Printer Friendly

Teaching "is a pleasure to me almost always": continuities and changes in three generations of a teaching family.

In 1931, Marjorie Caw begged her mother, Edith Hubbe,

Don't burn any old letters Mum, because all our family's letters are worth keeping and it isn't as if we lived in a flat and couldn't afford the room ... old letters are real and human so please don't burn. (1)

Edith did keep Marjorie's letters for most of the interwar years and many from other family members, including Marjorie's daughter, Virginia. Marjorie responded in kind so that the Hubbe-Caw letters contain intimate insights into Australian women teachers' lives and work. Using the Hubbe-Caw correspondence and associated sources, this article focuses on three generations of women teachers from the same family whose educational biographies stretch from the mid-nineteenth into the mid-twentieth century. They are Edith Hubbe (nee Cook), 1859-1942, who began her career as a pupil teacher in the fledgling state school system, became well known in the state of South Australia as a leader in the late nineteenth century movement for girls' academic secondary schooling and established a private school. Her daughter, Marjorie Caw (nee Hubbe), 1893-1993, focused on pre-school education as a Montessori kindergarten teacher before marrying a farmer and providing her children's elementary education at home in the state of Western Australia. Marjorie's daughter, Virginia Lee (nee Caw), 1925-2006, also trained as a kindergarten teacher, and taught in urban and rural kindergartens in Australia, and nursery schools in mid-twentieth century England. (2) Together, these women's teaching biographies encompass pre-school, elementary and secondary education, and home schooling as both paid and unpaid work.

Sherwood and Freshwater state that narrative educational biography "should provoke thought about educational issues and provide interest and value for readers through its description of particular aspects of an individual's life". (3) Firstly, Edith, Marjorie and Virginia's individual biographies provide insights into progressive educators' work, thereby complementing studies of women progressive educators in rural and urban contexts. (4) Secondly, intertwining their biographies makes this an important study of a teaching family across three generations, and facilitates discussion of continuity and change in women teachers' work. (5) Furthermore and at the macro-level, Edith, Marjorie and Virginia's teaching lives coincided with significant changes in Australian education, including legislation for mass compulsory schooling in 1875 and the free kindergarten movement in the early twentieth century. Likewise, there were complex shifts in women's lives and work. While marriage and motherhood remained hegemonic across the generations, women's citizenship and relationship to paid work changed over time. South Australian women won the suffrage in 1894, thereby legitimating their participation in the public sphere. At the same time however, married women were being marginalised from paid work by convention and legislation. Indeed, marriage bars were widely applied in the teaching profession from the late nineteenth century. How three generations of a teaching family negotiated changes in education and women's lives is integral to this educational biography.

This article derives from a larger project that explores the transnational career of a teacher educator, Lillian de Lissa (1885-1967), and the lives and work of her Australian and British graduates. (6) Drawing on a range of archival sources, the project explores de Lissa's and graduates' professional and domestic lives, leisure activities and civic participation from their initial work as novice teachers through diverse life paths (including marriage) to their senior years. (7) Marjorie Hubbe was one of de Lissa's Australian graduates and Edith and Virginia's careers also intersected with de Lissa's. This article provides the opportunity to explore their biographies together as a teaching family in more depth than the original project, articulating both shared experiences and differences in their lives and work.

Commencing with Edith Hubbe, I represent three generations of Hub be-Caw women as "historical actors who have the agency to shape their lives, and how they do so within limits afforded them by the historical contexts within which they find themselves in each era". (8) Regarding sources for this article, the three women were middle class and well-connected in their communities so their ongoing public work as teachers and as citizens featured in various newspapers. Edith's reminiscences over forty years as a teacher were published in the Observer in 1915 and Marjorie became sufficiently well-known to be the subject of oral history interviews in 1979 and 1981. (9) Edith and Marjorie's accounts were mediated by the questions and concerns of the journalists and interviewers, contemporaneous and historical discourses to do with education and women's lives, and their intentions to construct coherent narratives of lives well-lived. In the same manner as women teachers in Weiler's oral history project, Edith and Marjorie "present[ed] themselves and their life choices in ways that challenge hegemonic definitions of women teachers as mothering, self-sacrificing and passive". (10) This is also the case in the aforementioned Hubbe-Caw correspondence, which comprises Marjorie, Edith and Virginia's letters to each other, family members and friends such as de Lissa. Whereas newspapers and oral histories include journalists and researchers' analytical agendas, Stanley describes personal letters as "naturally occurring forms of life writing" that reflect the writer's concerns and their perception of the recipient. (11) Separated geographically for substantial portions of their adult lives, Edith, Marjorie and Virginia's letters were the "material expression of their relationships in that they maintained the flow of contact, exchange, chatter and so forth that would have taken place (in somewhat different ways) when present with each other face to face". (12) Marjorie and Edith exchanged weekly letters about their everyday lives and work: Anecdotes about cooking and cleaning, the weather, family and friends, were interspersed with discussions of books, wireless broadcasts, community activities, international politics, and last but not least, education in its broadest sense. As such, the Hubbe-Caw correspondence provides insights into middle class women's domestic and paid work, personal and professional networks and civic participation, all interwoven with their ongoing commitments to education. The primary focus in reading and analysing the correspondence was to draw out Edith, Marjorie and Virginia's engagement with education across their life courses, not only as teachers, but also as children and mothers. This article, therefore, combines newspaper reports, oral histories and personal correspondence to construct a biography of three generations of a teaching family which demonstrates their agency in negotiating continuity and change in education and women's lives and work.

Edith Cook: Teaching in the State School System

Born in May 1859, Edith Cook was the daughter of early English immigrants to the British colony of South Australia. Her father was farming at the time of her birth but the family had relocated to the capital city of Adelaide by the early 1870s. (13) The Cooks belonged to Adelaide's small but influential Unitarian community. Unitarians were actively involved in the spheres of politics, journalism and education in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
   Prominent in discussions of contemporary issues and at the
   forefront of social reform, subscribers represented every shade of
   political opinion for the church's principal appeal to
   well-educated people of substantial means lay in its emphasis on
   rationality and, in the tradition of nineteenth century liberalism,
   the right to individual conscience and independent conviction. (14)

Edith spent her childhood and youth in this intellectual and religious environment. She was educated at home by her mother when they lived in the country, and then at Annie Montgomerie Martin's private school along with the sons and daughters of Unitarians in Adelaide. (15) "Imbued with English ideas and sympathies having been nurtured among liberal thinkers", Martin's pedagogy was "quite unconventional" and "successful". (16) Edith thrived under Martin's tuition and likely attended the school at the same time as Lucy Spence (later Morice) who became a life-long friend. (17) Edith was also closely aligned with Spence's aunt, Catherine Helen Spence, a well-known novelist, journalist and social reformer. With another Unitarian, Catherine Helen Spence founded the Boarding Out Society as an alternative to incarcerating children in destitute asylums in 1872, and she was also very interested in the fledgling state school system. (18) The Central Board of Education (CBE) had licensed teachers since 1851 and by the 1870s agitation for compulsory schooling and an expanded state school system was gathering momentum. To that end, Catherine Helen Spence's friend and CBE chairman (later Inspector General), John Anderson Hartley, pressured the government to build a large state school in the centre of Adelaide. (19)

In 1874 Catherine Helen Spence introduced Edith to Inspector General Hartley as a candidate for employment: Edith later recalled that she "headed the list" of examination results, "but not being of the specified age, I had to get permission before I could begin teaching". (20) When Grote Street Model Schools opened in March 1874, the head teachers, assistants and pupil teachers in the boys, girls and infants departments were employed and paid by the CBE (later Education Department) rather than local trustees as in the USA. Edith began her long teaching career as a pupil teacher in the infants department which was led by Jane Stanes. (21) Cook's three-year apprenticeship was followed by further study at the state training college in 1877, and she also became the first woman to qualify for entrance to the newly established University of Adelaide. Thereafter, she was appointed as second assistant in the girls department at the Grote Street schools. (22)

Meanwhile, in 1875 legislation to introduce mass compulsory schooling for children aged seven to thirteen was passed in South Australia. The 1875 Act also contained provision for state secondary schooling as a pathway to the university. (23) With Catherine Helen Spence's support, Inspector General Hartley was instrumental in promoting rigorous academic secondary and higher education for girls. He secured the establishment of the Advanced School for Girls as the "pinnacle of the state school system" in 1879. (24) In an implied testimony to their intellectual and pedagogical leadership, he recruited Jane Stanes and Edith Cook as head mistress and assistant teacher, and the new school commenced with twenty-nine students. Actively promoted by Hartley until his death in 1896, the Advanced School expanded rapidly and attracted the daughters of Adelaide's leading political, professional and business families in the early years with many graduates proceeding to the University of Adelaide. (25)

Unfortunately Stanes' tenure at the Advanced School was short but she and Edith remained close friends. Stanes' health broke down after a few months and she took leave before resigning in June 1880. Hartley appointed Edith as acting head mistress "as she was under the age required for a head mistress by board regulation". (26) After searching unsuccessfully for a new head mistress, Edith was appointed to the position permanently in October 1881. (27) She was twenty-two years old and full of energy and enthusiasm for her work.

The Advanced School curriculum included "English, French, German, and drawing; and in the upper classes Latin, algebra and Euclid. Edith Cook taught physiology to the three upper classes". (28) Accompanied by some of the girls, she attended Dr Stirling's physiology classes at the University of Adelaide, and she was one of the first pupils to enter Professor Reed's Latin class. Edith attended other classes as a non-graduating student with a colleague, Madeline Rees George. (29) The first public distribution of prizes took place at the Adelaide Town Hall in December 1883 and became an annual event with the Minister of Education presiding, along with Inspector General Hartley. In 1883 Cook presented "a very able and cheerful report" and Hartley "spoke in high terms of the work done under Miss Cook by Miss Thornber and Miss George ... they deserved all the praise he had given them". (30) Advanced School girls "attained greater success in the university examinations" in 1884, "surpassing all private girls schools", and in 1885 a former Advanced School student, Edith Emily Dornwell BSc., became the first woman to graduate from the University of Adelaide. (31) Each year the Minister of Education linked Advanced School students' academic achievements to wider benefits, including waged employment and women's suffrage. In 1884 he argued that the establishment of the Advanced School
   was the legitimate outcome of the tendency of public thought and
   public opinion in this century. Women were receiving equal rights
   and privileges with men, and he considered they should have them.
   If, however, they were to emancipate women, it was only just that
   the latter should receive equal educational facilities, so that
   they could make right use of the freedom bestowed upon them. (32)

Women's suffrage was discussed in parliament in 1885, and champions of the Advanced School and women's higher education such as Dr. Stirling were well represented in the Women's Suffrage League, formed in 1888. South Australian women's suffrage was won in 1894, preceded only by the state of Wyoming in the USA (1869) and New Zealand (1893). (33) Thereafter, Edith Cook's close friends, Lucy Morice (nee Spence) and Catherine Helen Spence led the post-suffrage feminist movement. (34)

Edith's teaching career continued alongside her commitments to Unitarianism and marriage. In January 1885 she married Samuel Hubbe and maintained her work at the Advanced School. Hubbe was the son of German Lutheran immigrants but he converted to Unitarianism when he married Edith. (35) By the early 1880s, school systems were refusing to grant initial employment to married women in the state school system, but several married head mistresses were leading Adelaide's state schools. Thus Edith's decision to continue teaching was not unusual for the times, and she remained at the Advanced School until September 1885 when she was six months pregnant. (36) According to her colleagues, the Advanced School "suffered a great loss in the resignation of Mrs Hubbe" and they missed "her clear judgement and kindly sympathies". (37) Inspector General Hartley took the unusual step of writing to her confidentially "you do not need my assurance that it is a great sorrow to me that you have been obliged to sever your connection with the [state education] department. I shall always have very pleasant memories of our intercourse". (38) Overall, Edith's work in the state school system had spanned about a decade, including six years at the Advanced School. Teaching had not only offered intellectual satisfaction and a salary but she had also earned the respect of the most senior educator in South Australia.

The Hubbes bought a house in Statenborough Street, Knightsbridge, a middle class suburb of Adelaide, and their first daughter, "Rica", was born in December 1885. However, Edith's teaching career had only been suspended temporarily: Early in 1886, Edith and her sister Harriet opened a private school in the Hubbe family home, with Harriet's pupils forming the nucleus of the new venture. Within a few years, the Hubbes had bought, renovated and extended an old church in Statenborough Street and this institution became the well-known Knightsbridge School. (39) Edith gave birth to four more children: "Doll" was born in 1887, followed by Max in 1891, Marjorie in 1893 and "Fritz" in 1895. This was the context in which Edith Hubbe continued her teaching career into the twentieth century and Marjorie Hubbe spent her childhood, youth and teacher preparation.

Edith Hubbe: Teacher as Working Mother

Edith Hubbe's married life as a working mother at Knightsbridge School was underpinned by competent domestic servants. The Hubbes "always had a good general maid" who managed the household, and purchased and cooked food for the family and two or three students who boarded with them. (40) When the maid was granted an occasional "Saturday off", Edith "boiled the potatoes" and the children helped to wash the dishes. Otherwise, Edith was free to teach. She had breakfast with the children and boarders, and departed for school at a quarter to nine, a mere three minute walk away. When she was breastfeeding, the maid took the infant to school at eleven o'clock. Edith went home for the midday meal, already cooked by the maid. Afternoon tea was served when she arrived home at three o'clock. (41)

About eighty children of all ages attended Knightsbridge, including many from Unitarian families. Edith loved teaching and embraced progressive pedagogies during her long career. (42) She experimented with "new ways of teaching reading" and some "good Froebel ideas" with younger children, as well as physiology and botany for the older girls. (43) Harriet Cook was responsible for the English classes and Knightsbridge girls soon appeared in the lists of successful students in the university examinations. (44) Private girls schools dominated the Advanced School in the early twentieth century, but its Old Scholars Association continued to foster a network of well-educated women. Edith and Madeline Rees George, her successor at the Advanced School, were integral to this community of like-minded women educators. (45)

With secondary and higher education for middle class girls proceeding apace and mass compulsory schooling absorbing children aged from seven to thirteen, attention turned to the education of pre-school children. In 1905, Edith was among progressive educators, philanthropists and social reformers who combined to form the Kindergarten Union of South Australia (KUSA). Catherine Helen Spence was the first member and a vice president; Lucy Morice (nee Spence) commenced her long and passionate activism as KUSA's secretary and several former Advanced School teachers joined the general council. Lillian de Lissa was recruited to establish the first free kindergarten for impoverished children in the centre of Adelaide, and private girls' schools soon affiliated their kindergartens with KUSA. (46) De Lissa established the Adelaide Kindergarten Training College (KTC) under KUSA's auspices in 1907. Edith Hubbe was a member of KUSA's executive by 1910 and would continue her involvement in KUSA and the KTC for the rest of her life, along with Morice. (47)

While the availability of domestic servants facilitated working mother Edith Hubbe's commitments to teaching and education, the family structure and dynamics underwent significant change. Samuel Hubbe was employed by the government as a surveyor and "Chief Inspector under the Vermin Destruction Acts" from 1885.48 His work took him away from the family frequently and for long periods. For example, in 1886 he was required to inspect "rabbit and Bathurst burr destroying parties" in the agricultural lands. Leaving Adelaide in November 1895 to survey the deserts of central and Western Australia, he was absent for more than a year. (49) Next, amidst British and colonial anxieties about the fitness of young recruits in the Boer War, Samuel joined the South Australian Bushman's Corps and left for South Africa in March 1900. He was killed on 14 September 1900, leaving Edith and five children aged from five to fifteen far more reliant on her income from teaching. (50)

Aside from a small war widows pension, Edith was the breadwinner in the Hubbe family, a status that was becoming increasingly rare in the early twentieth century. Interlocking concerns about the fitness of army recruits, a declining birthrate and the "sentimental idealisation of motherhood" increased pressure on married women to withdraw from paid work, including teaching. Then in 1907, the new Australian federal government legislated for a family wage for male workers while limiting women to a single wage, irrespective of their family circumstances. While this legislation did not affect Edith Hubbe directly because she owned her private school, it underpinned the proposition that motherhood and employment were incompatible. (51) Additionally, informal and formal marriage bars were imposed in state education departments. Marjorie Hubbe, her brothers and sisters thus grew up in an era when Australian women's citizenship had been resolved but their roles were in a state of flux.

A nursery maid looked after Marjorie and her siblings as infants while their mother was at work, and the children began their schooling at Knightsbridge where Marjorie recalled that they "were strictly on a pupil's footing". Along with the student boarders, they gathered around the dining table after the evening meal to do their homework under Edith's supervision while she corrected books. (52) When they grew older, the boys were sent to Prince Alfred College and the girls were prepared for the university examinations at Knightsbridge. Marjorie completed the Junior Public Examination in 1908. (53) Additionally, the Hubbe children participated in the Unitarian community, attending Sunday School where there was a "wonderful children's library ... we chose our own book and brought it home and had it for the week". (54) Marjorie read voraciously, both fiction and non-fiction, throughout her life.

Following their formal schooling, Max and Fritz were employed as clerks. Rica completed a BA and medical degree at the University of Adelaide, and set up her medical practice. In 1910 Doll married a prominent Unitarian businessman and Marjorie "passed the Senior [Public Examination] very well and thought ... I would stay home happily and enjoy myself". (55) However, her mother and Lucy Morice persuaded her to enrol at the KTC which had just retained its independence after a protracted dispute with the state training college. (56) Supported by Edith Hubbe and her colleagues in private schools, Lucy Morice and KTC principal Lillian de Lissa had successfully resisted attempts to amalgamate both training institutions. Thereafter, KUSA and KTC supporters, including the Hubbe family, refused any association with the state school system (where Edith had begun her career) as the schools were deemed to be focused on traditional rather than progressive education. (57)

Under de Lissa's leadership and with Morice teaching history of education and urging students to stay abreast of post-suffrage politics, the KTC focused on women's agency, not only as progressive teachers but also as citizens. Following Dewey, de Lissa insisted that teachers were "not merely leaders of children but makers of society". (58) The two-year program (with a third year option) comprised work in the free kindergartens every morning, study at the college in the afternoon, and active participation in the KUSA community. (59) Marjorie was not the most conscientious student but she embraced the college's commitments to a universal model of childhood and the Froebelian ideal of learning through play. (60) However, she had great difficulty reconciling theory with practice at Grey Ward Free Kindergarten where she encountered impoverished working class children who disrupted her understanding of childhood and her middle class values. According to de Lissa, Marjorie tended to "give the children too many ideas and so confuse them, and you are apt to sail along on your own thought leaving them far behind". (61) Setting these issues aside, Marjorie was thoroughly integrated in the KUSA community by virtue of her mother's position on KUSA's executive and her relationships with Morice, de Lissa and students, especially Ella Nicholls (later Keeves). The latter friendship withstood the tests of time and distance as their lives took contrasting paths, but both were committed to making society.

Marjorie graduated at the end of 1913 and set off with Edith on an educational (and leisure) tour of Europe. Madeline Rees George from the Advanced School and three friends accompanied them and they met with Edith's old teacher, Annie Montgomerie Martin, who was living in Italy. They also visited Maria Montessori and were enthused by her approach to early childhood education. They were in England when World War One began and heard that Max and Fritz had enlisted in Australia's volunteer forces. (62)

Returning to Adelaide in February 1915, Edith immediately resumed teaching at Knightsbridge and three months later Marjorie advertised that she had opened a "kindergarten at Mrs Hubbe's residence", more precisely in the big drawing room of the family home. (63) With Max and Fritz fighting in Europe, the Hubbe women were patriotic citizens as well as teachers. Edith's school raised funds for the Wattle Day League Motor Ambulance fund; Marjorie joined a group to provide Christmas gifts for soldiers' children and both were involved in the Red Cross. (64) The family was devastated when Fritz was killed at Pozieres in France and newspapers also reflected on his father's death in the Boer War. (65)

In 1916 Marjorie and her friend Ella Nicholls completed the KTC's postgraduate course on Montessori. Marjorie ordered the equipment from England and she and Ella conducted their schools for the next five years. Marjorie's small private Montessori kindergarten was affiliated with KUSA but served middle class children from Unitarian families rather than impoverished children in the free kindergartens. Most of the girls subsequently attended Knightsbridge and the boys went to private colleges. (66)

In addition to teaching, Marjorie participated actively in the Hubbe family's educational, social, political and religious networks. For example, she attended lectures at Adelaide University with Edith and joined the Kindergarten Graduates Club where members honed their executive and political skills with Morice. (67) In 1919 Marjorie wrote "there have been crowds of very late nights--between two dances, and three fascinating books, and today I dug the garden and separated and replanted rows of chrysanthemums". (68) She also formed a friendship with Alfred Caw, who was her brother Max's friend. Alf and Max had begun share-farming in the state of Western Australia when Max returned from World War One. (69) Marjorie's decision to marry Alf was not taken quickly or lightly for it entailed giving up her paid work and moving far from her family and the pleasures she enjoyed in the city. She and Edith relinquished their schools at the end of 1921. Edith sold Knightsbridge and retired after a forty-seven year teaching career; Marjorie married Alf in February 1922 and proceeded to a farm in Western Australia, more than 1,600 miles from Adelaide, where she would live for almost forty years. (70)

In essence, there were several similarities and some important differences in Edith and Marjorie's trajectories through childhood and their work as teachers until they married. They were brought up in a religious and educational milieu that valued women's intellectual independence. Both experienced a progressive education and a childhood that was free of obligation to contribute to their family economically. Marjorie's childhood and youth differed from Edith's in that she was compelled by legislation to attend school and remained economically dependent while at the KTC. As a fourteen year old pupil teacher, Edith was already a salaried worker, and marriage and motherhood did not entail cessation of her paid work. There was sufficient flexibility for married women to remain in the profession and Edith continued living in the community in which she taught. By the time Marjorie married Alf, social custom and legislation had repositioned working mothers such as Edith as an anomaly. However, Marjorie had grown up in the post-suffrage era with public encouragement for women to exercise their citizenship in a range of public organisations. The following sections will show that Marjorie reshaped her life in line with her new social and geographic context and that both generations of Hubbe-Caw women maintained their commitments to progressive education.

Marjorie Caw: Teacher as Citizen Mother

The Caws' 7,000 acre wheat and sheep farm was situated about twenty miles from the nearest township, Kojonup, where their son "Billec" was born in January 1923. Virginia ("Babe") was born in January 1925. Alf employed a farm labourer and a maid for Maqorie. (71) Throughout the interwar years, Marjorie worked alongside various maids, some of whom reminded her of the "rapscallions in the free kindergartens". (72) Aside from weekly supplies of staples such as bread and flour from Kojonup, the Caws were self-sufficient. There was no need to buy meat; a couple of cows provided milk and Marjorie was in charge of the poultry, selling eggs and turkeys to "pay nicely for Christmas extras". (73) Gardening was a pleasure, not a chore, and Marjorie's garden was full of ornamental plants, fruit trees and vegetables, so preserving excess produce was added to the everyday domestic work of preparing meals, washing, cleaning and childcare. (74) In April 1928 she proclaimed to Edith, "I have turned into quite a housekeeper. I said I had to but I can unturn any time I like". (75)

Never short of confidence and well aware of her obligations as a maker of society, Marjorie asserted that "it is a waste for people with useful executive brains to do nothing but blasted house cleaning and cooking which less good brains would do as well and more happily". (76) Thus citizen Marjorie put her executive brain and the skills she had learnt at the Kindergarten Graduates Club to good use in the local community. Her principal leadership role was president of the Kojonup branch of the Country Women's Association (CWA), a national organisation of rural women. (77) Because she could not drive a car, Marjorie called meetings to coincide with Alf's meetings and the CWA combined with other organisations to build public facilities, including the Kojonup playground in 1934. (78) And so it was that Marjorie Hubbe transformed from a single woman who "had the least housekeeping knowledge of anybody I know" into a citizen mother in the interwar years. (79) With entrenched marriage bars, the percentage of married women in paid employment declined in Australia. The working mother was replaced by the citizen mother who supported family and nation in the manner of Marjorie Caw. (80)

Concomitant with Marjorie Caw's life as a citizen mother in Western Australia, Edith Hubbe shared the family home with Rica and continued to make society. Doll and her family lived nearby and Edith's Unitarian and educational networks occupied much time and energy. (81) There were plenty of house guests including her old colleague, Jane Doudy (nee Stanes) who had relocated to a rural community and become a wellknown novelist. (82) In September 1927, Edith met with former Advanced School teachers and "we had a great remembering of old times". (83) She also attended meetings of the Old Scholars Association with Madeline Rees George. (84) Her friendship with Lucy Morice remained strong and both supported the KTC and KUSA. In 1938, Edith eventually retired from the KUSA executive, having served for twenty-eight years. She continued on the KTC education committee which was lobbying to expand the college premises. (85) Lucy and Edith visited with each other often and several former kindergarten teachers were included in their social circle. (86) Both Edith and Lucy were voluminous correspondents, importantly with Marjorie in Western Australia. Lucy sent Marjorie letters, books and newspapers; and Edith and Marjorie's weekly correspondence was wide-ranging so that Marjorie was kept abreast of family matters, Edith's KTC and KUSA committee work, and local, national and international politics. Notwithstanding Marjorie's ongoing domestic and community work, her weekly letters were ready for the mailman's collection on Tuesdays. She kept and re-read Edith's letters, especially in times of great stress such as after suffering a miscarriage in 1930. (87) Being so far apart geographically, they rarely visited each other so the old letters redressed their separation and provided comfort and reassurance. However, Edith was staying with Marjorie when her infant son, Antony, died suddenly in 1931. (88) No further children were added to the Caw family.

Of course, Edith and Marjorie had another shared interest, namely teaching. Marjorie had taken her Montessori materials to Western Australia in anticipation of her children's education. In November 1927, she informed her mother that four year old Billec and Virginia, aged two, "do Montessori most mornings now and seemed to profit by it, Babe particularly. Billec is doing number work principally, but letters occasionally". (89) Although there were several one-room state schools in the Kojonup district, Marjorie rejected them and decided to teach Billec and Virginia at home with the aid of correspondence lessons from the Western Australian education department. (90) That decision meant that Marjorie had to fit her teaching around her domestic duties. She moved the Montessori cupboard into the dining room so that she could simultaneously instruct the children and supervise the maid in the kitchen. Nevertheless, it was very difficult to devote regular time to teaching as well as cooking, cleaning, gardening and community work. Additionally, Marjorie was highly critical of the content and pedagogy in the correspondence lessons. (91) Having never experienced state schooling as a student or teacher, she consulted her maid and reported to Edith: "May said they needed a great deal of written work when she was at school so it may be the state school method". (92) She also asked Edith about teaching subtraction and received plenty of unsolicited advice as well. (93) Writing to Edith another day, Marjorie confessed that she was "using free government paper that they supply Billec for his education but I am remembering some of the work we as a family have done for the state, and me as an individual in the old free kindergartens so I am not worrying about this embezzlement!" (94) Marjorie abandoned correspondence lessons periodically and always supplemented them with ideas sourced from progressive education journals such as the New Era. Thus the Caw children experienced a rich and progressive elementary education at home, including art and music lessons, and practicing French at the dinner table. (95) Bella the maid also offered to teach them to ride a horse for which Marjorie was very grateful. She commented "what a hell of a lot of things children have to be taught, swimming, riding, music, drawing, dancing as well as all the school subjects; to be clean, moral and tidy as well". (96)

Unlike many farm children in the early twentieth century, Billec and Virginia were social rather than economic assets in the Caw family. Virginia churned the butter occasionally, reminding her mother, "you was lucky you had a little girl, mum". (97) But there was little expectation of regular chores and plenty of time for play with farm pets and toys. (98) Virginia was reading regularly by the age of five and loved her schoolwork. (99) She listened to the children's session on the wireless, and corresponded with her granny, Edith, and the editor of the children's pages in the newspaper. (100) Billec and Virginia also joined in local children's sports days and fancy dress evenings, winning prizes as the "Knave and Queen of Hearts" in 1929 (101) Nevertheless, they missed the companionship of other children during their elementary education.

When it came time for Billec's secondary schooling, Marjorie sent for prospectuses from private boys boarding schools and discussed their merits with Alf and Edith. After much discussion, they decided to send Billec to Adelaide to live with Edith and attend St Peters College from January 1935. (102) Thereafter, Edith and Marjorie's correspondence tracked Billec's schooling intimately. Ever the teacher, Edith recalled her early years as "a pupil teacher at Grote Street Model Schools and really I have been teaching on and off ever since, but it is a pleasure to me almost always". (103) She invested her intellectual capital heavily, helping Billec with Latin and history. Alf, Marjorie and Edith dissected St Peters curriculum and Billec's reports. When he came top in Latin, Alf commented wryly, "he ought to say granny and I are top". (104)

Although Virginia "needed companionship badly," she continued with correspondence lessons until 1938 when she enrolled in the local one room state school, Jingalup, which had re-opened after a year's hiatus for lack of children. (105) She rode her bike part way, was collected by another family for the remainder of the six mile journey, and loved school. (106) Within a week, citizen mother Marjorie had joined the Jingalup parents and citizens committee. She was also elected foundation president of the Kojonup Baby Health clinic in 1938. (107) At the same time, she searched for a private girls secondary school that would enable Virginia to "do Junior and Leaving in preparation for being a kindergartener" which was Virginia's ambition. (108) Edith was involved in the decision-making and they eventually chose the new Park School in the rural city of Albany. (109)

Virginia enrolled at Park School in February 1939 and Marjorie hoped that "the tone of the school is towards work, not too much sport or social stuff". (110) The school relocated to Western Australia's capital city, Perth, in 1940. Marjorie was disappointed with the standard of teaching and helped Virginia prepare for the examinations: In September 1941, they were "reading the Merchant of Venice together every night" while Virginia was home on vacation. (111) Edith also wrote to Virginia, encouraging her to work hard. (112) Virginia completed her secondary schooling successfully at the end of 1942; and Marjorie concluded her unpaid work as a teacher and her oversight of the Caw children's elementary and secondary education. Unfortunately, Edith died in 1942 and thus missed her grand-daughter's entry into teaching profession as the third generation of Hubbe-Caw teachers.

Virginia Caiv: Teaching and the Imperative to "Marry Some Nice Farmer"

Prior to Virginia's graduation, Edith and Marjorie had explored options for her training as a kindergarten teacher. Although Edith thought that the Western Australian KTC in Perth was too expensive, Virginia commenced the two-year program in 1943. (113) She remained in Perth for a further two years, teaching at Lake Street Kindergarten and also working at the Darlington Eloliday Home for kindergarten children which was affiliated with the KTC. (114) In October 1945, Marjorie and her best friend from Adelaide, Ella Keeves, visited Perth and reported that Virginia "was doing a very good job very happily at Darlington, and the children seemed very happy and natural with her". (115)

Like her mother and grandmother, Virginia valued teaching as intellectual work and added to her qualifications. She spent 1947 completing postgraduate study at her mother's alma mater, the Adelaide KTC, and teaching at Palmer Place school which was attached to the college. (116) Her proud father hoped that she "would show them how things really ought to be done" and she was inducted into the KUSA community where Lucy Morice and Ella Keeves still worked tirelessly for the rapidly expanding kindergarten movement. (117) With the post war baby boom, there was an escalating demand for pre-school education and Virginia took advantage of the new conditions. She returned to Kojonup in 1948 and set about establishing the community's first kindergarten. (118) She garnered support by demonstrating kindergarten methods, and there was plenty of encouragement from Marjorie who was still a prominent citizen mother: "The local committee responsible for raising funds purchased two disused school buildings which were dismantled and transported to Kojonup and re-erected and painted by voluntary labour". (119) Officials from the Kindergarten Union in Perth attended the opening ceremony and Marjorie and Alf were delighted to have Virginia living at home again and teaching locally.

In 1950 Marjorie fulfilled a long-held ambition, namely to travel to Europe with Virginia as she had done with her mother Edith in 1914. (120) They sailed to Copenhagen in Denmark where Marjorie led the Western Australian delegation to the Associated Country Women's World Conference. Marjorie subsequently reported that "you really felt that women mattered in this forum". (121) They continued to England and met with Marjorie's friend and former KTC principal, Lillian de Lissa. Now retired after a long career as principal of Gipsy Hill Training College in London, de Lissa introduced them to her extensive networks in the field of early childhood education. Thus they were able to attend Nursery School Association meetings and visit nursery schools in the vicinity of London. (122) Marjorie returned to Australia at the end of the year and Virginia spent a further two years teaching in British nursery schools. (123)

Virginia returned to Australia in August 1953, and recommenced teaching kindergarten in the city of Newcastle on the east coast of Australia and near to her brother Billec and his family, rather than Western Australia. (124) Thereafter, Marjorie and Virginia's correspondence detailed their busy lives and work. Marjorie was thoroughly embedded in local community organisations such as the CWA and Red Cross. (125) She had continued to support Jingalup school which by the 1950s had grown significantly, and she hosted the Minister of Education and other dignitaries' visits to the district. (126) In letters to Virginia, she discussed the latest fashions as well as art and music. Kindergarten teachers were poorly paid in Australia and Marjorie and Alf supplemented Virginia's income, enabling her to enjoy a busy social life and vacations with friends, as well as teaching. (127)

In contrast to her mother's and grandmother's localised paid work as teachers, Virginia's peripatetic teaching career was indicative of the greater freedoms accorded to young single women in the post war era, as well as her agency and commitment to the teaching profession. Nevertheless, marriage and maternity continued to be women's destiny in the post war years. Australian women were marrying at an increasingly younger age than had been the case with Marjorie's generation. Marriage was virtually universal in the 1950s, and single women over the age of twenty-five were discussed pejoratively as spinsters. (128) Marjorie had married at the age of twenty-nine and was well aware of the social pressure; she and Ella Keeves agreed that "we do like to see our children marrying" but at a "sensible age [when] they are old enough to know what they really want and distinguish false from true". (129) Virginia was thirty in 1955 when a friend in Kojonup commented to Marjorie that "Virginia should come home to marry some nice farmer, and then we'll all be happy". (130) Virginia did return to Kojonup in December 1956 and helped Marjorie and Alf on the farm for the next two years. (131)

Resuming teaching as paid work in August 1959, Virginia accepted a position with the Keogh family who lived on a remote sheep station 700 miles from Kojonup. (132) In keeping with her own elementary education, Virginia taught three little boys at home using correspondence lessons from the Western Australian education department. She enjoyed this work and asked Marjorie to send additional teaching aids and poster paints. (133) Marjorie provided educational advice in her letters in the manner of Edith in the 1930s. She added "that kind of farm life and education life is fitting for you and me nowadays. Too many crowds and people and noise for too long rather "gets" our kind of person after our country life". (134)

Notwithstanding Marjorie's comments about country life, she and Alf sold the farm in 1960 and retired to live in Adelaide. Marjorie was soon ensconced in the Unitarian and KUSA communities, and refreshing her networks at the Kindergarten Graduates Club. (135) She talked with her best friend, Ella Keeves, most days and they "went to the opening of the new Kindergarten College" in May 1961, almost thirty years after Edith had lobbied for the same outcome. Marjorie and Ella were photographed for the social pages of the local newspaper and copies were sent to Virginia in Western Australia and Lillian de Lissa in England. (136) In essence, Marjorie's educational interests in retirement mostly resembled Edith's. Education in its broadest sense was a life-long commitment for both generations of the Hubbe-Caw women.

In July 1961, the third generation of this teaching family was the focus of social anxiety. Nationally, the Australian Women's Weekly was promoting Queen Elizabeth in England and Jackie Kennedy in the USA, together with their children, as exemplars of modern motherhood and married life. (137) Locally, an older male family friend upset thirty-six year old Virginia with comments about her marital status, and she recounted this scenario in a letter to her mother. Marjorie's response highlighted continuities in gender relations and incorporated the intensification of social pressure on women to comply with hegemonic femininity: "I wouldn't be too worried about Bob Reid's remark - that kind of thing is always said about our kind of girl". (138) Referring to her own youth, she noted that one young man, "if we didn't admire and make a fuss of him always said we were odd and didn't like men; and other boys and men use the same kind of weapon because they do not understand our kind of women". Marjorie implied that our kind of women were assertive and intellectually independent rather than passive and subordinate to men. Reverting to the contemporary situation, she claimed that the marriage imperative was more acute in the country than the city where "there are so many interesting things to do and see and such fine and useful work to do with and for children and other people". Additionally, "enormous commercial interests are always advertising glamour and sex and clothes and houses and they write to engaged girls advertising all their goods and bull dozing them into what, if there was no outside pressure, neither they nor the man would go into so lightly and inadvisedly--without real love which is a rare and wonderful thing". Some of Marjorie's friends' daughters had "married in haste and had ghastly lives, and made their children and their mother's lives miserable"; and elderly friends "were having such difficult times with old, selfish, bossy husbands". After noting that her husband, Alf, was "fast asleep with the TV talking science to him", Marjorie concluded her letter to Virginia, "I love you and courage is our middle name". (139) In essence, she urged her daughter not to subordinate her life to other people's demands but to demonstrate her independence in the manner of women in the Hubbe-Caw family.

Although Marjorie urged her daughter to relocate to Adelaide in 1962, Virginia's life soon matched the wishes of the person who had urged her to marry a nice farmer. She married Mick Lee, a farmer in the Kojonup district in the mid-1960s. (140) Their son and daughter were born in 1968 and 1969 respectively, and correspondence between the second and third generation of this teaching family resonated with their forbears. (141) In 1972, for example, Virginia was feeling tired from tending to her children who were "coughing in the night", contemplating her speech to the next CWA meeting, and had earlier "called the roll at the Jingalup school reunion". (142)

While Virginia seemed to be following in her mother's footsteps in the 1970s, another material and discursive shift in women's lives was gathering momentum. The postwar baby boom had created an enormous demand for teachers. There were advertising campaigns to recruit married women teachers into state education departments and a reinvigorated feminist movement was canvassing married women's right to paid work. (143) The woman teacher as working mother was eventually legitimated in 1969 with the removal of the marriage bar in the South Australian and Western Australian education departments. (144) Nevertheless, there was still substantial support for the citizen mother who prioritised domestic life and community obligations over paid work. Amidst these tensions, Marjorie participated in an oral history interview which focused on her highly-regarded mother Edith and the Advanced School for Girls. Marjorie highlighted Edith's leadership of the Advanced School prior to her marriage and claimed that Edith had declined to re-enter the education department "because she had five children" and "it was considered odd to leave your children". (145) Notwithstanding Edith's subsequent career at Knightsbridge school, Marjorie assured the interviewer that Edith was "a proper mother" because she maximised her time at home "and we always had Saturday and Sunday together". When the interviewer proposed that "your mother was always interested in her career and saw herself broadly as an educationist", Marjorie agreed but her response focused on Edith's application of her ideas about Froebel at home with the Hubbe children rather than Knightsbridge. (146) Marjorie was extremely proud of her mother's contributions to education but resisted the concept of the working mother. While Edith's teaching as a working mother had not been so unusual for a woman of her generation, Marjorie's generation had witnessed the triumph of the citizen mother and Marjorie had made the most of her teaching as unpaid work and her executive skills in Kojonup. In essence, Marjorie was reflecting the contemporary tensions regarding women's lives and work as teachers.

As for the third generation of the Hubbe-Caw teaching family, Virginia had benefited greatly from her grandmother's and mother's unwavering commitments to progressive education, along with her mother's pedagogical skills, throughout her childhood. There were continuities in their KTC training and just as Marjorie had been inducted into Edith's educational networks at the Adelaide KTC, Virginia was supported by Marjorie's ongoing connections with women educators and activists in Australia and England. Virginia's agency in constructing her career was facilitated by the postwar demand for teachers and her teaching experiences were more diverse than previous generations of this family. In keeping with her grandmother and mother, Virginia's interest in progressive education did not abate when she married, nor did her affection for Jingalup school: She "collected the autographs of all previous students and staff in a specially bound book" at a reunion in 1977 and subsequently donated her teaching materials to the Kojonup Historical Society. (147) Marjorie's Montessori equipment had been given to the Adelaide KTC in the 1950s. (148) Marjorie had begged her mother to keep their correspondence in the 1930s, and Edith had resisted disposing it during World War Two campaigns for recycling paper. (149) Following Marjorie's death in 1993, Virginia (and Billec) deposited the Hubbe-Caw correspondence at the University of Adelaide, thereby preserving "real and human" letters that show three generations of women weaving their teaching and commitments to progressive education into the fabric of their everyday lives. The educational biographies of three generations of this teaching family not only exemplify the old saying, "once a teacher, always a teacher" but they also highlight women's agency in negotiating their lives and work within the spaces made available to them from the mid-nineteenth to the mid-twentieth century.

Kay Whitehead

Flinders University in South Australia


(1) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 7 July 1931, Edith Hubbe (Cook) and Marjorie Caw (Hubbe) Papers, 1859-1988, MSS 0046/2, Barr Smith Library, University of Adelaide (hereafter MSS 0046/2, BSL).

(2) In this article "kindergarten" refers to pre-school education rather than the early years of schooling.

(3) E. Sherwood and A. Freshwater, "All in the Family or Whose Life is it Anyway? Challenges of Writing Narrative Educational Biography about a Relative," Vitae Scholasticae 27, no. 1 (2010): 60.

(4) For example, A. Sadovnik and S. Semel, eds, Founding Mothers and Others: Women Educational Leaders in the Progressive Era (New York: Palgrave, 2002); K. Weiler, Country Schoohvomen: Teaching in Rural California, 1850-1950 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998); M. Hilton and P. Hirsch eds, Practical Visionaries: Women, Education and Social Progress 1790-1930 (Harlow: Pearson Education Limited, 2000).

(5) For example, E. Janak, "'Revelle"-ing in History: Lessons Learned From a Family of Teachers," Vitae Scholasticae 29, no. 1 (2012): 23-37; G. Clifford, "'Marry, Stitch, Die and Do Worse': Educating Women for Work," Work, Youth and Schooling: Historical Perspectives on Vocationalism in American Education, eds H. Kantor and D. Tyack (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1982), 236; K. Whitehead, "The Teaching Family, Waged Work and New Women in South Australian Schooling," Transformations in Schooling: Historical and Comparative Perspectives, ed. K. Tolley (New York: Palgrave Press, 2007), 159-163; C. Reynolds, "The Ideology of Domesticity: Re-constructions Across Three Generations in Ontario," Women Teaching, Women Learning: Historical Perspectives, eds E. Smyth and P. Bourne (Toronto: Inanna Publications and Education Inc.), 213-231.

(6) For an overview of de Lissa's career see K. Whitehead, "Contextualising and Contesting National Identities," Vitae Scholasticae, 26 no. 1 (2009): 44-45, reprinted in Life Stories: Exploring Issues in Educational History Through Biography, eds L. Morice and L. Puchner (Charlotte: Information Age Publishing, Inc., 2014), 233-252.

(7) K. Whitehead, Lillian de Lissa, Women Teachers and Teacher Education in the Twentieth Century: A Transnational History (Oxford: Peter Lang, 2016).

(8) Reynolds, "The Ideology of Domesticity", 213.

(9) Observer, 20 February 1915,41; Interview with Harriet Marjorie Caw by Beth Robertson (1979), OH 31 / 3, State Library of South Australia (hereafter SLSA); Interview with Harriet Marjorie Caw by Mary Hutchinson (1981), OH 3/1, SLSA.

(10) Weiler, Country Schoolwomen, 161.

(11) L. Stanley, "The Epistolarium: On Theorizing Letters and Correspondences," Auto/Biography 12 (2004): 202.

(12) L. Stanley, "The Epistolary Gift, the Editorial Third-Party, Counter-Epistolaria: Rethinking the Epistolarium," Life Writing 8, no. 2 (2011): 137-138.

(13) Register, 21 December 1917, 6; South Australian Weekly Chronicle, 19 April 1862, 3.

(14) L. Trethewey, "Lucy Spence Morice: Working Towards a Just Society via the Education of Citizens and Socialist Feminist Collective Action," Vitae Scholasticae 26, no. 1 (2009): 62; For a discussion of women and Unitarianism see R. Watts, "Mary Carpenter: Educator of the Children of the Perishing and Dangerous Classes," Practical Visionaries: Women, Education and Social Progress 1790-1930, eds M. Hilton and P. Hirsch (Harlow: Pearson Education Limited, 2000), 39-51.

(15) E. Hubbe to M. Caw, 5 May 1929, MSS 0046/21, BSL; H. Jones, Nothing Seemed Impossible: Women's Education and Social Change in South Australia, 1875-1915 (St Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1985), 38-55.

(16) Register, 20 August 1918, 4; Jones, Nothing Seemed Impossible, 39.

(17) Trethewey, "Lucy Spence Morice", 62-63.

(18) S. Eade, "Spence, Catherine Helen (1825-1910)," Australian Dictionary of Biography Vol. 6 (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1976).

(19) Whitehead, "The Teaching Family", 159-163.

(20) Observer, 20 February 1915, 41.

(21) South Australian Chronicle and Weekly Mail, 17 July 1875, 7; Whitehead, "The Teaching Family", 159-163.

(22) Observer, 20 February 1915, 41; Jones, Nothing Seemed Impossible, 45.

(23) Whitehead, "The Teaching Family", 161.

(24) Quoted in Jones, Nothing Seemed Impossible, 24; Register, 3 November 1879,4.

(25) Jones, Nothing Seemed Impossible, 38-45.

(26) Observer, 20 February 1915, 41.

(27) Ibid; Jones, Nothing Seemed Impossible, 48.

(28) Jones, Nothing Seemed Impossible, 50.

(29) Observer, 20 February 1915, 41.

(30) South Australian Weekly Chronicle, 29 December 1883, 8.

(31) Adelaide Observer, 2J December 1884,15; Pictorial Australian, 1 May 1886, 70.

(32) South Australian Weekly Chronicle, 27 December 1884, 8.

(33) K. Lees, Votes for Women: The Australian Story (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1995), 13-30.

(34) Trethewey, "Lucy Spence Morice", 63-68.

(35) Interview with Harriet Marjorie Caw by Mary Hutchinson (1981), 11, OH 3/1, SLSA.

(36) Whitehead, "The Teaching Family", 160-163; Jones, Nothing Seemed Impossible, 54; M. Theobald, Knowing Women: Origins of Women's Education in Nineteenth-Century Australia (Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 130-172.

(37) Evening Journal, 19 December 1885, 6.

(38) B. Condon, The Confidential Letterbook of the South Australian Inspector General of Schools, 1880-1914, (Adelaide: Murray Park Sources in the History of South Australian Education, 1976), 161.

(39) Interview with Harriet Marjorie Caw by Mary Hutchinson (1981), 17-18, OH 3/1, SLSA; Interview with Harriet Marjorie Caw by Beth Robertson (1979), 1-2, OH 31/3, SLSA; Advertiser, 8 December 1943, 3.

(40) Interview with Harriet Marjorie Caw by Mary Hutchinson (1981), 4, OH 3/1, SLSA.

(41) Ibid, 1, 6,16, 19.

(42) Register, 26 February 1923,10.

(43) Interview with Harriet Marjorie Caw by Mary Hutchinson (1981), 6,17, OH 3/1, SLSA.

(44) Advertiser, 8 December 1943, 3.

(45) Advertiser, 25 March 1931, 5; Jones, Nothing Seemed Impossible, 66-86.

(46) Trethewey, "Lucy Spence Morice", 70; Whitehead, "Contextualising and Contesting National Identities," 44-45.

(47) South Australian Weekly Chronicle, 29 November 1910, 8.

(48) Register, 27 November 1885, 5.

(49) South Australian Weekly Chronicle, 6 February 1886,10; Chronicle, 6 June 1896, 15; Chronicle, 27 February 1897, 23.

(50) Advertiser, 3 March 1900,10; Table Talk, 15 March 1900,10; Evening Journal, 15 September 1900, 4; Adelaide Observer, 22 September 1900, 8; E. Yeo, "Constructing and Contesting Motherhood, 1750-1950," Hecate 31, no. 2 (2005): 4.

(51) S. Swain, E. Warne and P. Grimshaw, "Constructing the Working Mother: Australian Perspectives, 1920-1970," Hecate 31, no. 2 (2005): 22; M. Gilding, The Making and Breaking of the Australian Family (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1991), 31-53.

(52) Interview with Harriet Marjorie Caw by Mary Hutchinson (1981), 10, 16, OH 3/1, SLSA.

(53) Advertiser, 25 December 1908, 12; Interview with Harriet Marjorie Caw by Mary Hutchinson (1981), 14, OH 3/1, SLSA.

(54) Interview with Harriet Marjorie Caw by Mary Hutchinson (1981), 15, OH 3/1, SLSA.

(55) Interview with Harriet Marjorie Caw by Beth Robertson (1979), 2-3, OH 31 / 3, SLSA; Daily Herald, 17 December 1910,12.

(56) Interview with Harriet Marjorie Caw by Beth Robertson (1979), 8, OH 31 / 3, SLSA.

(57) Ibid, 2; Whitehead, Lillian de Lissa, 32-37.

(58) Quoted in Whitehead, Lillian de Lissa, 55.

(59) Whitehead, Lillian de Lissa, 54-60.

(60) Marjorie Hubbe's Psychology Exam, 14 September 1913, MSS 0046/47/9, BSL; Whitehead, Lillian de Lissa, 54-60.

(61) Marjorie Hubbe's Weekly Plans and Reflections, MSS 0046/47/8, BSL.

(62) Interview with Harriet Marjorie Caw by Beth Robertson (1979), 3-7, OH 31 / 3, SLSA; Mail, 18 October 1913, 2; Observer, 20 February 1915,41.

(63) Advertiser, 18 May 1915, 14; Interview with Harriet Marjorie Caw by Beth Robertson (1979), 8, OH 31/3, SLSA.

(64) Interview with Harriet Marjorie Caw by Beth Robertson (1979), 10, 12, 18, OH 31/3, SLSA; Mail, 18 December 1915, 6; Mail, 22 September 1917,11.

(65) Critic, 2 August 1916, 24; Cobargo Chronicle, 19 August 1916,17.

(66) Register, 9 September 1920, 9; Interview with Harriet Marjorie Caw by Beth Robertson (1979), 7-8, OH 31 / 3, SLSA; Whitehead, Lillian de Lissa, 61-62.

(67) Interview with Harriet Marjorie Caw by Beth Robertson (1979), 10, 12, 18, OH 31/3, SLSA.

(68) M. Hubbe to A. Caw, 20 July 1919, MSS 0046/41, BSL.

(69) Interview with Harriet Marjorie Caw by Beth Robertson (1979), 10, OH 31/3, SLSA.

(70) Register, 11 March 1922, 6; Register, 26 February 1923, 10; E. Hubbe to M. Caw, 24 February 1922, MSS 0046/21, BSL.

(71) Interview with Harriet Marjorie Caw by Beth Robertson (1979), 10, OH 31 / 3, SLSA; Advertiser, 22 January 1925, 8.

(72) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 15 October 1934, 23 October 1934, MSS 0046/2, BSL.

(73) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 9 December 1930, MSS 0046/2, BSL; K. Holmes, Spaces in Her Day: Australian Women's Diaries 1920s-1930s (St Leonards: Allen and Unwin, 1993), 60-63.

(74) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 9 December 1930, 8 December 1936,13 May 1940, MSS 0046/2, BSL.

(75) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 10 April 1928, MSS 0046/2, BSL.

(76) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 26 January 1931, MSS 0046/2, BSL.

(77) Great Southern Herald, 21 May 1932, 4; M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 31 May 1932, MSS 0046/2, BSL.

(78) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 3 September 1934, MSS 0046/2, BSL;

(79) Interview with Harriet Marjorie Caw by Beth Robertson (1979), 17, OH 31/3, SLSA.

(80) Yeo, "Constructing and Contesting Motherhood", 5-7; Swain, Warne and Grimshaw, "Constructing the Working Mother", 25; Gilding, The Making and Breaking of the Australian Family, 6.

(81) E. Hubbe to M. Caw, 6 October 1924,4 June 1933,26 May 1935, MSS 0046 / 21, BSL.

(82) E. Hubbe to M. Caw, 22 August 1927, MSS 0046/21, BSL; Australian Christian Commonwealth, 23 September 1932,16.

(83) E. Hubbe to M. Caw, 26 September 1927, MSS 0046/21, BSL.

(84) Advertiser, 25 March 1931, 9; E. Hubbe to M. Caw, 31 May 1936, MSS 0046/21, BSL.

(85) E. Hubbe to M. Caw, 5 May 1929; 14 January 1936, 10 August 1938, 24 October 1938, 2 June 1940, MSS 0046/21, BSL.

(86) E. Hubbe to M. Caw, 13 August 1938, MSS 0046/21, BSL.

(87) M. Caw to A. Caw, 2 April 1930, MSS 0046/41, BSL.

(88) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 27 August 1931, MSS 0046/2, BSL.

(89) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 22 November 1927, MSS 0046/2, BSL.

(90) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 25 November 1929, MSS 0046/2, BSL.

(91) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 9 December 1930, MSS 0046/2, BSL.

(92) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 2 July 1933, MSS 0046/2, BSL.

(93) E. Hubbe to M. Caw, 9 June 1929, MSS 0046/21, BSL.

(94) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 25 August 1930, MSS 0046/2, BSL.

(95) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 6 August 1929, 21 March 1931,12 July 1931,14 March 1932, MSS 0046/2, BSL.

(96) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 30 June 1930, MSS 0046/2, BSL

(97) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 25 August 1930, MSS 0046/2, BSL.

(98) Western Mail, 6 August 1936,10; Gilding, The Making and Breaking of the Australian Family, 10, 29.

(99) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 12 July 1931, 6 March 1934, MSS 0046/2, BSL.

(100) V. Caw to E. Hubbe, 29 September 1930, MSS 0046/2, BSL; M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 26 May 1935, MSS 0046/2, BSL; Western Mail, 3 September 1936,13.

(101) Great Southern Herald, 15 May 1929,3; V. Caw to E. Hubbe, 23 October 1934, MSS 0046/2, BSL.

(102) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 19 June 1933,19 March 1934, MSS 0046/2, BSL.

(103) E. Hubbe to M. Caw, 4 May 1936, MSS 0046/21, BSL.

(104) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 21 November 1935, MSS 0046/2, BSL.

(105) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 7 May 1937, MSS 0046/2, BSL; B. Hobbs, Give Them Wings: Schools of the Kojonup District, 1863-2009 (Kojonup: Kojonup Historical Society, 2010), 159-162.

(106) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 6 February 1938, MSS 0046/2, BSL.

(107) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 14 February 1938, 1 August 1938, MSS 0046/2, BSL; West Australian, 28 July 1938,11.

(108) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 14 February 1939, MSS 0046/2, BSL.

(109) Western Mail, 17 November 1938,55; E. Hubbe to M. Caw, 2 December 1939, MSS 0046/21, BSL.

(110) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 23 January 1939, 30 March 1939, MSS 0046/2, BSL.

(111) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 8 September 1941, 15 September 1941, MSS 0046/2, BSL.

(112) E. Hubbe to V. Caw, 15 September 1941, MSS 0046/21, BSL.

(113) E. Hubbe to M. Caw, 13 August 1941, MSS 0046/21, BSL.

(114) Daily News, 9 March 1944, 7; Daily News, 26 October 1945,3; West Australian, 20 May 1942, 5.

(115) M. Caw to A. Caw, 7 October 1945, MSS 0046/41, BSL.

(116) H. Miller and P. Butler, Kindergarten Training College One Hundred Years 1907-2007: Memories of Graduates (Adelaide: The de Lissa Association of Early Childhood Graduates Inc., 2007), 148,185, 225; Advertiser, 6 December 1947, 4.

(117) A. Caw to M. Caw, 27 January 1947, MSS 0046/22, BSL; Miller and Butler, Kindergarten Training College, 6-8.

(118) Great Southern Herald, 27 February 1948, 4.

(119) West Australian, 13 October 1947,13; Great Southern Herald, 15 October 1947,5.

(120) M. Caw to E. Hubbe, 8 January 1929, MSS 0046/2, BSL.

(121) Advertiser, 6 July 1951,10; Western Mail, 16 August 1951, 34.

(122) M. Caw to A. Caw, 1 August 1950, 29 October 1950, MSS 0046/41, BSL; Whitehead, Lillian de Lissa, 214-215.

(123) M. Caw to A. Caw, 2 March 1951, MSS 0046/41, BSL; Great Southern Herald, 7 September 1951, 4.

(124) M. Caw to V. Caw, 16 November 1953, MSS 0046/40, BSL; Advertiser, 24 June 1954,13.

(125) Great Southern Herald, 22 May 1953, 7; Great Southern Herald, 11 April 1953, 5.

(126) M. Caw to V. Caw, 24 September 1956, MSS 0046/40, BSL; Great Southern Herald, 21 May 1954, 4.

(127) M. Caw to V. Caw, 8 May 1955, 31 October 1955, MSS 004/40, BSL.

(128) Examiner, 5 January 1952, 7; Australian Women's Weekly, 5 May 1954, 77; Whitehead, Lillian de Lissa, 185-190.

(129) E. Keeves to M. Caw, 24 November 1949, MSS 0046/47/1, BSL.

(130) M. Caw to V. Caw, 1 June 1955, MSS 0046/40, BSL.

(131) M. Caw to K. Cook, 31 December 1956, MSS 0046/44, BSL.

(132) M. Caw to K. Cook, 24 August 1959, MSS 0046/44, BSL.

(133) Ibid; M. Caw to V. Caw, 4 July 1960,15 March 1961, MSS 0046/40, BSL.

(134) M. Caw to V. Caw, 8 December 1961, MSS 0046/40, BSL.

(135) M. Caw to V. Caw, 23 March 1961, MSS 0046/40, BSL.

(136) M. Caw to V. Caw, 5 May 1961, 28 June 1961, MSS 0046/40, BSL.

(137) Australian Women's Weekly, 1 March 1961, 7; Australian Women's Weekly, 2 June 1961,14.

(138) M. Caw to V. Caw, 8 July 1961, MSS 0046/40, BSL.

(139) Ibid.

(140) M. Caw to V. Caw, 21 March 1962, MSS 0046/40, BSL; Hobbs, Give Them Wings, 185.

(141) See photograph of the Lee family, September 1969, MSS 0046/ 63.

(142) V. Lee to M. Caw, 23 September 1972, MSS 0046/23, BSL.

(143) Whitehead, Lillian de Lissa, 188-189; Weiler, Country Schoolivomen, 33; Swain, Warne and Grimshaw, "Constructing the Working Mother", 21.

(144) M. Theobald, "And Gladly Teach? The Making of a Woman's Profession," Women Teaching, Women Learning: Historical Perspectives, eds E. Smyth and P. Bourne (Toronto: Inanna Publications and Education Inc., 2006), 69.

(145) Interview with Harriet Marjorie Caw by Mary Hutchinson (1981), 10, OH 3/1, SLSA.

(146) Interview with Harriet Marjorie Caw by Mary Hutchinson (1981), 23, OH 3/1, SLSA.

(147) Hobbs, Give Them Wings, 168-169,185.

(148) M. Caw to K. Cook, 16 June 1958, MSS 0046/44, BSL.

(149) E. Hubbe to M. Caw, 12 May 1940, MSS 0046/21, BSL.
COPYRIGHT 2016 Caddo Gap Press
No portion of this article can be reproduced without the express written permission from the copyright holder.
Copyright 2016 Gale, Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.

Article Details
Printer friendly Cite/link Email Feedback
Author:Whitehead, Kay
Publication:Vitae Scholasticae
Article Type:Biography
Geographic Code:8AUST
Date:Mar 22, 2016
Previous Article:Editor's note.
Next Article:Ruth Harris' principles helped African American students beat the odds.

Terms of use | Privacy policy | Copyright © 2020 Farlex, Inc. | Feedback | For webmasters