edmonton Journal, 30 January 1943, 10.

(30.) "Two Hills Doctor Leaves for War," Edmonton Journal, 11 December 1942, 19.

(31.) "Doctor Shortage Still is Serious," Edmonton Journal, 4 January 1943, 9.

(32.) "Ukraine Fete Mundare Area Draws 3,000," Edmonton journal, 4 August 1941, 9, 13; "Celebrate Jubilee First Ukrainians," Edmonton Journal, 4 August 1942, 8.

(33.) "Subversive Societies to be Outlawed," Edmonton Bulletin, 5 June 1940, 1; "Ukrainian Red Orchestra May Call Off Tour," Edmonton Bulletin, 6 June 1940, 15. According to the latter article, the ULFTA was one of sixteen organizations which were to be declared illegal in amendments to the Defence of Canada Regulations.

(34.) See, for example, "Ask Removal Ban on 3 Organizations," Edmonton Journal, 9 May 1942, 8, which discussed a meeting at the Imperial Hall in Edmonton where the three hundred people gathered passed a resolution to urge the lifting of the ban on the ULFTA and other associations and the release of interned Ukrainian Canadians. See also "Ask Restore Labor Temple Property Here," Edmonton Bulletin, 10 October 1944, 16.

(35.) Jaroslav Petryshyn, "The 'Ethnic Question' Personified: Ukrainian Canadians and Canadian-Soviet Relations, 1917-1991," in Re-Imagining Ukrainian-Canadians: History, Politics, and Identity, ed. Rhonda L. Hinther and Jim Mochoruk (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011), 223-256. For more on the Ukrainian pro-Soviet movement in Canada, see John Kolasky, The Shattered Illusion: The History of Ukrainian Pro-Communist Organizations in Canada (Toronto: PMA Books, 1979).

(36.) "Ukrainian Canadian Committee," Edmonton Journal, 22 November 1940, 4.

(37.) Gerus and Hlynka, The Honourable Member for Vegreville, 384 n. 28. On the background to the formation of the Ukrainian Canadian Committee (today, the Ukrainian Canadian Congress), see Oleh W. Gerus, "The Ukrainian Canadian Committee," in A Heritage in Transition: Essays in the History of Ukrainians in Canada, ed. Manoly R. Lupul (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart), 195-214. See also Kordan, Canada and the Ukrainian Question, 1939-1945, passim.

(38.) "Ukrainians Want Independent State," Edmonton Journal, 23 May 1941, 25.

(39.) Peter Krawchuk, Our History: The Ukrainian Labour-Farmer Movement in Canada, 1907-1991 (Toronto: Lugus, 1996), 75.

(40.) Melnycky, "Tears in the Garden," 330. Quite possibly, pacifist sentiments among ULFTA sympathizers in the Vegreville riding may also have had an effect on the vote. As shown in interviews and other material collected by Myrna Kostash, such sentiment dated back to earlier years, but may have been hardened by resentment to the ULFTA's ban. See Myrna Kostash, All of Baba's Children 4th ed. (Edmonton: NeWest Press, 1992), 323-30.

(41.) Melnycky, "Tears in the Garden," 331. Melnycky quoted Hlynka as follows: "If it is shown after the vote that Ukrainians in the Vegreville riding voted negatively, then some circles and individuals will ascribe to Ukrainians' opposition to military service beyond the borders of Canada [and] sentiments in some circles would be against Ukrainian Canadians. For this reason I personally will be voting 'Yes.'" In February, 1941, Frank Flaherty of the Canadian Press, in an article concerning debates about the plebiscite in the House of Commons, commented that mention of the plebiscite was absent in a speech Hlynka made about Ukrainian independence: "Anthony Hlynka (N. D. Vegreville) made no reference to conscription or the plebiscite in a speech devoted to a plan for Canadian support for the independence of the Ukraine after the war." See "Policy of Big Army is Called 'Purely Lunacy,"' Edmonton Bulletin, 3 February 1942, 8.

(42.) Kordan, Canada and the Ukrainian Question, 1939-1945, 223-24 n. 46.

(43.) Prymak, Maple Leaf and Trident, 80.

(44.) Ibid., 72. For the Ukrainian share of the population of municipalities in Saskatchewan and Manitoba, see Hunchak, Canadians of Ukrainian Origin, 88-94 and 110-13.

(45.) "73 Per Cent Albertans Vote for Plebiscite," Edmonton Bulletin, 28 April 1942, 1.

(46.) See "Vote by Constituencies," Edmonton Bulletin, 28 April 1942, 2 and "Plebiscite Results in Alberta Ridings," Edmonton Bulletin, 29 April 1942, 1. "Vote by Constituencies" gave the following results for Winnipeg North Centre: 3,490 "no" versus 2,064 "yes." But that was an error, for the total "yes" vote in the riding exceeded twenty thousand.

(47.) The slight edge was reported in "Le Vote en Alberta," La Survivance, 29 April 1942, 1. The full results were published in the Canada Gazette, 23 June 1942, 1-5. The final tally for the Athabasca riding was as follows: 6,234 "yes" votes versus 6,187 "no" votes. Number of rejected ballot papers: 150. Total number of votes cast: 12,571. Number of names on the voters' list: 22,187. For Vegreville: 5,471 "yes" votes versus 9,041 "no" votes. (Number of rejected ballot papers: 122. Total number of votes cast: 14,034. Number of names on the voters' list: 21,076.) The riding of Rosthern, Saskatchewan, had 3,527 votes in the affirmative versus 3,958 in the negative. See ibid., 5.

(48.) "Returned Thanks on Victory Quota," Edmonton Journal, 18 March 1942, 8. L.L. Kostash was the president of the local branch of the Red Cross Society. See "Andrew," Edmonton Bulletin, 2 October 1940, 5.

(49.) "Willingdon District Plans for Yes Vote," Edmonton Journal, 14 April 1942, 10.

(50.) "Willingdon Asks Affirmative Vote," Edmonton Bulletin, 20 April 1942, 5.

(51.) "Ukrainians are Urged to Vote 'Yes' April 27," Edmonton Bulletin, 20 April 1942, 13 and "Urge Ukrainians Record Yes Vote," Edmonton Journal, 21 April 1942, 10. For examples of activities of Ukrainian Catholic organizations in Edmonton during the war years, see Serge Cipko, St. Josaphat Ukrainian Catholic Cathedral, Edmonton: A History (1902-2002) (Edmonton: St. Josaphat Ukrainian Catholic Cathedral, 2009), 83-92.

(52.) "Mass Meeting Called to Aid in Plebiscite," Edmonton Bulletin, 13 April 1942, 13; "Sunday Rally to Favor Plebiscite," Edmonton Bulletin, 18 April 1942, 3; and "'Yes' Votes Will Show Dominion Government People Want Total War." Edmonton Bulletin, 20 April 1942, 9.

(53.) "To Mark Founding Ukrainian Group," Edmonton Journal, 13 August 1942, 13.

(54.) Edmonton Bulletin, 30 April 1942, 4.

(55.) "Foreign Vote," Edmonton Bulletin, 11 May 1942, 4.

(56.) "One Man's Opinion," Calgary Herald, 9 June 1943, 4.

(57.) "Immigration," Edmonton Bulletin, 6 September 1944, 4. In June 1941 the Edmonton Bulletin quoted H.M.E. Evans, northern Alberta chair of the Victory Loan campaign, as expressing disappointment "in the response from our Ukrainian friends" to the campaign, in spite of letters having gone out in English and Ukrainian concerning it. See "Chairman is Disappointed on Loan Plea," Edmonton Bulletin, 11 June 1941, 9. The next day, Evans clarified his statement, noting that it referred to only one or two districts. He then went on to say: "I deeply deplore the impression that may be gathered from the article--that the Ukrainians as a whole are not doing their share. As a matter of fact, the results in other units which also have large Ukrainian element show the contrary to be the case such as: Innisfree, 195 per cent, Vegreville, 130.2 per cent, Two Hills, 73.4 per cent, Mundare, 73 per cent, Waskatenau, 72.1 per cent; Lamont, 63 percent." "Large Section of Ukrainians Buy War Bonds," Edmonton Bulletin, 12 June 1941, 11. Just over a week later, a story appeared about Michael Pullishiy, 86, of Star, who came to Alberta with his family in 1896 and together with his son Fred bought "Victory Bonds to the limit of their ability and declared they wish they could purchase more to assist Canada and Britain to win the war." The article noted that Fred Pullishiy "was a volunteer for military service in the first Great War." See "Pioneer Galician Bond Purchaser," Edmonton Bulletin, 20 June 1941, 5.

(58.) "Hyphenates," Edmonton Bulletin, 9 September 1944, 4.

(59.) '"Widow's Mite' is Aid to Fund," Edmonton Journal, 22 May 1942, 15.

(60.) Hunchak, Canadians of Ukrainian Origin, 57.

(61.) "Ukrainians of Dominion Make Good Citizens," Edmonton Bulletin, 23 August 1941, 3. Prymak, Maple Leaf and Trident, 30, noted that Petrowsky was an RCMP agent.

(62.) The Edmonton Journal argued that any such move would offend an ally that had made vast sacrifices and would cause the conference to be a failure. It also expressed doubt that there was dissension among people in Ukraine, asserting that such discord seemed to exist among Ukrainians outside its boundaries, in places such as Canada. In his letter to the editor, published on 12 April 1945, Hlynka wrote that during a recent debate on Soviet-Polish relations several members on both sides of the House had pleaded the Polish case, and no one had suggested that their speeches would endanger the outcome of the conference. The same principle, he suggested, could be applied to the Ukrainians who were a people distinct from the Russians. The Ukrainian people, Hlynka went on to say, were under a totalitarian government and therefore not free to plead their own case. See "Hlynka Worries about Ukraine," Edmonton Journal, 27 March 1945, 3, "Mr. Hlynka's Outrageous Proposal," Edmonton Journal, 28 March 1945, 4, and "Mr. Hlynka Replies," Edmonton Journal, 12 April 1945, 4.

(63.) Caption to a picture in the Edmonton Journal, 2 October 1942, 9. The newspaper added that Olynyk had "already seen considerable fighting while serving with the international brigade during the Spanish war." He likely was close to the pro-Soviet Association of Canadian Ukrainians.

(64.) Edmonton Journal, 30 September 1943, 16.

(65.) "2 Million Ukraine Civilians Slaughtered by Nazi Army," Edmonton Journal, 17 December 1942, 1. In 1945 the Edmonton Journal featured an article by Maurice Hindus (a correspondent for the New York Herald Tribune) which bore the title " 15,000,000 Dead Only Part Russia's Price for Victory." Hindus estimated that Ukraine's share of the total Soviet war dead was between 4 and 8 million. See "15,000,000 Dead Only Part Russia's Price for Victory," Edmonton Journal, 21 February 1945, 1, 2.


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SERGE CIPKO is co-ordinator of the Ukrainian Diaspora Studies Initiative at the Kule Ukrainian Canadian Studies Centre, Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta. He is author of Ukrainians in Argentina, 1897-1950: The Making of a Community (Edmonton and Toronto: CIUS Press, 2011) and St. Josaphat Ukrainian Catholic Cathedral, Edmonton: A History (1902-2002) (Edmonton: St. Josaphat Ukrainian Catholic Cathedral, 2009) and co-author (with Glenna Roberts) of One Way Ticket: The Soviet Return to the Homeland Campaign, 1955-1960 (Manotick, ON: Penumbra Press, 2008).
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Date:Dec 22, 2015
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