Printer Friendly

The 'all-attoning name': the word patriot in seventeenth-century England.

Reigning words are many times of such force as to influence us considerably in our apprehension of things.

(Anthony Ashley Cooper, Third Earl of Shaftesbury)

John Dryden's 'All-attoning Name' is the word patriot, which he accorded to the first Earl of Shaftesbury in 'Absolom and Achitophel' (1681), a satire on the political turmoil of the Exclusion Crisis. (1) In the above epigraph, Shaftesbury's grandson is lamenting the absence in English of an adequate equivalent to the Latin patria which would give expression to 'love to one's country', 'something moral and social [...] a naturally civil and political state', 'a civil state or nation', rather than just the earth of England celebrated by contemporary 'patriots of the soil'. (2) Patriot had indeed become a 'reigning word' by the end of the seventeenth century, and remained so right up to the modern world, as memorials in every village, town, and city in the United Kingdom remind us today. Yet patriotism has received relatively little study as a literary, social, or political concept and the significance of the patriot in the seventeenth century has been only rarely touched on, (3) even though leading scholars have drawn attention to the importance of responding to nuances of political vocabulary in such words as, for example, 'ancient constitution', 'interest', and 'commonwealthman'. (4) J. G. A. Pocock has been a key figure over four decades and his explorations of the historicized contexts of language have influenced scholars of the history of political thought and specialists in the history and literature of seventeenth-century England such as Quentin Skinner, Kevin Sharpe, and Steven Zwicker. (5) Two quotations from Pocock are pertinent:

The historian's first problem, then, is to identify the 'language' or 'vocabulary' with and within which the author operated, and to show how it functioned paradigmatically to prescribe what he might say and how he might say it. (Politics, Language and Time, p. 25)

Such words as 'commonwealthman' and 'patriot' were indeed used now and again to denote those who could think of king, parliament, and people as forming a polity in which any part might be resisted and restrained in the name of the whole. But such language, though observably classical in its connotations, was hindered in its development by those other styles of thought we have been studying. (6)

In this article, I re-examine the latter in terms of the former and thereby aim to restore the patriot's 'All-attoning Name' to discussion of the political and literary discourses of seventeenth-century England.

The English word patriot appears in the 1590s, possibly as a loan word from sixteenth-century French. (7) (The significance of the French political contexts will be touched on in relation to later seventeenth-century translations into English.) Both derive from the post-classical Latin patriota which, in turn, with all cognates such as pater and patria, comes from the Greek, patrios, 'of one's fathers', and patris, 'fatherland'. (8) Patriota, which first appeared in the sixth century, is from the Greek patriotes. (9) Here it meant 'fellow-countrymen' or 'compatriot'. The evidence of such documentary sources as chronicles, saints' lives, and plea rolls of the Middle Ages, shows the use of patria to indicate a particular area of country or land such as a province, county, diocese, or principality. (10) In addition, commentators have pointed out the legal and juristic significance of the word patria. It denoted a district of court jurisdiction. (11) Then, 'from describing the unit whence the jury were chosen the word, by a transference of meaning, came to denote the jury itself'. (12) Classical Latin does not have a noun for patriot, but uses phrases to express the equivalent, such as Ovid's 'amor patriae ratione valentior omni' ('love of country stronger than any reasoning'), the lament of the exile (Ex Ponto, I. 3. 27). (13) In Virgil's Aeneid, the patria is always closely linked with the paternal (household gods, dead progenitors, or a visionary patrimony) in the story of the lost patria, Troy, and the founding of a new, Latium, so fitting for a poem in celebration of the new bearer of Rome's destiny, the 'sancte pater patriae', Augustus. (14)

It is Cicero, however, who did more to influence the humanist conception of the patria than anyone else. Cicero distinguishes between the greater and less patria. The place where we are born is our fatherland, 'but that fatherland must stand first in our affection in which the name of republic signifies the common citizenship of us all' (De Legibus, II. 5). (15) The greater patria includes the less. Duty towards the common good of the patria should override self-interest even to the point of self-sacrifice (De Finibus, III. 64). (16) A man's love for the patria contains and subordinates other feelings to the extent that if the patria is endangered, even a father must be sacrificed (De Officiis, III. 90): (17) the patria is a greater parent (In Catilinum, I. 17). (18) Perhaps the most commonly repeated Ciceronian maxim was that man is born not for self but for country and kindred (De Finibus, II. 45). (19)

In the early modern period, schoolchildren would come across these sources in schoolbooks, (20) often unidentified, before they were old enough, or strong enough, to consult the learned reference dictionaries of Stephanus and Calepinus whose entries for patria are largely taken from Ovid, Virgil, and Cicero. (21) To help compose themes, the schoolboy often turned to the Dictis et Factiis Romanorum of Valerius Maximus where, in Book v, Chapter 6, he found an encapsulation De Pietate erga Patriam. The first English translation appears as late as 1678, where 'Of Piety toward their Country' is given as follows:

We have seen Piety to private Relations, we are now to show it toward our Native Country; to whose Majesty paternal Authority, almost equal to that of the Gods, has ever submitted, and to which Brotherly Affection willingly yields, and with a great deal of reason to. For a Family may be ruin'd, and yet the Commonwealth be safe; but the ruin of the Commonwealth necessarily draws with it the destruction of every Family. (22)

The concept of 'piety' is an inclusive one, signifying love, compassion, devotion, reverence, care, and duty, just as the greater patria communis included the less, unlike the Greek politai who looked down on the patriotai. The Greeks were loyal to the polis, the city, whereas barbarians merely had their local countries, or patriae, and were thus the lesser patriotai. (23) Roman republican ideas were accommodated to the Empire and then eventually to post-feudal kingdoms by identifying the pater patriae as a kind of regal or senatorial patriot. (24) Thus John Bullokar in the later editions of An English Expositor has 'Patriot, a Father of his Country, a great Benefactor to the Publick'. (25) The idea of the patriot as a benefactor of the country recurs, particularly in Whig contexts of the latter part of the seventeenth century, and it is part of the first recorded usage of patriot in the Oxford English Dictionary.


In his A Perambulation of Kent (2nd edn, 1596) William Lambarde notes that 'our honest patriote Richard Harrys' planted a cherry tree at Tenham. Lambarde had an estate in Kent, therefore Harris is doubly a patriot as fellow countryman and benefactor. Conversely the first (unrecorded) instance of the patriot in relation to the larger patria occurs in a letter of Francis Bacon to his uncle Lord Treasurer Burghley, seeking preferment: Burghley is 'the Atlas of this commonwealth, the honour of my house, and the second founder of my poor estate' to whom Bacon is 'tied by all duties, both of a good patriot, of an unworthy kinsman, and of an obliged servant, to employ whatever I can, to do you service'. (26) The parallel phrases make the meaning clear: 'All duties' comprise the general to the commonwealth, the particular to family, and the personal as an individual recipient of Burghley's earlier patronage. Bacon has the duty of a patriot to the commonwealth by way of Burghley's example.

The first politically compromising occurrence appears in Ben Jonson's Sejanus his Fall, acted in 1603 and published in 1604. The choral figure Arruntius, lamenting the corruption of the state poisoned by the court of Tiberius, implores the aged Marcus Lepidus, 'What are thy arts (good patriot, teach them me) | That have preserved thy hairs, to this white dye' (IV. 4. 290-91). (27) Ben Jonson draws heavily on Tacitus's Annals for his depiction of the decline of imperial Rome. (28) 'Patriot' here is the moral and political positive in opposition to the immorality and venality of courtiers, with a retrospective glance at the virtues of the Republican past. It is striking how the playwright anticipates the major confrontation of patriot versus courtier that ensued in the course of the Stuart dynasty, but one must resist the misrepresentation of tracing one diachronic line of meaning, a profile, at the expense of the fuller features.

For example, the same year as the performance of Sejanus his Fall, the essayist and Seneca scholar Sir William Cornwallis printed a tract, The Miraculous and Happy Union of England and Scotland, celebrating union at the accession of James I and VI. Cornwallis dedicates the work to 'his louing Countrimen' repeatedly addressing them as 'good countrimen' and 'happy countrimen', sounding more like a tribune of the people than a humble subject. In the dedication Cornwallis implies that his praise of the King is a duty he owes to his country. This obligation is recommended to all 'honest spirits and good Common-wealthes-men' and is signed with the moral imprimatur, 'The humble servant of all true Patriottes' (A3v). For Cornwallis the King has acted like the patriots he addresses, since in ascending the throne he put love of country before such matters as personal revenge for the execution of his mother, Mary Queen of Scots. At the time Cornwallis was MP for Oxford and it is in association with parliamentary concerns that the word patriot frequently appears.

An undated manuscript associates Sir Henry Neville, a Berkshire MP, with Commons demands of the 1610 Parliament, 'with those Patriots that were accounted of a contrary faction to the Courtiers', (29) a striking early appearance of the patriot-courtier dualism. Sir Bulstrode Whitlocke, MP in the 1620s and eventually keeper of the Great Seal, related in his History of England how, at the failure of the royalist undertakers of the 1614 Parliament, James countered by dissolution, punitive investigation into individual MP's notes, and autocratic imposition of a benevolence. 'This was opposed', Whitlocke comments, 'by divers Patriots, as an imposition upon the subject contrary to Law.' (30)

Charles I fared no better with his Parliaments, and by 1628 the resistance to forced loans made to carry out his disastrous foreign policy and the widespread hatred of the evil counsellor, the Duke of Buckingham, led Sir Robert Cotton to lament the condition of the country. Sir Robert, former MP, antiquarian pupil of Camden and friend of Selden, was host to the opposition leaders Eliot, Wentworth, and Pym before their entry to the third Parliament: he stresses that if only Charles would attend to the Commons with a mutual public interest duly subordinating the role of Buckingham, perhaps even that unlikely figure might leave the memory of 'a zealous patriot' (The Danger wherein the Kingdome Now Standeth and the Remedie (1628), p. 20). With the overwhelming return of country members united against forced loans the Venetian ambassador recorded that 'all the counties have uniformly rejected candidates who had even a shadow of dependence upon the Court, electing members who refused the late subsidies [...] now everywhere called good patriots' (C. S. P. Ven 1628-9, p. 21).

Cotton's remark shows that however much it may have been becoming a label applied to an increasingly homogeneous opposition group in the lower house, an associate of them could use it in this general non-party sense, (31) though the political usage applied to the country is often most forceful:

Being chosen for the Country they are to be all for the Country, for the Liberty of the Subject, for the freedome of speech, & to gain as much and as many Priviledges for the Subject from the King, as is possible. And if they stand stiffely out in the deniall of subsidies to save their owne & their countries purses, then they are excellent Patriots, good Commonwealthsmen, they have well & faithfully discharg'd the trust reposed in them by their City or Country. (32)

Charles, in abandoning the struggle between his need of supply and Parliament's insistence on redress of grievances, divided the country, not just MPs, with the unpopular ship money tax. The widespread resistance and subsequent fines and imprisonment of many of the gentry gave the name 'patriot' an added dimension, as Sir Robert Filmer recorded at the beginning of Patriarcha: 'Many an ignorant subject hath been fooled into this faith that a man may become a martyr for his country by being a traitor to his Prince; whereas the new coined distinction into Royalists and Patriots is most unnatural, since the relation between King and people is so great that their well-being is reciprocal.' (33)

This 'new coined distinction' can be seen in the retrospective view of Charles's final Parliament made by Sir Anthony Weldon, a fellow Kentishman of Filmer's, but an avid parliamentarian. He recalls Sir William Noy, an MP and common lawyer, as 'a great patriot, and the only searcher of presidents for the parliaments'. A 'great patriot' that is, until he accepted the position of Attorney General and, it was rumoured, devised the ship money tax. Similarly, Weldon sees the early Strafford, acquaintance of Eliot, Pym, Coke, and Selden, as challenging 'the title of a good patriot'. Weldon recalls, 'and so he was before he turned a courtier: after that he converted his studies and endeavours to make the King an absolute arbitrary monarch, by screwing up the regall prerogative to so high a strain as hath made it crack'. (34)

After Strafford's death, the Grand Remonstrance, and Charles's attempted arrest of the five members, Pym, at his demise, became the patriot of the day. Three pamphlets of 1643 celebrate Pym as an English patriot now 'translated from the House of Commons to the Upper House of Glory and Parliament of Angels in Heaven'. (35) Pym is seen as a stalwart for public good and parliamentary defender of laws, liberty, and religion. Significantly, in this vital period when political philosophy was moving towards recognition of the sovereignty of Parliament itself rather than the former citation of parliamentary and legal precedent, one of those tracts, A Short View, sees Parliament as 'the soul of the Commonwealth, that onely is able to apprehend the syntomes of all such diseases as threaten the body politick'. Here there is a transference of royalist metaphor. The king is caput regni, taking his place as part of the body politic: but Parliament is now the animating soul of the body and medicus regni.

From the evidence adduced so far, it would seem that the English patriot of the seventeenth century was a Whiggish sort of creature. This is true, but it is a relative truth. In order to gauge the ideological nuances of some contexts, other occurrences must be assessed to establish the register of the word with all its compromising possibilities.

In Volpone (1607), Ben Jonson has Sir Politick Would-Be, with all his fussy and ridiculous knowingness, considering 'none but such as were known patriots, Sound Lovers of their Country' (IV. 1. 95-96) as suitable to keep tinderboxes in their homes. (36) At the time, the republic of Venice was much admired in England, following its expulsion of the Jesuits and the consequent papal interdict of 1606, and its resistance to the Spanish presence in Italy. (37) Again, just when the word patriot was becoming aligned with country MPs, Ben Jonson in his Discoveries quite neutrally identifies it with a statesman. (38)

A few years earlier, in 1625, the Speaker in the House reported on the Anglican Richard Montague's book, Appello Caesarem, which had been published while he was already under examination for his earlier writings criticizing Puritanism. Part of the Speaker's report of Montague's views was 'that never a saint-seeming bible-bearing hypocritical Puritan was a better patriot than himself'. (39) Montague specifically objects to Puritan appropriation of the word: he too, royalist and Anglican, is a patriot, whereas William Prynne saw the word patriot as a popish libel on 'the very name of puritans, as overgreat advancers and chiefest patriots and propugners of Monarchy' (Histriomastix (1633), p. 826). Bishop Maxwell, writing at Oxford a year after Pym's death, in defence of royal sovereignty and prerogative, likens events of English history to the occasion of Jeroboam succeeding Solomon: both periods 'make a specious show' of 'a glorious Reformation'. With the puritan attack on episcopacy in mind, he points to the 'specious and spurious pretences of our glorious Reformers and zealous Patriots today' (Sacro-Sancta Regum Majestas (1644), p. 117).

Montague in 1642 (now bishop of Norwich) quite neutrally discusses Nehemiah, restorer of the walls of Jerusalem, as 'a faithfull Patriot', that is, a non-political moral sense of the word as benefactor (The Acts and Monuments of the Church before Christ Incarnate (1642), p. 147). Similarly, Milton's adversary, Bishop Joseph Hall, writing during the Commonwealth period, sees Joseph the Patriarch as the type of 'Worthy Patriot', a 'publique Benefactor' (Cases of Conscience (1654), p. 30). The same sense but with an implicit political slant can be seen in Sir Simonds D'Ewes's record of a debate about merchants exporting corn to Ireland: 'And whereas it hath been said that these merchants will be great gainers truly I desire that they should be soe; for they doe like good patriots assist us in a time of necessitie.' (40) 'Us' is the Parliament, and the merchants' private interest is subsumed by public benefaction.

Contemporary with Bishop Hall, but different again, Sir Winston Churchill (father of the first Duke of Marlborough), ardent royalist, looking back at the education of James I, distinguishes between those who imposed laws on the prince, rather than training him to give law to others, and those 'two Patriots of known Honour and Loyalty, his grandfather Matthew Earl of Lennox, and the old Earl of Marre'. (41) The extreme royalist companion of the king in exile was hardly likely to use such a word unless it had a meaning far wider than that applied to parliamentary revolutionaries, puritan or otherwise. Even Philip Hunton, the parliamentarian theorist of contract and mixed monarchy, claimed that both royalists and parliamentarians can be 'good subjects and Patriots', which agrees with Filmer's rejection of the false distinction between royalist and patriot (Treatise of Monarchy (1643), p. 79).

The divisiveness of society at large in seventeenth-century England is perhaps nowhere better seen than in the figure of Lucius Cary, second Viscount Falkland, host to the cultured society of Great Tew. Respecter of parliaments and a royalist; a critic of bishops yet fearful of Presbyterians; courtly lyrist and MP opponent of the ship money tax, Falkland (whose mother was a Catholic) pleaded for Catholics as 'known good Patriots under our former Kings' (Discourse of the Infallibility of the Church of Rome (1643), p. 176). What would Milton have said to that? The widespread fear of Popery in 1643 and throughout the next half-century meant that Catholics were unlikely ever to attain the status of patriot. (42) Falkland's words went unheard and he was killed at Newbury in the same year as his plea, 1643.

It is common to consider Milton as patriot spokesman of the seventeenth century, accepting his assumptions about his role and its implicit correlative stance as arbiter of what constitutes the nation, the country, freeborn English liberty, and so on. Here Milton is placed in his varied conceptions of the patriot as one, however formidable, among many. In his commonplace book entry of the late 1630s Milton notes a 'carnal' love of country that is nothing more than a pagan motive for plundering other countries for self-aggrandisement. (43) 'Carnal' elsewhere in Milton is the antithesis of spiritual, connoting the superstitious idolatry of material externals: the converse suggests the opposite to Hilaire Belloc's discrimination of a 'religion of patriotism' (44)--the patriotism of true religion. In 1642 Bishop Hall was attacked by Milton as 'a worthy patriot for his owne corrupt ends'. (45) In the Modest Confutation, Hall had claimed that Bishops stood by their privileges not out of pride and self interest but because their removal would make the country guilty of sacrilege and injustice. True patriots, to Milton, were those Long Parliament members who sought reformation, and they were acknowledged as such in his tract The Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce the following year (Works, III, Part II, 370). This was a view shared by Hamon L'Estrange addressing 'The High Court of Parliament [...] August Senate [...] upon the great work of Reformation', as collectively 'so profest a Patriot of Truth' (Gods Sabbath (1641), sig. A2r-A3v). The local patria, or court jury, now became the all-inclusive patria with the assembled MP patriots in Parliament as a court.

The general, non-polemical significance of the word for Milton can be seen in his tractate of 1644, Of Education. 'The end of learning', Milton says, 'is to repair the ruins of our first parents by regaining to know God aright.' The purpose of teaching youths is to 'lead and draw them in willing obedience, inflamed with the study of learning and the admiration of virtue; stirred up with high hopes of living to be brave men, and worthy patriots dear to God, and famous to all ages' (Works, IV, 277, 282). This is in contrast to the political specificity of the Presbyterians in 1649, who baulked at the necessary removal of a tyrant, and only 'seem good patriots', as Milton contemptuously recorded in The Tenure of Kings and Magistrates (Works, V, 1). In the same year, in Eikonoklastes, Milton defended the crowd that assembled as Charles marched up to the House of Commons to arrest the five members. These, he said, had come to the aid of their 'worthiest and most faithfull Patriots' (Works, V, 104; compare pp. 1, 2, 112).

To Milton, a patriot is a spiritual deliverer of his country, like Gideon, Ehud, or Samson. (46) Yet royalists and those opposing the Cromwellian regime could also claim the term as their own. A tract of 1644, A Review of the Covenant, sees the Solemn League and Covenant as being effectively as arbitrary as the king ever was: the new taxes are merely ship money in a different form. As for Parliament, the anonymous writer sees many of its 'patriots' as only 'Parliament-men in name'. 'Power and authority', he writes, 'is wholly devolved on a few' (p. 83). A petition of 1648 from the people of Sussex, To the Right Honorable the Lords and Commons, pleaded for a speedy treaty with Charles and the return of constitutional government, and it is signed by 'good and faithfull Patriots'. John Vicars, the kind of Presbyterian Milton attacked in the Tenure, could still protest himself, in his attack on the Westminster engagement, a 'worthy patriot' (in Dagon Demolished (1649), p. 3).

The Leveller John Lilburne, in 1652, in attacking what he considered a usurpation of legitimate parliamentary government by the military, associated the claim of patriotism with dissembling, a cloak for self-interest. He derides the soldiers as 'pretended heroic patriots' and 'seeming patriots' who have supplanted Parliament's role as defender of liberty and public interest.

Whatsoever they desired for themselves, was professed to be insisted upon onely in relation to the public ends aforesaid. [...] And what Egle-eye could be first to discern, that this glorious cloathing, was but painted paper? What jealous heart could have imagined that these promiseing Patriots, were only sweet mouthed dissemblers? [...] the vilest apostates that ever the earth bore. (47)

Another anonymous Leveller, clearly prompted by moral and political concomitants of what he considered a patriot should be, sought to redefine the term in attacking Cromwell's Irish wars.

Whether it be not the duty of every honest man to divert what he can the intended expedition [...] Whether those who pretend for freedome (as the English now) shall not make themselves altogether inexcusable in intrenching upon others freedoms, and whether it be not a character of a true Patriot to endeavour the just freedome of all as well as his owne [...] Whether [...] the Irish are not to be justified in all that they have done [...] to preserve and deliver themselves from the cruelty and usurpation of the English [...] Whether it be not England's duty to repeat the Oppressions and usurpations over the Irish nation, by their Kings and forefathers. (48)

It is with the reception of Milton's last tract, The Readie and Easie Way to Establish a Free Commonwealth (1660), that we see most clearly in this period the divisions of thought around the name of a patriot. The first edition was published shortly after General Monk entered London and addressed the Rump Parliament, on 6 February 1660, with words that suggested the possibility of a Restoration. The second, altered edition, was probably published just before the Restoration itself on 1 May. Milton advocated a 'Grand Council' of 'chosen Patriots'. Until this came about there would never be 'an end of our trubles and continual changes or at least never the true settlement and assurance of our libertie'. At this point in the second edition, Milton added a section that recalled all the ideas of patriots as deliverers he had expressed over the years:

And the government being now in so many faithful and experienced hands, next under God, so able, especially filling up their number, as they intend, and abundantly sufficient so happily to govern us, why should the nation so little know their own interest as to seek change, and deliver themselves up to meer title and vanities, to persons untried, unknown, necessitous, implacable, and every way to be suspected: to whose power when we are once made subject, not all these our Patriots nor all the wisdom or force of the well affected joind with them can deliver us again from most certain miserie and thraldoms. (49)

Yet other writers, less sympathetic than Milton to the Good Old Cause, objected to Milton's appropriation of the term to designate those opposed to the restoration of monarchical government. In persistently using the word 'patriot' Milton drew the attention of various critics. The royalist author of the satiric Censure of the Rota argued that slavery often followed upon 'Liberty' and 'Patriots' were often responsible for this, causing more misery 'than any single person'. (50)

One George Searle, in an extensive attack on Milton, castigates at length the Rump members as 'patriots', specifically attacking Milton's designation, (51) and censuring the gullibility of the 'vulgar' who 'cannot discern between the name of a thing, and the thing itself ' (p. 206). The 'most honourable [...] and Noble Patriots' are the fully restored Parliament about to restore the king. (52) Harrington, with ambivalent feelings towards the Cromwellian regime, used the term 'patriot' in a more inclusive sense than either Milton or Milton's opponents. Indeed, all of Harrington's Oceana is addressed to 'Excellent Patriots' in the republican Ciceronian sense of those who put public before private ends. (53)

The Restoration patriot was General Monk and he was duly celebrated as such for restoring peace, liberty, constitutional government, and the pater patriae. (54) Charles II himself thanked the House of Commons regarding them as 'wise and dispassionate men, and good patriots'. (55) Milton's profound sense of spiritual election as recorder and promoter of a nation's deliverance could not monopolize meaning in political discourse. What would he have thought of Peter Pett's vital distinction in considering early-seventeenth-century political history: 'A party known by the Name of Puritan had obtained a large vogue in Parliament', he records, as well as another 'call'd the Patriots'? To differentiate the latter Pett makes a most crucial distinction: 'a sort of men who were zealots for the welfare of the Nation; though not for any religion' (my italics). (56)

For all the fervid pronouncements on patriot deliverance, Milton spoke for only a minority who would fully accept and understand the particular significance of his patriot. Another Puritan, John Corbet, voiced what was generally the consensus:

It may well become any sincere Protestant, Loyal Subject, and true Lover of dear England, to study [...] to reconcile those Parties in whom both the King and the kingdom and the protestant cause are so highly concerned. [...] The sober part of the parliamentary party from first to last intended only a Reformation [...] but abhorred the thought of destroying the king, or changing the fundamental laws of the kingdom.

He looks to 'those prudent and sober minded Patriots', namely the secluded members, to effect the work of conciliation. (57)


From 1661 to 1678 the figure of the patriot varied as in the past from parliamentarian to royalist. A letter to Henry Coventry, the future Secretary of State, in 1663, actually suggests an Association, like that under Elizabeth, but to combine all interests in opposing any further civil war, its members 'to bee such subjects to our prince, such patriots, and citizens of our country'. (58) With the antagonism of the Dutch and eventual war, Parliament was duly celebrated for its patriots, though this did not preclude the same label being applied to the Dutch. (59) The Secretary of State in 1666, the Earl of Arlington, wrote indifferently to Sir William Temple concerning 'the good Patriots in Holland', (60) an expression also used by Charles's ambassador to Holland in 1661 in his address to the States General. (61) Though there was an established association between patriots and republicans, (62) the semantic range of the word was evidently wide enough for royalist Englishmen to use it without apparent embarrassment or compromise. However, in an expression that recalls opposition ideology, Marvell rebuked five MPs who became court supporters as 'apostate patriots' in 1676. Such a phrase is not merely satirical hyperbole. It reverses the hieratic conception of divine kingship by which treason was an apostasy, transferring religious sanctity to the constitution and its country party upholders in Parliament. (63) Exactly in-between royalist and parliamentary usages is the figure of Sir Orlando Bridgman, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal after Clarendon's disgrace, stickler for common law and a man of moderation who is praised for combining in person and office 'the Rare Harmony' of Court and Country: 'In one the Patriot, and the Favourite'. (64) It is with the events of the Popish Plot, the attack on Danby, the Exclusion Bills, the Oxford Parliament, the Rye House Plot and execution of Lord Russell with the following royalist backlash, above all with the figure of Shaftesbury, that the idea of the patriot looms largest after Milton's protracted concern in the middle of the century.

A 'Patriot's All-attoning Name' (l. 179): thus, in the famous portrait of Achitophel, Dryden altered the original line from a 'Patron's All-attoning name'. Later, Achitophel 'Unites | The Malcontents of all the Israelites', the best of whom 'thought the power of Monarchy too much'. These, Dryden writes, were 'Mistaken Men, and Patriots in their Hearts, | Not Wicked, but Seduc'd by Impious Arts' (ll. 491-98). Again, towards the close of the poem, David laments Absalom's vulnerability:

Gull'd with a Patriots name, whose Modern sense

Is one that would by Law supplant his Prince:

The People's Brave, the Politician's Tool;

Never was Patriot yet, but was a Fool [...]

Good Heav'ns, how Faction can a Patriot Paint!

My Rebel ever proves my Peoples Saint.

(ll. 965, 973)

Dryden's satire is directed by a distinction between name and thing: the appropriation of the former only is an imposture that twists the older meaning of the word into a 'modern sense' which is seditious. Dryden implies that name and thing correspond in whatever is taken to be the antithesis of 'Modern'. Dryden's celebration of his 'Honour'd Kinsman' twenty years later as a 'true Descendant of a Patriot Line' makes it clear that he has in mind the patriot resisters of ship money tax during the 1630s who included his grandfather, Sir Erasmus Dryden. (65) In order to understand Dryden's attitudes it is necessary, as with Milton, to attempt to trace contemporary expression.

An elegy of 1678, An Elegie Sacred to the Memory of Sir Edmund Bury Godfrey Knt. (30 October), sees Sir Edmund Bury Godfrey primarily as a benefactor-patriot in terms of his charity towards Londoners and secondly as a victim of 'the Church and State'. With the turbulence of the Popish Plot, rumour was rife. A letter of 1679 to Sir Roderick Mansel, steward of the Duke of Buckingham (now reformed and a figure in the opposition), discussed rumours of a supposed Presbyterian plot. 'I tremble to think', says the correspondent, 'what Blood would have been shed, and what ruine brought upon our best Patriots, if others had entertained this Plot as we did' (A Letter From a Gentleman of the Isle of Ely in Cambridgeshire, p. 3). By implication Shaftesbury is praised here for his activities concerning the Popish Plot in Parliament, and thus his opposition party position as patriot. An elegy on a City alderman, in lamenting Godfrey's death, sees both Shaftesbury and Sir Thomas Player as further potential papist victims and 'Patriots' (An Elegie on the Death of Sir Nathanael Hern, Kt. (16 August 1679)).

Player contributed to popular hysteria by making inflammatory speeches in the House about Protestants getting their throats cut, and he eventually appeared as 'railing Rabshekeh' in the second part of Absalom and Achitophel. From this indicative initial documentation can be seen the topicality of Dryden's lines in his play of 1679, Troilus and Cressida. Ulysses's closing speech apostrophizes Agamemnon as

truly victor now!

While secret envy, and while open pride,

Among thy factions nobles discord threw;

While public good was urged for private ends

And those thought patriots who disturbed it most. (66)

This is the first occurrence in Dryden's Works and it is symptomatic of the post-Cavalier Parliament period. The 'Modern sense' of patriot as Whig or Country Party sympathizer called forth Tory reaction in Dryden and others. (67) One Whig attack on Dryden as timeserver took the form, simple but telling, of a pamphlet reprinting his Heroic Stanzas to Cromwell, adding a few verses including the triplet:

Villains I praise, and Patriots accuse,

My railing and my fawning talents use;

Just as they pay I flatter and abuse. (68)

More formidable in that year was the publication of Henry Neville's republican dialogue Plato Redivivus in which there is an implicit semantic equation between patriot heroes of antiquity and modern times. The English speaker celebrates the Gracchi with Harringtonian sentiment as 'illustrious persons' for re-establishing the lex agraria. The Noble Venetian agrees entirely and then nominates Agis and Cleomenes for attempting to re-establish the laws of Lycurgus as 'excellent patriots'. A little later in a discussion of the relationship between royal prerogative and common law and parliamentary procedure, recent defenders of the latter against the former are declared to be 'learned patriots', perhaps the most common and Whiggish context of the century, from the 1620s to the 1690s. (69) However, the larger context in Neville's dialogue is that of classical republicanism which was affected by the radical thought of sixteenth-century Huguenot resistance theory. The word 'patriot' appeared in French before English and came to be associated with Huguenots in the French Parliament, a usage which, as in England, was resisted in some quarters as an illegitimate appropriation. (70) Huguenot works such as Francois Hotman's Francogallia (1573) and the Vindiciae Contra Tyrannos (1579), while expounding sovereignty of the people and the right of resistance to tyrants, incidentally promoted love of country and introduced the figure of the patriot in translation from Latin to French, and in turn in English. (71)

I have delayed until this point the often-quoted lines of Thomas Hobbes's account of the period 1640-60 in his Behemoth which he completed in 1668. At the outset he generalizes: 'The people were corrupted generally, and disobedient persons esteemed the best patriots', and he goes on to specify such groups as Presbyterians, Independents, Papists, Anabaptists, and Fifth Monarchy men. Much later, in the fourth dialogue, Hobbes generalizes again in what has become the best-known passage of the work: 'For who can be a good subject to monarchy, whose principles are taken from the enemies of monarchy, such as were Cicero, Seneca, Cato, and other politicians of Rome, and Aristotle of Athens?' (pp. 2-3, 158). Hobbes's logic is rather fallible here. Everyone absorbed the republicanism of Cicero, for example, throughout their education, but as we have seen, by way of the pater patriae idea the word 'patriot' could be meaningful for both republican and royalist, just as theories of the mixed constitution combined the republican elements of civic humanism with monarchy. (72)

One of the greatest single patriot types of antiquity was Lucius Junius Brutus, whom Nathaniel Lee took as title and subject of his play that year (1681), adding the designation 'Father of his Country'. In Act V, Brutus pronounces the death sentence on his own sons for the public good, thereby demonstrating in his impartiality the difference between 'partial Tyrants, and [...] a Free-born People', and establishing a commonwealth in which will be found 'a Balanc'd Trade, | Patriots incourag'd, Manufactors cherish'd' (p. 67). This Whiggish form of a new mercantile-patriot hero, amongst more serious things, got the play banned until 1703, when Charles Gildon cautiously readapted it to fifteenth-century Italy, re-entitling it The Patriot. (73) By 1683 Lee had recanted his Whiggism with a poem on the Duke of York's return, and he collaborated with Dryden on the Tory oriented play, The Duke of Guise.

Expressions of hope for the success of the Oxford Parliament included a kind of loyalist neutrality, like the tract which declared: 'All its members are well known to be persons of great Prudence and Integrity, of undaunted Courages, of indefatigable Zeale and Care, in prosecuting all such as are suspected of designing against the Peace of the State, of tryed Fidelity and Loyalty to their Prince, real Protestants and good Patriots' (England's Triumph and Joy for the Meeting of the King and Parliament (1681)). Explicit here is the superiority of the patriot to party interest. Fear of popish insurrection occasionally led to contemporaries invoking 'good Patriots' to unify diverse interests against the common enemy, as in, for example, A Condemnation of Whig and Tory (1681). However, the Tory attack on the modern patriot as symbol of political duplicity along with opposing Whig claims to be defenders of the public interest were pre-eminent in 1681.

A tract aimed at Shaftesbury and entitled The Character of a Disbanded Courtier (1681) relates, 'Having lost his Honour with his Prince and Reputation with the best of men; he Cringes and Creeps, and Sneaks to the lowest and Basest of the People; to procure himself among them an empty, vainglorious, and undeserved name, the Patriot of his Country' (p. 2). The anonymous author reacted to the totality of his condemnation by altering a significant word in a reprint the following year. Whereas he had formerly called the name of patriot 'empty, vainglorious, and undeserved', he now wrote 'empty, vainglorious, because undeserv'd' (p. 3): that is, it is possible to be a patriot if rightly deserved, not necessarily 'empty, vainglorious, and undeserv'd' in the modified sense of 1682.

A Tory could scorn the 'empty words | Of Patriot Lawyers' with Dryden's 'Bull fac'd Jonas' in mind, namely Sir William Jones, (74) but Jones's devotion to common law throughout his appointments as Solicitor General and Attorney General, his support of the Seclusion Bill, and his anti-papist pronouncements, earned at his death in 1682 the Whigs' accolade 'Jones a Patriot of his Country's dead' (An Elegy on [...] Sir William Jones). Samuel Pordage, in his attempt to out-Dryden Dryden, pointedly insisted that Hushai-Shaftesbury was concerned for the distressed country; he was not 'affecting Fame' or 'a Patriots Glorious Name'. (75) Azaria-Monmouth's supporters, he claims, were not 'factious sects' and neither were they 'wicked, or seduc'd by impious Arts | But Loyal all, and Patriots in their Hearts'. Pordage grants that perhaps among 'the Rout' there were those 'whose int'rest made them publick Good pretend' but these were disowned by 'good Patriots and good Subjects' (p. 23).

The Whigs attempted, spontaneously or with calculation, to appropriate a name the meaning of which appeared to transcend immediate crisis and party interest and which compromised Tory reaction since all largely shared the common history, culture, and education that had created the word. The past had enshrined the notion of the patria in its several senses, therefore Tory polemic sought to show that in the past, as at present, false patriots could also be found. The Whigs played into their hands by constantly harping on the project of forming a new Protestant Association, which invited comparison with past seditious movements.

With the failure of the Exclusion Bill in 1680, the leader of the country party in the House of Lords, the Earl of Essex, proposed a Bill of Association, and later that year William Cavendish suggested an Association Bill to support a Protestant heir and exclude from office any who did not join. Shaftesbury had been appointed to a committee to work out a draft following Essex's proposal, and at his arrest and indictment in 1682 a manuscript draft, supposedly taken from his rooms and purported to be a plan for an Association, was used as evidence against him. (76) Upon Shaftesbury's acquittal a leading tactic of the Tory attack was to conflate pseudo-patriots with 'Association'.

In the 'Epistle to the Whigs', preceding The Medal (1682), Dryden asks what right any man, or 'association of men' outside Parliament, has to pretend public good. 'If you were the Patriots you would seem', he says, the rabble would hardly be incited to that same arbitrary power of which the king was accused (Poems and Fables, p. 224). To Dryden this new Association is no more than the old Solemn League and Covenant revived, and this in turn, to him, is modelled on the infamous Holy League of the Guise. All alike are fanatical swayers of the rabble, seditious and violent.

In the 'Vindication of the Duke of Guise', Dryden responded to what he assumed were Shadwell and Hunt's charges in Some Reflections concerning the play's inflammatory topicality by claiming that his part was historically accurate in the portrayal of the Guise, and that the parallel mentioned in the prologue referred to the Covenanters, not the putative Association. (77) The dedication of the play praises those true to king and country who had exposed themselves to 'the malice of false patriots' (p. 208). In refuting Shadwell's charge Dryden refers to a contemporary publication: 'Neither was the name alter'd on any such account as they insinuate, but laid aside long before, because a Book call'd the Parallel had been printed, resembling the French League to the English Covenant' (p. 314).

The full title of this work by Dryden's young friend, John Northleigh, a royalist, Anglican doctor of civil law, was The Parallel; or, The New Specious Association an Old Rebellious Covenant. Closing with a Disparity between a True Patriot, and a Factious Associator (1682). (78) A true patriot, according to Northleigh, steers the ship of state safely; a factious associator is both a dangerous sea-monster and reckless pilot, risking shipwreck in the tempest. A true patriot will submit to the authority of the state, to the discipline of the established church, tolerating no other, and to the prerogatives of the crown, granting adequate supply and allowing a private guard for the monarch. A factious associator opposes government, church, and crown, encouraging dissent to divide the country, and champions liberty as a means to depose the king (pp. 30-31). A true patriot would seem to be in 1682 a true-born Tory. Whig appropriation is countered by Tory assertion. Northleigh's writing is redolent of passive obedience and non-resistance, which is perhaps to be expected of someone so extensively trained in civil law, as he was. (79)

With the temporary defeat of the Whigs, royalist Tories lambasted the so-called patriots, (80) and Dryden in particular attempted to categorize the populist patriot while at the same time recalling the most splendid moment of Charles's career, the triumphal procession through London to his coronation. In Albion and Albanius (1685), part masque and opera, Dryden represents the restoration of Charles II. During the performance, 'Part of the Scene disappears, and the 4 Triumphal Arches, erected at his Majestie's Coronation are seen', recalling John Ogilby's 1661 festival which included allegorical figures of 'Rebellion and Confusion threatening order', whereas Dryden has 'Democracy and Zelota' masquerading as a 'Patriot' and 'Religion'. (81)

In the year when James II finally called a Parliament, John Northleigh made one of the last attempts to insist on a royalist version of a patriot:

I am sure that the Good that it--the parliament--designs is so Universal, that it only labours to make by One Interest of King and People; to prove that disagreeing Parliaments can never Procure the Kingdoms Peace; that the reasonable Desires of the Prince (though unreasonably represented) are really consistent with the Service of the Country, and that 'tis possible for a Courtier, or a Papist, to make a good Patriot. (82)

However, in the same year Shaftesbury's patriot defiance in the 1679 Parliament was reprinted as The English States-man: The Protestant Oracle, Being the Earl of Shaftesbury's Famous Speech. Shadwell took the opportunity to vindicate his and other patriots' past at the Glorious Revolution (Prologue, Bury Fair (1689)). Coke, Selden, and others were hailed in 1692, in Reasons for a New Bill of Rights, as 'Patriots of the last Age' (p. 23), and Halifax the Trimmer was celebrated as a contemporary descendant. (83)

So throughout the century the idea of a patriot engaged men of many different interests and persuasions: parliamentarians, Puritans, Levellers, republicans, royalists, Catholics, Anglicans. Indeed, the most consistent utterances do appear in contexts of opposition or revolutionary politics: court and country, Anglican and Puritan, Tory and Whig. Though these terms may be reviled by others, nobody reviled a patriot, only the perceived misappropriation of the term. Unlike the contemporary terms Whig and Tory, patriot had its roots deep in every individual by way of powerful emotional cognates absorbed through humanistic education and sustained by traditions of patriarchalism, both linking notions of father, king, birthplace, and country. (84)

Yet it must be remembered that, at all times throughout the century, royalist supporters of the pater patriae could identify the ruler as patriot himself. Perhaps the best indirect example is seen in the future Historiographer Royal's encomium on Cosimo di Medici. James Howell sees him as 'such a Lover of his Country, so mighty a Patriot, that having lived above seventy years, this modest but well minted Epitaph was engraven upon his tomb, Cosmus Medicis heic situs est, Decreto publico, pater patriae. Cosmo of Medici lyes here, Father of his Country by publique Decree'. (85) The word as used by Howell here appears to be very inclusive, but in fact, it served to heighten the growing divisiveness of seventeenth-century English society. In Milton's case there was no discontinuity between public position and private sentiment. By the 1690s, if Dryden is indicative, the word 'patriot' came to signify a further kind of entity expressing an emergent moral, social, anti-party consciousness opposed to the growth of enmeshed faction in English political life, both Whig and Tory. By the eighteenth century, in figures such as Shaftesbury and Bishop Berkeley, something momentous took place. 'Patriot', as a 'reigning word', created a new kind of understanding about the nature of moral being.

The topic De Pietate erga Patriam in Valerius Maximus is exactly that professed in The Second Defence of the People of England, where pietas in patriam, that Roman piety or duty towards one's country, is stated by Milton as the only motive for writing (Works, VIII, 66). That feeling may have been first absorbed in those terms when he used Valerius as a boy in school. (86) After the Restoration, replying to the humanist Peter Heimbach who had congratulated him on surviving the plague, Milton corrected admiration for his 'policy' by pointing out that piety towards his country, pietas in patriam, is to be preferred ('Familiar Letters', Works, XII, 114). Ciceronian ethics are compounded with the visionary imperatives of reformation. (87)

On the other hand, Dryden came to see the modern patriot of the post-revolution period in a revised conservative light. His play Amphitryon (1690) takes the opportunity to laugh at the extreme Country Whigs in the form of 'brother Phoebus' who is addressed by Mercury as 'a mere country gentleman, that never comes to court; that are abroad all day on horseback, making visits about the world; are drinking all night; and, in your cups are still railing at the government. Oh, these patriots, these bumpkin patriots are a silly sort of animal' (The Works of John Dryden, xv, 235). A year later, more seriously, Dryden praised the Marquis of Halifax for his retirement from public life. 'There are Times and Seasons when the best Patriots are willing to withdraw their Hands from the Commonwealth' (Dedication to King Arthur (1691), in The Works of John Dryden, xvi, ed. by Vincent A. Dearing (1996), p. 5). Again, Dryden sees the action of Polybius as those of 'a good Patriot' when he 'pursu'd the true interest of his Country, even when he serv'd the Romans', (88) unlike Pompey, Crassus, and Caesar who were 'Patriots for their own Interest'. (89) Dryden implies that those engaged in immediate political affairs, debate or warfare, are likely to confound private and public interest, whereas those who have judiciously withdrawn from the political arena of cant and faction are better patriots. In the late epistle 'To My Honor'd Kinsman, John Driden of Chesterton' Dryden embodies this with the interaction of pastoralism and patriotism.

Driden, a 'true Descendent of a Patriot line' (l. 195) steers 'betwixt The Country and the Court' (l. 128) when 'Your Country calls you from your lov'd Retreat, | And sends to Senates, charg'd with Common Care' (ll. 120-21). Driden's local activities in Huntingdon, conceived in the Horatian beatus ille terms of the opening, are those of the local patriot administering law as Justice of the Peace concerned with good husbandry and maintenance for the common good; this patriotism provides the foundation for his political activities as MP and patriot in the larger sense:

A Patriot, both King and Country serves;

Prerogative, and Privilege preserves: [...]

Betwixt the Prince and Parliament we stand;

The Barriers of the State on either Hand:

(ll. 171, 175)

Driden's patriotism is a principle of his moral being finding expression in his social life. 'In the description which I have made of a parliament man', Dryden recorded, 'I think I have not only drawn the features of my worthy kinsman, but have also given my own opinion, of what an Englishman in particular ought to be; and deliver it as a memorial of my own principles to all posterity.' (90)

Dryden's self-presentation of the patriot as an embodiment of a golden mean has indeed been transmitted to posterity, contributing to the subsequent meanings of the word as mediated by the contextual dialectic of discourse and history. If anything, the parameters widened. At one extreme the ethical ideal of patriotism provided no less than the underlying moral foundation of all virtue for Bishop Berkeley in his forty-two Maxims Concerning Patriotism (1750), (91) whereas, for Dr Johnson, patriotism became 'the last refuge of a scoundrel' such as John Wilkes and the radicals. (92) The patriot remained an 'All-attoning Name' and 'reigning word' implicit in the language, history, and culture of England and Englishness. As I have shown, it took shape as part of the ideological revolution of seventeenth-century England. (93)

Where no page number is supplied in a reference, this indicates a broadsheet publication.

(1) See The Poems and Fables of John Dryden, ed. by James Kinsley (London: Oxford University Press, 1962), p. 194, l. 179.

(2) Anthony, Earl of Shaftesbury, Characteristics of Men, Manners, Opinions, Times (1711), ed. by John M. Robertson (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1964), pp. 244-49.

(3) On the eve of the First World War, Esme Wingfield-Stratford produced The History of English Patriotism, 2 vols (London: John Lane, 1913), which he followed before the Second World War with The Foundations of British Patriotism (London: Right Book Club, 1939). In the second book he criticizes the simplistic post-Boer War jingoism of his early work, whereas the 1939 study urges patriotism as a bulwark against looming totalitarianism. Probably the most widely read of the many patriotic anthologies after 1914 was John Drinkwater's Patriotism in Literature (London: Williams and Norgate, 1924), which appeared as part of the Home University Library series. In recent years Raphael Samuel, with dozens of contributors, has edited a major, wide-ranging collection on the subject, Patriotism: The Making and Unmaking of British National Identity, 3 vols (London: Routledge, 1987); I, History and Politics; II, Minorities and Outsiders; iii, National Fictions. History and Politics contains two directly relevant essays: Peter Furtado, 'National Pride in Seventeenth-Century England' (pp. 44-56), and Hugh Cunningham, 'The Language of Patriotism' (pp. 57-89). Cunningham provides a useful sketch of the subject from the early eighteenth century to the twentieth century, showing how the social and political contexts of meaning varied from the radical to the extremes of conservatism. In For Love of Country: An Essay on Patriotism and Nationalism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995), Maurizio Viroli draws on Cunningham and though his discussion of seventeenth-century patriotism is not as arbitrary as Furtado's, which is limited by too few examples, he represents only the polarized patriotisms of republicanism (the Levellers and Milton) and royalism (Filmer). Again, insufficient detail presents too partial a picture, but he includes discussion of the Shaftesbury passage quoted above (see pp. 51-62).

(4) See J. G. A. Pocock, The Ancient Constitution and the Feudal Law (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1957); Caroline Robbins, The Eighteenth Century Commonwealthman (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1961), see the early chapters for the seventeenth-century background; J. A. W. Gunn, Politics and the Public Interest in the Seventeenth Century (London: Routledge, 1969).

(5) Iain Hampsher-Monk offers a very useful review article: 'Political Languages in Time: The Work of J. G. A. Pocock', British Journal of Political Science, 14 (1984), 89-116. It contains a bibliography of Pocock's writings, to which should be added, 'The Reconstruction of Discourse: Towards the Historiography of Political Thought', MLN, 96 (1981), 959-80. Of particular importance is Pocock's Politics, Language and Time (London: Methuen, 1971), and The Varieties of British Political Thought 1500-1800, ed. by J. G. A. Pocock (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993). See also Meaning and Context: Quentin Skinner and His Critics, ed. by James Tully (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1988); Politics of Discourse: The Literature and History of Seventeenth-Century England, ed. by Kevin Sharpe and Steven N. Zwicker (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987).

(6) The Machiavellian Moment (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1975), p. 371.

(7) See G. Dupont Ferrier, 'Le Sens des mots 'patria' et 'patrie' en France au moyen age et jusqu'au debut du XVIIe siecle', Revue Historique, 188 (1940), 89-105.

(8) See Mario Pei, The Families of Words (New York: Harper, 1962), p. 201.

(9) See A. Souter, Glossary of Later Latin (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1949), p. 290.

(10) See C. F. Du Cange, Glossarium mediae et infirmae latinitatis, 10 vols (Niort: Favre, 1883-87), v, 146; R. E. Latham, Revised Medieval Latin Word-List From British and Irish Sources (London: Oxford University Press, 1965), p. xxi, and see under patriota; J. F. Niermayer, Mediae latinitatis lexicon minus (Leiden: Brill, 1962), Fascisculus I, see under patria. For the larger linguistic contexts of gens, nationes, volk, and peuple, see Frederick Hertz, Nationality in History and Politics (London: Kegan Paul, 1945), pp. 5-6. For the wider context of patria in canon law and its relationship to the development of national patriotism in the Middle Ages, see Ernst H. Kantorowicz, in The King's Two Bodies (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1957), pp. 232-72.

(11) See Halvdan Koht, 'A Specific Sense of the Word patria in Norse and Norman Latin', Archivum Latinitatis Medii Aevi, 2 (1926), 93-96: Francesco Arnaldi, 'Ancora sul significato di patria', and C. Johnson, 'Patria', Archivum Latinitatis Medii Aevi, 3 (1927), 30-31, 87.

(12) W. C. Dickinson, 'Patria or Sheriffdom', Scottish Historical Review, 24 (1927), 242. Dickinson gives examples from Bracton and Sir John Skene.

(13) Tristia; Ex Ponto (Cambridge, MA: Loeb Classical Library, 1924), p. 282 ('To Rufinus').

(14) The phrase is from Ovid, Fasti, II. 127 (Fasti (Cambridge, MA: Loeb Classical Library, 1931), p. 64).

(15) De Re Publica; De Legibus (Cambridge, MA: Loeb Classical Library, 1928), pp. 375-77.

(16) De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum (Cambridge, MA: Loeb Classical Library, 1914), p. 285.

(17) De Officiis (Cambridge, MA: Loeb Classical Library, 1913), p. 367.

(18) In Catilinum I-IV; Pro Murena; Pro Sulla; Pro Flacco (Cambridge, MA: Loeb Classical Library, 1927), p. 50.

(19) De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum, p. 133. See Markku Peltonen, Classical Humanism and Republicanism in English Political Thought 1570-1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 24-25, 139, and throughout. This and several of the above (including Ovid), plus the famous lines of Horace, 'pro patria mori, pugna pro patria', are all gathered in one page of Richard Crompton's The Mansion of Magnanimitie (1599), Civ (repr. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1975).

(20) See Thomas Draxe, Bibliotheca Scholastica Instructissima: Or, A Treasurie of Ancient Adages (1616), p. 34; Charles Hoole, Sentences for Children (1658), pp. 8, 9, 15.

(21) Robertus Stephanus, Thesaurus linguae Latinae (Lugduni, 1573); Ambrosius Calepinus, Dictionarium undecim linguarum (Basileae, 1590).

(22) Valerius Maximus, Romae Antiquae Descriptio: A View of the Religion, Laws, [...] and Disposition of the Ancient Romans, trans. by S. Speed (1678), p. 238.

(23) Some dictionaries reflected these classical distinctions: John Rider in Bibliotheca Scholastica: A Double Dictionarie (1589), has for 'A lover of his owne countrie', Philopolites, and for 'Countrie Man, or one of the same countrey', Compatriota, patriota (fol. 358). The 1677 edition of Francis Holyoke's A Large Dictionary has separate entries for both Patriota and Patriot: the former is 'One of the same Country, a country-man or woman', the latter, 'Civis boni publici studiosus, columen Patriae', a citizen devoted to the public good and support of the country. (The 1633 edition has an entry for patriota only.) Randle Cotgrave's A Dictionarie of the French and English Tongues (1611) has Patriot, 'A father, or protector of the country, or Commonwealth', and Patriote, 'one's countrey-man'.

(24) See Gaines Post, Studies in Medieval Legal Thought (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1964), p. 343. The culmination of this eventually appeared in Henry St John, Viscount Bolingbroke, The Idea of a Patriot King (1749).

(25) No entry in the 1633 edition, but this definition appears in the editions of 1676, 1684, 1695, 1698. 26 'Francis Bacon To the Lord Treasurer Burghley: upon Determining his Course of Life' (1591), The Works of Francis Bacon, 12 vols (1815-18), X, 4.

(27) Sejanus his Fall, ed. by W. F. Bolton (London: Benn, 1966), p. 79.

(28) See Blair Worden, 'Ben Jonson among the Historians', in Culture and Politics in Early Stuart England, ed. by Kevin Sharpe and Peter Lake (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1994), pp. 67-90.

(29) Quoted in Thomas L. Moir, The Addled Parliament of 1614 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1958), p. 12. One of the best contemporary surveys outlining political abuses of the time (the ex-officio oath, non residence, impositions, plurality, and so on) is the anonymous A Record of Some Worthy Proceedings: In the Honourable, Wise, and Faithful House of Commons in the Late Parliament (1611) published in the safety of France and addressed to 'all true hearted English men dwelling in their native soil'.

(30) History of England (1713), p. 294. Whitlocke died in 1675 but the History was not published until 1713.

(31) Williams M. Mitchell, The Rise of the Revolutionary Party in the English House of Commons 1603-1629 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1957), uses 'patriots' throughout to designate a growing opposition. That is, he takes as a convenience a contemporary distinction used by some without placing this particular usage against other contemporary occurrences.

(32) Anon, A True Presentation of Forepast Parliaments (1629), BM Lansdowne, 213, fol. 162. Quoted by Perez Zagorin, The Court and the Country (London: Routledge, 1969), p. 37. For a discussion of the term country in this period, see pp. 33-37.

(33) Patriarcha and Other Political Works, ed. by Peter Laslett (Oxford: Blackwell, 1949), p. 55.

(34) The Court and Character of King James; Whereunto is added, The Court of King Charles (1651), repr. in The Secret History of the Court of James I, 2 vols (Edinburgh, 1811), II, 39-40. Compare Thomas Hobbes, Behemoth; or, The Long Parliament, ed. by Ferdinand Tonnies, 2nd edn (London: Cass, 1969), p. 66, where he summarizes Strafford's early parliamentary career as leading opponent of extra-parliamentary taxation as an encroachment on English liberties enshrined in parliamentary precedent. Hobbes sees the degree of hatred for Strafford as proportionate to earlier love, when he was 'very much esteemed and cried up as a good patriot'.

(35) A Short View of the Life and Actions of the Late Deceased John Pim; An Elegie Sacred to the Immortall Memory of the Most Worthy, and Most Lamented John Pym, Esq; An Elegie Upon the Much Lamented Death of that Renouned and Ever to be Honour'd Patriot of His Countrey John Pym Esquire.

(36) Volpone, ed. by Philip Brockbank (London: Benn, 1968), p. 99.

(37) See Clifford Chalmers Huffman, Coriolanus in Context (Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 1971), pp. 157-63, and Richard Tuck, Philosophy and Government 1572-1651 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 94-104. For a later English republican view, see SPQV: A Survay of the Signorie of Venice, Of Her Admired Policy, and Method of Government (1651).

(38) See Discoveries, LX, 'No good christian or ethnic; if he be honest, can miss it [Truth]; no statesman or patriot should'; LXXIII, 'I have ever observed it to have been the office of a wise patriot, among the greatest affairs of the State, to take care of the commonwealth of learning'. Editors take 1623-35 as the conjectural period for the Discoveries (Ben Jonson, ed. by C. H. Herford and Percy and Evelyn Simpson, 11 vols (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1952), XI, 213).

(39) This quotation is taken from [William Cobbett], The Parliamentary History of England, 36 vols (London: Hansard, 1807), II, 6-7, which draws faithfully on the relevant section of the Commons Journal. Montague's actual words were, 'There is never a Saint seeming and Biblebearing hypocritical puritan in the Pack, a better Patriot every way, than the man that hath Delivered such dangerous Errors' (Appello Caesarem (1625), p. 43).

(40) The Journal of Sir Simonds D'Ewes, ed. by W. H. Coates (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1942), p. 114.

(41) Divi Britannici (1675), p. 329. In the preface, Churchill claims to have begun his work in the 1650s.

(42) A tract of 1667, The Late Apology in Behalf of the Papists Reprinted and Answered in Behalf of the Royalists, reprints a contemporary Catholic apologia which pointed out that the Huguenots live peaceably under a Catholic monarch and intersperses 'answers', one of which appeals to 'worthy Patriots' to compare this with the harsh misfortunes of those who suffer under the Clarendon Code, the Dissenters (pp. 21-22). In the same year a tract saw the duty of 'a worthy Patriot', defined as 'Malleus Jesuitarum', to proscribe Catholicism (Pyrotechnica Loyolana: Ignatian Fireworks, pp. 1-2). Another saw the Royal Society itself as a popish cabal duping 'serious and real patriots' (Henry Stubbe, Campanella Revived; or, An Enquiry into the History of the Royal Society (1670), p. 9). See John Miller, Popery and Politics in England 1660-1688 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973).

(43) Complete Prose Works of John Milton, ed. by Don M. Wolfe and others, 8 vols (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1953-82), I, 422.

(44) 'The new religion of patriotism--the worship of the country by its citizens, the transference to the English image of that feeling which hitherto had attached to Princes' (Milton (London: Cassell, 1935), p. 15).

(45) An Apology Against a Pamphlet Call'd A Modest Confutation of the Animadversions upon the Remonstrant against Smectymnuus (1642), in The Works of John Milton, ed. by Frank Allen Patterson, 18 vols (New York: Columbia University Press, 1931-38), III, Part I, 364; hereafter cited as Works.

(46) See, for example, Tenure: 'others for the deliverance of their country endued with fortitude and heroic virtue', and 'tis plain that he [Ehud] was raised by God to be a Deliverer' (p. 22); Pro se Defensio: 'I, who above the rest had publicly applauded my fellow-citizens as the deliverers of their country' (Works, IX, 3). Considerations Touching the Likeliest Means to Remove Hirelings out of the Church (Works, VI, 43-45).

(47) As You Were (Vienna, 1652), pp. 10, 14-15. Five years earlier, Lilburne's associate Richard Overton had argued a contrary position in urging the 'right worthy patriots of the Army' to turn against the oppression of Westminster, in An Appeal to the People from the Commons to the Free People (1647); see Puritanism and Liberty: Being the Army Debates (1647-49), ed. by A. S. P. Woodhouse, 2nd edn (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1974), p. 326.

(48) The Moderate Intelligencer, 10-17 May 1649, p. 33. The query originally appeared in a suppressed pamphlet, Eighteen Queries, distributed amongst Cromwell's troops; see H. N. Brailsford, The Levellers and the English Revolution (London: Cresset Press, 1961), p. 502.

(49) Works, vi, 113 (1st edn), 364 (2nd edn); see p. 358 for a discussion of dates.

(50) The Censure of the Rota upon Mr. Milton's Book, Entituled the Readie and Easy Way to Establish a Free Commonwealth (1660), pp. 9, 13, 15.

(51) The Dignitie of Kingship Asserted: An Answer to Mr. Milton's Readie and Easie Way to Establish a Free Common-Wealth (1660), particularly pp. 30-32, 36, 40, 51, 54, 62, 95, 136.

(52) The Dignitie of Kingship Asserted, p. 212. For the Rump members as 'Mountebank Patriots', see The Rump Held Forth Last First Day in a Brotherly Exercise, 22 March 1659, p. 5.

(53) James Harrington's Oceana, ed. by S. B. Liljegren (Lund: Lund University Press, 1924), p. 198. See Lord Archon's ironic rebuke of Philautus de Garbo as 'so good a Patriot' for his criticism of the Lex Agraria (p. 89). Philautus is motivated by private interest: he is heir to a large income. The anti-monarchical tract A Copy of a Letter from an Officer of the Army in Ireland (1656) by 'RG' urging the need for 'worthie Patriots' of 'a publicke spirit' (p. 4) is clearly influenced by Harrington. On the other hand, Gemitus Plebis of the same year, by C. Raie, is very close to Milton in seeing the business of the 'Noble Patriots' of Parliament as a spiritual reformation of the Commonwealth (sig. A2v, p. 32).

(54) For example, see To His Excellency the Lord General Monk (2 February 1660); A Speech Made to His Excellency the Lord General Monk (28 March 1660); Bacchus Festival; or, A New Medley being a Musical Representation at the Entertainment of his Excellency the Lord General Monk at Vintners Hall (12 April 1660); Englands Genius, Pleading for King Charles to the Right Honourable the Lords and Commons in Parliament, etc., and to the Lord Monk Generall [...] (1660). A very thorough survey of the question of public good, private interest, and parliamentary government is A Letter from a Lover of his Country to his Friend in Surrey, Concerning the Election of Members to Serve in this Approaching Parliament (20 March 1660, by 'H. O.'), in which those 'to be truly styled Patriots of their Country, and worthy to be honoured by Posterity' are 'those who (without self-ends) have at any time engaged their Persons or their Purses for the protection of our Laws and Liberties, and the defence of undoubted Parliament' (p. 2).

(55) 'The Kings Letter to the House of Commons May 1, 1660' in [William Cobbett] The Parliamentary History of England, IV, 19.

(56) Discourse concerning Liberty of Conscience (1661), p. 59. The only recorded copy in Great Britain of this document is found in the Dr Williams Library, call no. 1014.11.29. Pett, the son of the Navy Commissioner, was an MP, had the BCL, and had entered Grays Inn.

(57) The Interest of England in the Matter of Religion (1661), preface and pp. 20-21.

(58) Coventry Papers MS.4. (Longleat).

(59) For example, The Dutch Drawn to the Life (1664); Ingratitude Reveng'd; or, A Poem upon the Happy Victory of his Majesties Naval Forces against the Dutch (1665), p. 8.

(60) The Right Honourable the Earl of Arlington's Letters to Sir W. Temple (1701), p. 90.

(61) Nicolas Jupikse, De Verwikkelingen Tusschen de Republick en England van 1660-1665 (Leiden: Brill, 1900).

(62) See, for example, A Faithful Advertisement to All Good Patriots of the United Provinces (1650). This tract purports to be a translation from a Dutch copy. It celebrates republicanism and warns of the danger of a 'single captain general' ruling the state rather than some sort of counsel. I take the whole thing to be a disguised criticism of Cromwell.

(63) The Poems and Letters of Andrew Marvell, ed. by H. M. Margoliouth, 3rd edn, 2 vols (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), II, 324. Compare: 'It is true, the Scripture calls Princes, Gods, and that is enough for Court Parasites, for when they have got such a Scripture Metaphor by the end, how have I seen them ride on the Ridg of it! Then Subjects withdrawing their Obedience from their Lawful Prince, is a denying Gods Authority; Treason against him is a kind of Sacrilidge; a Revolt from him, an Apostacy from God ' (Samuel Johnson, An Argument Proving that the Abrogation of King James by the People of England [...] Was According to the Constitution of the English Government (1692), p. 18).

(64) A Congratulatory Poem (1667). For a similar view of the patriot as a man of moderation 'Free from Town-Avarice, and Courtiers pride', see London's Sighs for her Worthie Patriot: An Elegie [...] to [...] Sir Richard Ford (1678).

(65) To my Honour'd Kinsman, John Driden, of Chesterton (1700), Poems and Fables, p. 610, l.195.

(66) The Works of John Dryden, ed. by Edward N. Hooker, H. T. Swedenberg Jr, and others, 20 vols (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1956-89), xiii, ed. by Alan Roper and Vinton A. Dearing (1984), p. 353.

(67) Some examples are: A Modest Vindication of the Earl of S--y; in a Letter to a Friend Concerning his Being Elected King of Poland [1679?]; The Whigs Lamentation, For the Death of their Dear Brother Colledge, The Protestant Joyner (1681); Thomas D'Urfey, The Progress of Honesty; or, A View of the Court and City (1681); Loyalty Triumphant (1681).

(68) An Elegy on the Usurper O. C. By the Author of Absalom and Achitophel Published to Shew the Loyalty and Integrity of the Poet (1681), postscript.

(69) Two English Republican Tracts, ed. by Caroline Robbins (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969), pp. 100, 121.

(70) G. Dupont Ferrier's study 'Le Sens des mots "patria" et "patrie"' records the celebration of 'la Patrie' by members of the Pleiade and notes that in the second half of the sixteenth century, 'Un Patriote, c'etait alors un partisan des reformes populaires, un adversaire des abus. Et certaines gens affectaient de confondre Patriote et reformateurs ou reformes'. In particular, deputies of the Third Estate, specifically the Huguenots, were called patriots. The author notes, however, 'Le patriotisme n'etait donc pas, aux yeux de tous, le monopole du protestantisme' (p. 97).

(71) The phrase 'patriae ciuibus bonis' (Francogallia (Cologne, 1574), sig. 3v) becomes 'good patriots' in Franco Gallia (London, 1711), p. iii, translated by Robert Viscount Molesworth, the Whig admirer of Algernon Sidney; 'tu ciuis' (Vindiciae contra tyrannos (Edinburgh, 1579), p. 109) becomes 'mon patriotte' in French (De la puissance legitime du prince sur le peuple, et du peuple sur le prince (1581), p. 130), and 'a friendly patriot' in English (Vindiciae: A Defence of Liberty against Tyrants (1689), ed. by Harold J. Laski (Gloucester, MA: Smith, 1963), p. 159). See J. H. M. Salmon, The French Religious Wars in English Political Thought (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1959), pp. 123-46.

(72) See Peltonen, Classical Humanism and Republicanism, particularly pp. 229-70.

(73) This anticipated by about twelve years the title of a 1714-15 news-sheet designed for patriots of an anti-Jacobite persuasion, needless to say.

(74) A Dialogue Between the Ghosts of the Two Last Parliaments, at their Late Interview (1681). BM, Lutt. II 62, call no. 1871.a.1, has a contemporary manuscript identification of 'Your leading M-- J-- and W--' as Maynard, Jones, and Withington, leading common lawyers of the period. See M. Landon, The Triumph of the Lawyers: Their Role in English Politics 1678-1689 (Alabama, GA: University of Alabama Press, 1970); Absalom and Achitophel, ll. 581-82: 'Not Bull-fac'd Jonas, who could Statutes draw | To mean Rebellion, and make Treason Law.'

(75) Azaria and Hushai (1682), p. 9. Compare The Conspiracy of Aeneas and Antenor Against the State of Troy (1682): Antenor-Shaftesbury 'the Specious Name of Patriot [...] assumes' (p. 14).

(76) The History of the Association, Containing All the Debates in the Last House of Commons (1682). For Shaftesbury's document, see A Complete Collection of State-Trials, 6 vols (1730), III, 420-21.

(77) The Works of John Dryden, xiv, ed. by Vinton A. Dearing and Alan Roper (1992), pp. 307-59. For Some Reflections upon the Pretended Parallel in the Play Called the Duke of Guise (1683), see pp. 498-99. Thomas Hunt was a Whig lawyer. Compare Shadwell's response to Dryden's 'Epistle', 'Epistle to the Tories' preceding The Medal of John Bayes (1682), where he specifically defends Shaftesbury as 'the wisest patriot of our drooping isle' (l. 197).

(78) See Dryden's verses, 'To My Friend Mr. Northleigh, Author of the Parallel. On his Triumph of the British Monarchy', Poems and Fables, p. 344. For further discussion, see Phillip Harth, Pen for A Party: Dryden's Tory Propaganda in its Contexts (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993), pp. 138-205 (pp. 146-47, 154-58).

(79) Northleigh had three civil law degrees, B LL, LL B, LL D. The alliance between civil lawyers and royalist politics (Cowell's entries under 'King' and 'Prerogative' in his Interpreter (1607), are the most notorious examples) and the association of common lawyers with the 'country' is considered in B. P. Levack, The Civil Lawyers in England 1603-41 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973), passim. Divisions were not absolute. As Levack points out, Isaac Dorislaus, a 'civilian', was one of the regicides.

(80) For example, John Northleigh, A Gentle Reflection on the Modest Account (1682); An Elegy on the Death of the Lord Russell (1683); An Elegy on the Much Lamented Sir William Waller (1683).

(81) The Works of John Dryden, XV, ed. by Earl Miner (1976), pp. 29, 35. Ogilby's festival, I discuss The Entertainment of His Most Excellent Majestie [...] (1662) in an introduction to a facsimile reprint (Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 43 (New York, 1988)). The Triumph of Royalty in the Person of King Charles II (1683) anticipates Dryden's conservatism by a few years in recalling the triumphal arches and celebrating Monk and Ormond as two 'Loyal Patriots' (p. 9).

(82) Parliamentum Pacificum; or, The Happy Union of King and People in an Healing Parliament (1688), p. 3.

(83) Elkanah Settle, Sacellum Apollinare: A Funeral Poem to the Memory of that Great Patriot and Statesman, George, Late Marquis of Halifax (1695).

(84) See Gordon J. Schochet, Patriarchalism in Political Thought (Oxford: Blackwell, 1975).

(85) A German Diet; or, The Ballance of Europe (1653), p. 27. The portrait of Cosimo very much anticipates Bolingbroke's Patriot King.

(86) D. L. Clark, John Milton at St Paul's School (New York: Columbia University Press, 1948) pp. 220-21. The author points out that Valerius is quoted twice in Milton's Accedence Commenc't Grammar (1669).

(87) For other examples of Cicero and Valerius in partly religious contexts, see A True Account of the Late Bloody and Inhumane Conspiracy against His Highness the Lord Protector (1654), pp. 4, 12; The History of the Association (1682), p. 25. See Cedric C. Brown, 'Great Senates and Godly Education: Politics and Cultural Renewal in some Pre-and Post-Revolutionary Texts of Milton', in Milton and Republicanism, ed. by David Armitage, Armand Himy, and Quentin Skinner (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 43-60.

(88) The History of Polybius [...] Translated by H. S. [...] To which is added, a Character of Polybius and His Writings: By Mr. Dryden (1693), sig. B4v.

(89) The Works of John Dryden, V, ed. by William Frost (1987), p. 279; The Works of Virgil in English (1693), sig. a4r.

(90) The Letters of John Dryden, ed. by Charles E. Ward (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1942), p. 120.

(91) The Works of George Berkeley Bishop of Cloyne, ed. by A. A. Luce and T. E. Jessop, 9 vols (London: Nelson, 1953), VI, 253-55.

(92) The notorious definition of the 1775 edition of his Dictionary; see Cunningham, 'The Language of Patriotism', p. 61.

(93) I owe much to the avid exchange of historical references, many years ago, with Professor Michael McKeon who first directed my attention to the seventeenth-century patriot. This article is dedicated to him. I am greatly indebted to Professor Warren Chernaik for his scrupulous suggestions concerning style and presentation and his detailed historical knowledge, which has saved me from several slips.

COPYRIGHT 2001 Modern Humanities Research Association
No portion of this article can be reproduced without the express written permission from the copyright holder.
Copyright 2001 Gale, Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.

Article Details
Printer friendly Cite/link Email Feedback
Author:Knowles, Ronald
Publication:The Modern Language Review
Date:Jul 1, 2001
Previous Article:Falstaff: subjectivity between the carnival and the aesthetic.
Next Article:"Dead many times': Cathleen ni Houlihan, Yeats, two old women, and a vampire.

Terms of use | Privacy policy | Copyright © 2021 Farlex, Inc. | Feedback | For webmasters |