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The nearly simultaneous opening of the Suez Canal and the Pacific Railroad, in 1869, has long been hailed as a watershed in the rise of global transport infrastructure. However, these long-awaited projects were simply very expensive upgrades for a planet-encircling transport network that already existed, one that was regular, scheduled, and commercial: in short, a proper logistical system. This network consisted of an array of regional transport systems that finally linked up, around the world, during an eleven-month period in 1866-1867 that I call the Global Moment. The events of this brief period form a hitherto undiscussed but important chapter in the history of globalization.

The Global Moment of the late 1860s was an achievement of globality, the outcome of an ongoing process of globalization. Writers like Daniel Yergin employ the term "globality" to refer to a world in which key conditions have been altered by globalization. (1) I use the term similarly, but recognize the possibility of many points of globality occurring on multiple trajectories of globalization, encompassing historical moments when major globalizing syntheses occurred. Here, I am only concerned with the point at which nineteenth-century globalization first produced a planet-encircling transport and communication network.

I have opted to refer to nineteenth-century globalization because the term "modern globalization" is vague and controversial. For instance, Manfred Steger's concept of modern globalization begins in 1750, in the age of sail, wooden ships, and mercantilism, and runs into the 1980s, an era of intercontinental jet liners, satellite communications, and multi-national corporations. (2) Meanwhile, as many scholars of Asian history contend, precolonial China, Japan, and India, far from being so-called traditional societies, each had equivalents of the classic markers of modernity, in particular those elements crucial to the rise of capital markets and large-scale trade. (3) Notably missing, of course, is industrial production, but while one can argue, as Kenneth Pomeranz does, that on this score China fell behind England, with its "coal and colonies," a stronger case can be made that Asian countries did not develop factories in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries because they could already out-produce and out-sell the West without them. (4) Later, the convergence of Western modernity in its colonial mode with indigenous modernities yielded novel, hybrid conditions and experiences: trains in British India, for instance, differed from those in Britain, which in turn differed from American trains. (5) Use of the term "nineteenth-century globalization" lets us be more specific about chronology; inclusive of persistent indigenous and hybrid forms of modernity, capitalism, and global interaction; and, finally, focused on four crucial technologies of the early and mid-Victorian age that networked the world as never before: railways, steamships, telegraphy, and stagecoaches. In this article, we will devote most of our attention to transport.

At the core of this article is a simulated journey through the global transport network during the Global Moment, an exercise that serves several purposes. To begin with, the simulation shows that the Global Moment occurred, providing a detailed description of the component parts of the mid-nineteenth century global transport network and of how its segments connected. The simulation sheds light on what a round-the-world journey entailed in the 1860s, testing the robustness of the network and the reliability of its timetables at the moment of its emergence. As the simulation includes alternative routes, it allows us to compare different parts of the transport network. Finally, the simulation highlights the physical infrastructure of globality, which in turn leads us to a clearer understanding of the chronology and processes of globalization.

Significantly, the simulation is not run under optimal conditions. The imagined voyage reconstructs the experiences of a postulated traveler who sets out from London at 7 a.m. on 25 December 1866, proceeding eastward--against the monsoon--to circumnavigate the earth solely by regular, scheduled, commercial means, in exactly 124 days. This deadline is an expectation based on timetables: if all goes well, he can expect to return by 7 a.m. on 28 April 1867. My intention is not to simulate the fastest possible round-the-world journey, but the earliest one practicable, from London, based on information publicly available at the time. (6) The simulation was constructed using railway and stagecoach schedules, guidebooks, ships' logbook abstracts, the actual departure and arrival times of steamships and stagecoaches, passenger lists, travelers' accounts, and newspaper articles regarding transport issues and weather conditions. The ability to make connections was established by using passenger lists, travelers' writings, and newspaper reports to track specific passengers and mail shipments from one segment of the transport network to another.

As the sources used suggest, the simulation is subject to documented historical constraints, including delays due to natural disasters, seasonal headwinds, storms, managerial decisions, overbooking, mechanical breakdowns, and criminal activity. All of these problems--and even a hungry tiger--were in fact encountered during the different versions of the journey. The simulation allows the imagined travelers to alter their itinerary, if necessary, but in that case they still must return to London by their originally predicted date and time, if possible.

Surely, though, following a passenger merely tells us how well this early global network could move wealthy travelers around the world? Actually, in the transport systems of the 1860s there was little difference, in terms of scheduling, between a passenger, a bag of mail, or a crate of steamer cargo; all three traveled together, especially at sea, although sometimes, on land, heavy cargo was loaded onto slower freight trains or freight wagons. (7) It should be noted that, in the nineteenth century, "mail" did not mean a few bags of letters; a "mail" could weigh several tons, including commercial parcels that, today, might be considered freight. The degree to which steamer cargo was separated from the carriage of passengers and mail in the mid-nineteenth century has been exaggerated, and the trend in the shipping industry--one that influenced steamer design--was toward a single, integrated logistical stream, maximizing profits per voyage. (8) Of course, the practical reason for following a person (instead of, say, a bale of silk from Yokohama) is that mail and cargo do not circle the earth, whereas a human globetrotter would make such a journey and most likely return to his exact point of departure.

Several people left accounts of journeys around the world in 1866-1867, including the Coffins, an American couple who exploited the Global Moment to turn a tour of Europe and Egypt into a circuit of the planet. (9) An American China Trade merchant, Abiel Abbott Low, participated in the Global Moment in order to inspect business interests in the Far East, accompanied by his wife and son. Later, the Lows met their daughters in Italy to enjoy a summer holiday in Europe before returning home to New York. There, Abiel Abbott Low addressed fellow Chamber of Commerce members, speaking about what we would call globalization. (10) Indeed, the writings of these travelers indicate a widespread awareness of the Global Moment, and an appreciation of its significance. (11) However, these people sensibly took their time, stopping along the way to explore. The first continuous round-the-world journey we know of, using the new network, was that of Edmond Planchut, a Frenchman whose 1868 journey was similar to the primary one described here. Unfortunately, his account of his travels is incomplete for, upon reaching the U.S., he dismisses the remainder of his journey as being already too familiar to his readers to bear description. Planchut's journey, like my simulation, took 124 days. (12)


The central historiographical issue of this article concerns the origins and early development of nineteenth-century globalization. A clear, nuanced, and firm chronology of nineteenth-century globalization can be worked out by tracing the evolution of the different segments of the global transport network of the 1860s. In other words, we can follow the infrastructure of the Global Moment back to specific causes that played a key role in the rise and shaping of nineteenth-century globalization, and in doing so we can gain insight into the political, economic, cultural, and other such forces that drove the world, in a rather pell-mell fashion, to a point of globality in 1866-1867.

Globalization is a word without a clear or uncontested definition, and much academic ink has been spilled trying to establish what the term should mean. (13) Immanuel Wallerstein rejects the concept of globalization entirely, dividing the world between a hegemonic Western core and an exploited, impoverished, and dependent periphery. (14) At the opposite end of the spectrum, Andre Gunder Frank and Barry K. Gills propose a definition of globalization that subsumes nearly all economic activity over the past 5,000 years. (15) For our purposes, the most useful part of Frank and Gills' study is William H. McNeill's foreword, which draws attention to "communication nets," or structures that transmit material wealth, ideas, and cultural practices. The extent of these structures can, he argues, measure the world's unity in any given period. (16) I contend that the structures of globalization are the key to understanding the concept.

According to Wallerstein, there were two nineteenth-century modernities--a modernity of "liberation," which he associates with the French and other revolutions, and a capitalist and material modernity. Initially, both forms of modernity promoted science and technology, but after 1815 technology was separated from the idea of liberation and instead yoked to liberalism, "the emblematic ideology of the capitalist world-economy." Liberalism ended the Corn Laws that artificially enhanced grain prices, but introduced the Factory Acts, enabling mill owners to more effectively exploit their workers. Thus, liberalism ejected the physiocratic state of the Enlightenment and replaced it with one controlled by the bourgeoisie, which promoted and safeguarded the interests of capitalist technological modernity. (17) In his Age of Capital, written in the 1970s, Eric J. Hobsbawm also remarks that Britain's industrial revolution "swallowed" the French Revolution, and that Western powers pursued empire-building--a technology-driven process--as an alternative to the failed social revolts of 1848. The 1850s, Hobsbawm writes, were "quiet but expansionist," and characterized by the emergence of a "global perspective." This decade was followed by the "turbulent" 1860s and the "boom and slump" of the 1870s. The expansion of global trade, however, had begun in the 1830s with the rise of capitalism. (18) As we will see, Hobsbawm's general chronology is very close to the mark with regard to the rise of nineteenth-century globalization.

In the 1990s, globalization was frequently "defined" as international commodity price convergence, and held to be initially caused, in the nineteenth century, by free trade ideology (i.e., liberalism), steam power, and telegraphy, albeit only in the Atlantic World. This thinking reflects the connection between these studies and Paul Bairoch's work on the macroeconomic effects of transatlantic trade. (19) For Kevin H. O'Rourke and Jeffrey G. Williamson, continuing this historiographical tradition, nineteenth-century globalization stemmed from London's emerging capital market and a sustained decline of tariffs and shipping costs. Such factors led to "transatlantic" convergence: trade increased Europe's food supply while mass immigration increased the "New World's" labor supply, resulting in a greater equalization of prices. (20) O'Rourke and Williamson see the 1860s as the pivotal decade in which convergence occurred, but acknowledge lines of causality stretching back to the 1820s. Williamson's later work also admits that important alterations in trading procedures, costs, and prices occurred between Europe and Asia in the 1860s. (21) Yukio Kawano, et al, broadly support O'Rourke and Williamson, seeing waves of globalization starting in the 1830s but later punctuated by periodic setbacks. (22) Dennis Novy, et al, however, sound a note of caution regarding econometric research into price convergence, noting that falling transatlantic freight rates cannot be fully understood without applying micro-founded measures of aggregated trade costs, which are more accurate than the simple shipping costs used in most studies. (23)

My study concurs with many of O'Rourke and Williamson's conclusions regarding the causes and chronology of nineteenth-century globalization; and yet, as a historian, I find their methods problematic, as well as their cavalier dismissal of historical studies of technology, infrastructure, and trade volumes. (24) Their supposed "irrefutable evidence" for price convergence consists of freight prices for voyages between selected Atlantic ports--data of which the reader never sees even a sample in its original form. Similarly, these data are never evaluated with regard to their accuracy. In fact, the citations provided by O'Rourke and Williamson lead to old works that are mute regarding the origins of their data; thus, there is no way for readers to evaluate how reliable the data might be, or how they have been altered by econometric manipulation. (25) The work of Yukio Kawano, et al, is transparent regarding its sources, and suggests that the extrapolation of convergence based on shipping prices is based on a threadbare body of statistics, a far cry from what we would call "irrefutable evidence." (26) Furthermore, the Heckscher-Ohlin model used by O'Rourke and Williamson is notorious for its distortive simplicity. (27) Since writing Globalization and History, Williamson has extended his research beyond the Atlantic, showing more willingness to engage with the problem of nineteenth-century colonialism, a factor he dismissed earlier. However, much of this econometric research has a scarcely veiled neoliberal bias and is silent about the massive role state subsidies played in developing and sustaining global connections in the mid-nineteenth century. (28)

For Anthony G. Hopkins, globalization has four non-chronological phases: archaic, proto-, modern, and postcolonial. Indeed, these forms may overlap, coexist, and collaborate. "At the risk of trying to solidify fluidity," Hopkins suggests 1850 as the starting point for "modern globalization," although his main reason for doing so is a mysterious "degree of assent." (29) Tim N. Harper concurs with Hopkins, but notes that Western imperial powers sustained or revived structures of archaic and proto-globalization to expedite colonial administration and mobilize indigenous support. (30) Christopher C. Bayly, also a contributor to Hopkins' discussion, aligns proto-globalization with mercantilism, which caused a "flattening" of production patterns by fostering colonies that all exported similar products. During this period, European and American shipping reduced indigenous vessels worldwide to an "adjunct" role, while the tumultuous transition to modern globalization (1815-1865) was marked by last-ditch uprisings against the new order, including the Indian Revolt (1857), the Taiping Rebellion (1850-1864), and the American Civil War (1861-1865). (31)

Hopkins' concept of "modern globalization" is connected with the rise of nation-states and spreading industrialization; as such, it is necessarily Eurocentric in its origins. In explaining colonialism's role in the diffusion of modern globalization, the scholars who participated in Hopkins' project characterized non-Western societies as tied to the patterns of archaic and proto-globalization. Significantly, Tony Ballantyne sees the erosion of pre-modern cosmopolitanism as an important part of modern globalization. (32) However, historians of Southeast Asia, in particular, have asserted that cosmopolitanism was an aspect of indigenous modernity, and that, instead of being "corralled, domesticated, and harnessed," the old, diverse Asian trading communities continued to play their mediating role under colonial rule. (33) Indeed, James C. Scott claims that, in Southeast Asia, modernity was not a matter of commodities or industry, but the use of transport infrastructure to overpower the periphery's reluctance to be transformed into a "fully governed, fiscally fertile zone." Viewing all Southeast Asian states as colonizing powers, Scott separates this process from European colonialism. (34)

Since Hopkins' Globalization in World History (2002), several studies of the history of globalization have been published, and these also link nineteenth-century globalization to improved transport and communications, noting connections between the industrial revolution, colonialism, and the development of better transport infrastructure. (35) With regard to the chronology of globalization, Peter N. Stearns chooses 1850 as a "turning point," but admits that nineteenth-century globalization resulted from an "accumulation" of technological advances in the 1840s. As my own chronology will demonstrate, the 1850s were indeed a decade of synthesis, when globalization's influence around the world expanded dramatically. (36)

Roland Wenzlheumer, analyzing telegraphy's rise and impact, offers an in-depth treatment of globalization's infrastructure. A careful empirical researcher, Wenzlheumer employs a definition of globalization that applies to a wide range of developments and concerns. Globalization, he argues, is a "bundle" of overlapping, interactive, ultimately independent, but nondeterministic processes that detach "socioeconomic interaction" from "geographical proximity." (37) On the surface, Wenzlheumer's concept of globalization is similar to Zygmunt Bauman's, for whom the chief feature of modernity and globalization is acceleration--technologies that enable power, in its various forms, to deploy anywhere, at any moment. (38) Bauman is aware that acceleration is costly, and consequently reflects choices about how, where, and for whose benefit resources are invested. The instruments of globalization, even as they "unite," have alienating, localizing, and stratifying effects. (39) Manuel Castells, furthermore, notes that network structures "express, in a contradictory and conflictive pattern, the interests, values, and projects of the actors who produce the structure while being conditioned by it." (40)

Wenzlheumer reminds us that networks have centers; they operate via nodes and hubs, laying down web-like patterns, linking key points and neglecting less vital interstices. (41) The construction and life of networking infrastructure is shaped by market demand, economies of scale, political will, technological constraints, innovation, and operating procedures. (42) Niall Ferguson recently noted that networks are "not in the least bit egalitarian," and that railways, steamships, and telegraphy favored the emergence of "superhubs," with London being the most important hub of all in an era of ever-more centralized control. (43) Tony Schirato and Jen Webb urge us not to ignore technology, but not to "decontextualize" it, either: technology has the potential to shape how the world changes, but it does not explain or direct change. (44) At the same time, however, transport and communications infrastructure forms the matrix within which globalization's flows live, and without which they would disappear. (4)

When writing about infrastructure, one must be mindful of technological determinism. Trains, steamships, telegraph systems, and stagecoach lines did not globalize the world in an altruistic, Saint-Simonian fashion. (46) Rather, these technologies satisfied a pent-up, increasing demand for better transport and communications. After the Napoleonic Wars, many parts of the world--not just Europe--faced a crisis of underdevelopment exacerbated by inadequate political and economic systems, demographic changes, and rising material expectations. In many respects, this early-nineteenth century crisis was similar to that which followed World War II and preceded the current era of globalization. In the conclusion of this article, we will see how, in the 1820s and 1830s, the proponents of liberalism dismantled growth-stifling capital controls, mercantilism, and slavery in the British Empire, creating a freer market in which innovators could sell stock to muster the funds necessary to apply technological answers to society's problems on a commercially viable scale. The key to profound change, as it turned out, was to make faster, more affordable transport and communications available to ever-increasing numbers of people.

As O'Rourke and Williamson argue, the first steps toward globalization were taken in England, where strategic institutional reforms resulted in a reallocation of resources that brought about lower prices and higher wages by the 1840s. The construction of a transatlantic system able to achieve price convergence could only occur upon such a foundation. (47) Yet, here it is useful to recall Wenzlheumer's insistence that the pursuit of nineteenth-century globality was nondeterministic. (48) Although the Saint-Simonians dreamed of it, no one set out to create the earth-encircling network described in this article, nor did the idea of building a round-the-world line of transport and communications excite popular enthusiasm until just before it occurred. The first global transport network was built inadvertently by interests wholly focused on their own parts of the system. The British government and local regimes within the British Empire propped up much of the network with generous subsidies and guarantees, seeking to improve imperial linkages and promote trade. The U.S. government's interests were similar: to better connect the Atlantic and Pacific coasts, and to promote American trade with the Far East. As for France, the promotion of globalization was a quest for rapid development at home and new commercial networks abroad--such as the silk trade--that could supply raw materials for French industry. There was no commercial need for a round-the-world route, but the network's adjoining segments stood to benefit from increasing clients' options and connectivity, the best means of increasing traffic and revenues and of adjusting to structural shifts in the global economy. Thus, the encirclement of the earth by regular, commercial, scheduled transport was driven, if not exactly directed, by imperial and national interests and the capitalist pursuit of efficiency and market share.


During the 1840s, the tentacles of regular, scheduled, commercial transport reached out--first from Europe, then from America--to touch the Pacific Rim. The ocean itself, however, prevented an around-the-world linkup of what was becoming a global transport network. The coverage and service of steam-powered transport routes and telegraph systems intensified during the 1850s, while steamship, railway, and telegraph technology improved. For instance, America's flourishing steamship mail route from New York to San Francisco, via Panama, became even more useful with the opening of the Panama Railroad in 1856. Attempts to establish transpacific steamer lines between Panama and Australia followed but, due to exorbitant fuel costs and sheer distance, these efforts failed. (49)

By the mid-1860s, three new projects challenged the Pacific, one being the Russo-American Telegraph. In 1861, as the American Civil War began, the U.S. telegraph giant, Western Union, teamed up with a consortium of California telegraph firms to build the Pacific Telegraph, which soon provided electronic communications between the Atlantic and Pacific. Unfortunately, however, the Atlantic cable had broken in 1858, three weeks after its completion. President Abraham Lincoln, therefore, sanctioned a new telegraph line running up the West Coast of North America, through Russian-America, and under the Bering Strait to Siberia, there to connect with the Russian Far Eastern telegraph. Work on this line had begun, in earnest, by 1866, but the repair and doubling of the Atlantic cable that summer eliminated most of the demand justifying the project. Finally, Russia's sale of Alaska to the U.S., on 30 March 1867, ended the Czar's interest in completing the line. (50)

In 1863, the colonies of New South Wales and New Zealand began to organize a new transpacific steamship line. At the time, the Peninsular & Oriental Steamship Co. (P&O) monopolized the mail route extending from London to the Antipodes, via Egypt and Ceylon. The colonies paid subsidies to support the P&O, and complained bitterly when their mail was late, which was more often than not during the southern hemisphere's winter. (51) Only New South Wales and New Zealand, however, risked subsidizing a second line. Built upon the Intercolonial Royal Mail Co., this was a Royal (West Indian) Mail Steam Packet Co. (RMS) subsidiary called the Panama, New Zealand, and Australian Royal Mail, or PNZ&A. The PNZ&A commenced operations, from Sydney and Panama, in June 1866 but, despite herculean efforts, the company was failing by that December, with its capital tied up, credit exhausted, a slumping revenue stream, and a growing reputation for arduous voyages and missed connections with the RMS at Panama. (52)

Meanwhile, in February 1865, the U.S. Congress had approved a $500,000 subsidy to support a regular mail steamer service between San Francisco and Yokohama, via Honolulu. The contract was awarded to the Pacific Mail Steam Ship Co., the only American firm able to meet Congress's unrealistic deadline of 1 January 1867. (53) Armed with immense capital reserves earned as the West Coast's maritime lifeline, Pacific Mail bought out the Atlantic Mail Steamship Co. for $4.5 million, securing the New York-Panama-San Francisco route. (54) Pacific Mail also extended the proposed transpacific line from Yokohama to Hong Kong, dropping Honolulu from the itinerary, as its inclusion made no geographical or economic sense. (55) Finally, since four new vessels designed specifically for the transpacific run would not be ready until the summer of 1867, Pacific Mail prepared its large, recently-built S.S. Colorado to open the new line. The firm had synced its timetables with those of the major transatlantic lines, Cunard and Inman, and thus bid to compete with the P&O and France's Messageries Imperiales. (56)


Let us imagine a Victorian globetrotter--say, an academic fellow of the Royal Geographical Society (FRGS)--with a patron and [pounds sterling]400 to spend. (57) Imagine him choosing to take advantage of the Colorado's voyage to become the first person in history to make a continuous journey around the world by regular, scheduled, commercial means. (58) Our voyager would begin, in the autumn of 1866, by making choices, as all travelers must. Heading west, from London, the Atlantic crossing might be rough, but later, after reaching East Asia, one would benefit from the Northeast Monsoon. However, the connections in this direction were extremely close and could easily be missed. Since meeting the Colorado was critical, an eastward journey would have seemed preferable, as the P&O adjusted its timetable to account for the Northeast Monsoon. Furthermore, it was known that the Colorado would be loading cargo in Hong Kong between the end of January and 13 February 1867. (59) All one had to do was use the British Postal Guide or the P&O timetable to determine when to leave London in order to reach Hong Kong during this window of opportunity. (60)

In order to be aboard the P&O's steamer arriving at Hong Kong on 8 February 1867, one had to board a train leaving London no later than 7:25 a.m. on 26 December 1866, when the Eastern Mails were dispatched. (61) A prudent traveler, however, might have departed a day early, avoiding the worst of London's notoriously thick and frenetic traffic by setting out on a quiet Christmas morning. (62) Since our imaginary traveler was a FRGS, we will say he left from Burlington House, where the RGS held its meetings in 1866. (63) Climbing into a Hansom cab in the courtyard of one of Victorian England's premier academic institutions at precisely 7:00 a.m. on 25 December 1866, this traveler could have predicted his return no later than 7:00 a.m. on 28 April 1867, after a voyage lasting 124 days. (64)

Before we proceed further, it will be useful to clarify timekeeping during this simulation. The Global Moment occurred prior to the de jure standardization of time, although in most European countries--with the exception of still-disjointed Germany--a standard "railway time" had come into use for most purposes. British railway time, for instance--but not Irish railway time--was also Greenwich Time, thus synchronizing railway and steamship timetables. (65) Italy, meanwhile, had adopted Roman time as railway time even though Rome was not yet part of the Kingdom of Italy. (66) For practical purposes, most cities had set their public clocks to railway time, as this was also the time used by the postal services. An exception to this rule was France, where municipalities and ships retained the use of local time, determined by longitude, while railways employed Paris time. In the U.S., meanwhile, unofficial regional "railway times" were used for scheduling trains based on the time at major railroad hubs, and these differed, slightly, from Canadian railway time. (67)

Across most of the rest of the world, time was reckoned based on longitude, and ships' clocks were gradually reset so that they would eventually correspond to the local time at each port of call. In the American West and Australia, where railways were still relatively short, a similar practice prevailed. India, however, posed serious problems, as its railway lines extended hundreds of miles by the 1860s, across broad swaths of longitude. The East Indian Railway, for instance, used Calcutta (Kolkata) time, but this meant that railway time at Mirzapur was half an hour ahead of local time. Only in 1870 was this problem resolved by the adoption of Madras Time--midway between the time at Bombay (Mumbai) and Calcutta--as railway time throughout India. (68) Moreover, as there was not yet an International Date Line, ships crossing 180[degrees]E. Longitude simply "repeated" the day if sailing east, or skipped a day going west. (69) In this simulation, all times given during the journey are either local railway or longitudinal time, with the duration of the circumnavigation being determined according to Greenwich Time.

By law, Hansom cabs were required to travel five-to-six mph, but early films of London traffic suggest that cabmen actually averaged nine-to-ten mph. A passenger leaving Burlington House at 7:00 a.m., therefore, would have reached Victoria Station at 7:15 a.m., ten minutes before the departure of the London, Chatham, & Dover Railway's "boat train." (70) At the time of the Global Moment, the LC&DR was bankrupt, its illegal borrowing hastening the collapse of the "banker's bank," Overend, Gurney & Co. This financial catastrophe reverberated worldwide, but Parliament saved the LC&DR from liquidation because the company held a mail contract and operated the nighttime cross-Channel ferries between Dover and Calais. As such, the railway was vital to the delivery of the Eastern Mails. (71)

The popular Baptist preacher Charles Spurgeon traveled to Paris on 25 December 1866, and published an account of his journey. Thus, we know what happened that day. The LC&DR express left Victoria Station punctually, halted at Heme Hill to collect transferring passengers from Ludgate Hill Station, and arrived at Admiralty Pier, Dover, around 9:20 a.m. By 1866, trains ran right onto the dock, letting travelers walk straight from their carriages onto the gangways of the two waiting steamers, one bound for Calais, the other for Ostend, while their luggage tumbled down slides onto the ships' decks. Once the LC&DR's passengers had boarded, the South-Eastern Railway's express rolled onto the pier to unload. At 9:30 a.m., the ferries cast off, steaming away toward France and Belgium, the day steamer on the Calais line being operated by the French-flagged Royal &c Imperial Mail. (72)

The steamer landed its passengers at Calais shortly after 11:40 a.m., and those "ticketed through" to Paris, like Spurgeon, bypassed French customs in order to catch the 12:10 p.m. Chemins de Fer du Nord express. This train departed from Calais' quayside station, stopped at Amiens to pick up passengers from Boulogne, and crept into Paris' Gare du Nord, through gloomy fog, at 6:00 p.m. (73) At this point, travelers underwent a customs inspection. (74) Finally, as the P&O's steamer did not sail from Marseilles until 28 December, a traveler bound for Hong Kong could enjoy a day's rest in Paris, continuing his journey on 27 December with the Eastern Mails from London.

Today, France's railways are sometimes nicknamed l'Etoile de Legrand, referring to one of their original planners, and to the early main lines, which emanated from Paris like the points of a star. The original system was conceived under the July Monarchy, but mostly built during Napoleon Ill's Second Empire. By any measure, the railways were a successful collaboration between the state and private investors, serving public and private interests well. (75) The Baron James Rothschild had completed his Chemins de Fer du Nord lines between the Channel ports and Paris by 1848, but his company's territory was compact and highly lucrative, being France's industrial and coal-mining region. (76) Building the line from Paris to Marseilles, however, was more difficult. (77)

During the Crimean War, the Ministry of Public Works funded only high-impact projects, including the long-unfinished line from Paris to Marseilles, which opened in its entirety in 1859. The port of Marseilles, meanwhile, was modernized, partially mechanized, and enlarged. Indeed, the city's merchants looked forward to the Suez Canal's completion, believing Marseilles would become the western terminus of a new, steam-powered East India trade. (78) Their hopes were not unrealistic. The Empress Eugenie and her court had made the crinoline, a semi-industrial fashion requiring abundant silk, the haute couture of the day. The elements of a restructured Asian trade were falling into place: the completion of the Egyptian Railway and commencement of the Indian railways; a dramatic expansion of Indian cotton exports; and the opening of Yokohama, the primary treaty port of Japan, giving traders access to a new source of silk. Lyons--Europe's biggest producer of silk cloth--lay on the railway line between Marseilles and Paris, where famous designers' houses transformed textiles into fashions that would be mimicked, in less costly forms, by seamstresses all over the Western world. (79)

By December 1866, the Paris-Marseilles line belonged to the strongly-capitalized, expansive Chemins de Fer de Paris a Lyons et la Mediterranee (PLM). (80) The PLM express leaving Paris' Gare de Lyons at 11:00 a.m. on 27 December reached Marseilles the next day at 6:32 a.m., local time. Despite the P&O's scheduled "departure" time of 7:00 a.m., our imaginary traveler would have been unfazed. (81) Hiring a fiacre to convey him from the Gare Saint-Charles to the Dock Entrepot at the Bassin Napoleon, he would have arrived in time to board the S.S. Delta, enduring a cursory health inspection by the ship's doctor to satisfy Malta's quarantine rules. (82) The Eastern Mails, probably weighing fifteen or sixteen tons, as usual, were not aboard until 8:30 a.m., and the steamer did not weigh anchor until 10:00 a.m. This seemingly late start was normal, and the Delta's voyage was unexceptional: the usual coaling stop at Malta on the evening of 30 December, and a timely arrival at Alexandria at 7:30 a.m. on 3 January 1867. (83)

By design, the P&O's S.S. Nyanza had arrived several hours earlier, having left England on 20 December. The Italian steamer from Brindisi was also punctual, and thus passengers from all three ships landed at Alexandria simultaneously. (84) Those traveling to Asia or the Antipodes had only thirty-six hours to reach Suez, and thus the Egyptian Transit Authority ran a special "steamer day" express, departing four-to-five hours after the mail steamers arrived. (85) Now, let us follow the newly-knighted Lord William Hackett and his young wife, Lady Frances. Boarding the Delta at Marseilles, after a French honeymoon, the Hacketts were traveling to Penang, where Lord William was to be High Court judge. (86) They would have arrived in Cairo at 4:30 or 5:30 p.m. and, like most British travelers, would have stayed at Shepheard's Hotel, if possible. (87) They had no time for sightseeing, though. The P&O's passengers boarded the 7:00 a.m. express for Suez on 4 January, leapfrogging past slow goods trains carrying the bulk of their luggage, the Eastern Mails, and cargo as they crossed the bleak Eastern Desert. (88)

The train from Cairo reached Suez at noon, but the P&O's S.S. Golconda did not sail until 5:10 p.m., requiring passengers to idle at the hotel or roam the bazaar until the ship's tedious loading--three miles offshore, from lighters--was completed. Once underway, however, the Golconda--a "screw" steamer--made good time. Even during the so-called "cool" winter months, temperatures rose as steamers proceeded down the Red Sea. In the stokehold, where Lascars shoveled coal into boiler furnaces while observing the Ramadan fast, the intense heat and dehydration was possibly lethal for a coal-trimmer named Cupie, who died mysteriously and was quietly thrown overboard just before breakfast. Passing and signaling the P&O's S.S. Simla, the Golconda threaded her wake through the Bab el-Mandeb, steaming into Aden's Back Bay on the morning of 11 January. The next morning, after a nearly twenty-four-hour stop for coaling, the steamship set a course for the Nine Degrees Channel, between the Maldives from the Laccadives, where she steered east and north for Point de Galle. (89)

Galle, near the southern tip of Ceylon, was the P&O's hub in the Indian Ocean. The Golconda was brought through the reef by a local pilot just after dawn on 21 January, and she transferred her passengers for the Straits Settlements and the Far East to the S.S. Bebar, just in from Bombay with a cargo of high-grade Malwa opium. (90) After completing her coaling and awaiting the mail cart from Colombo, the Behar weighed anchor at 10:45 p.m., sailing for the Straits of Malacca with the Hacketts and perhaps a dozen other passengers. The Behar called at Penang at 6:30 a.m. on 28 January, departing at 2:00 p.m. for Keppel Harbour, Singapore, where she arrived at 7:45 a.m. on 30 January, a day of sweltering equatorial heat. (91)

As the Behar had fallen behind, steaming into the Northeast Monsoon, her captain cut the usual twenty-four-hour stay at Singapore short, resuming his voyage at 3:00 p.m. after coaling. For the Behar's passage across the South China Sea, we have an account penned by Ludovico, the Comte de Beauvoir, who was traveling around the world with his friend, the Due de Penthievre. According to de Beauvoir, the Behar's voyage combined the ennui of a "floating hotel" with the excitement of a severe tropical storm. Nevertheless, the P&O's steamer reached Hong Kong at 7:40 p.m. on 8 February, dropping anchor off the company's agency house as Chinese New Year's fireworks blazed overhead. (92)

Pacific Mail's agents, working with Wells Fargo &c Co. Express--a highly-respected firm among the Chinese--had secured a larger-than-expected cargo for the Colorado but had not reckoned on the difficulty of loading a ship during the Chinese New Year. (93) Due to the need to repair storm damage suffered during the Colorado's passage from San Francisco, and to the unusually slow pace of the Chinese stevedores' normally quick work, the American steamer's departure date was moved to 17 February, a few days being reserved for sprucing up the vessel and holding an "open house" during which the European, Chinese, and Indian residents of Hong Kong were treated to a banquet and a short excursion cruise. (94) Impressed, the normally anti-American British press grudgingly accepted that the world had been connected by a joint "Anglo-American" effort. (95)

The Colorado's return voyage marred an otherwise successful, profitable inauguration of the new China mail line. Steaming from Hong Kong in a drizzle on the morning of 17 February, the steamer averaged only 8.6 knots thanks to a strong Northeast Monsoon. (96) At Yokohama, she was delayed by inefficient coaling from noon on 25 February until 9:00 a.m. on 27 February. (97) Captain George S. Bradbury's orders were to use a "Great Circle" route for the Pacific crossing, as this was--theoretically--the shortest and most fuel-efficient course. The company expected the Colorado to maintain an average speed of eleven knots. Instead, she ran into snow on 3 March, and a full-blown gale the following day, requiring Bradbury to strike topmasts and put her head to the wind, lying-to while the ship's side-paddles kept moving to prevent her being borne off course. When it was safe to steer away from the wind, on 8 March, Bradbury took the steamer south into calmer seas but, with insufficient coal, he could not win back lost time with speed. Ultimately, the Colorado arrived in San Francisco on the morning of 20 March, having missed her connection with the S.S. Constitution by less than twenty-four hours. (98)

The Colorado's "through" passengers resumed their journeys on 30 March. (99) However, someone determined to reach New York by 17 April, when Cunard's S.S. Java was scheduled to sail for the British Isles, had no choice but to cross the United States. On 22 March, people in San Francisco learned that the Central Pacific Railroad had reopened its snow-buried tracks as far as the railhead at Cisco, ninety-three miles from Sacramento, near the summit of the Sierra Nevada. (100) That day, at 4:00 p.m., one could have boarded the California Steam Navigation Co.'s Chrysopolis for an eight-hour voyage upriver to Sacramento. (101) In the morning, the CPR's 6:30 a.m. express ran up to Cisco, arriving at about 12:30 p.m., carrying passengers from orange trees burdened with ripe fruit to snow-flocked pine forests. (102)

At Cisco, travelers transferred to a Wells Fargo & Co. stagecoach that was mounted on sleigh-runners, due to heavy snows, but was making good time nonetheless. (103) However, as the mail and passengers had been backed up on this heavily-traveled route during the previous week, I assume our imagined circumnavigator was held up overnight at Pollard's Lodge, at the west end of Donner Lake. Journeying east by stage on 24 March, passengers spent a morning gliding over snow on runners and a tedious afternoon on muddy wheels between the Truckee River and the Geiger Grade. (104) At Virginia City, Nevada, the Overland Mail truly began, with a 6:00 a.m. departure from the International Hotel; three-minute halts at lonely desert waystations, every two hours, to change teams; thirty minutes for lunch at one home-station, and supper at another, after sundown, followed by a night's rest. (105)

Setting out from Austin, Nevada, at dawn on 27 March, eastbound travelers reached the Ruby Valley oasis by nightfall, and began the run to Salt Lake City at 4:00 p.m. the next day. Passengers arriving from the east reported long delays, but a Chinook wind was moving along the Overland Mail route, swiftly ameliorating conditions. (106) Thus, an eastbound passenger would have reached Salt Lake City by the night of 31 March, and could take advantage of Wells Fargo's new half-price fares, which went into effect on 1 April. (107) Here, we may follow D.L. Rose and James Hughes, who boarded the 7:30 a.m. Wells Fargo coach bound for Denver. Joined by a cavalry escort at Fort Bridger, they reached Denver on the evening of 7 April or early in the morning the next day, having averaged eight mph.

The same Chinook wind that restored the Overland Mail route triggered flooding along the Platte River and its tributaries, washing out the roadbed of the UPR and destroying its bridges. (109) A prudent traveler, therefore, would have avoided the muddy road to North Platte, Nebraska. Fortunately, the U.S. Express Co. offered an alternate eastward route--the Smoky Hill Trail. Stages on this route were running through from Denver to Junction City, Kansas, "within four days," and consequently a traveler leaving the former city at 7:00 a.m. on the morning of 8 April would have arrived at the latter on the night of 11 April, in time to catch the Union Pacific Eastern Division's 5:30 a.m. express the next day. (110)

The UPED was the southern prong of the Pacific Railroad's eastern wing, but distinct from the Union Pacific. At what is now Kansas City, just west of the Missouri River, the UPED broke bulk, which took four hours, as its standard-gauge cars could not run on the broad-gauge Missouri Pacific Railroad. (111) A traveler transferring from the UPED to the MPR would have reached Saint Louis at 10:00 a.m. on 13 April, finding there a range of possibilities. (112) As a key Trans-Mississippi transfer point--the great river being unbridged, still, below Rock Island--Saint Louis was a railroad hub, with lines emanating from East Saint Louis to nearly every part of the eastern U.S. One could reach New York from here by 15 April, but, after a three-week-long stagecoach ride, it might have seemed prudent to stay overnight at the Southern Hotel and launder one's clothes. (113)

The next Chicago, Alton, & Saint Louis Railroad express left East Saint Louis at 4:50 p.m. on 14 April, arriving in Chicago at 5:40 a.m. the next day. (114) Here, our traveler idled at the Sherman House hotel before taking a cab to Central Station to board the Michigan Central's afternoon express. (115) This railroad had added Pullman Palace sleeping cars to its rolling stock, and first-class passengers for New York no longer changed trains. They were passed on, in their cars, from one line to another. At the Detroit River, the Michigan Central's cars were ferried across to Windsor, in Canada West, and taken in hand by the Great Western Railway, a broad gauge line with multi-gauge tracks. (116) The time was also set forward one hour. After admiring Niagara Falls from Suspension Bridge, travelers arrived in Buffalo at 2:00 p.m. on 16 April, and headed east along the Mohawk Valley with the New York Central. (117) From Albany Junction, the Hudson Valley Railway completed the long run, rolling down the east bank of the Hudson River to the 30 ([GAMMA]) Street Station in Manhattan, where it halted at 7:00 a.m. on 17 April. (118)

Cunard's S.S. Java boarded passengers for Queenstown, Ireland, and Liverpool at 12:30 p.m., sailing shortly thereafter from the company's wharf in Jersey City. Most of those who sailed for Europe that day were well-to-do American tourists. (119) After clearing Sandy Hook and Cape Cod, Captain Moody took the usual northerly track of transatlantic steamers, over the foggy Grand Banks and on to the British Isles. (120) Three steamships departed that afternoon, but a circumnavigator trying to meet a deadline would have preferred the Java, renowned for speed and reliability. The steamer hove to at 12:30 a.m. on 27 April, seven or eight miles off Queenstown, landing most of her mail and twenty-three passengers in a steam launch. (121) After undergoing a customs inspection, a London-bound traveler would spend the night at the Queen's Hotel and take a local train to Cork in the morning, from there to catch the 11:35 a.m. Dublin Mail, reaching Knightsbridge Station under overcast skies at 5:35 p.m. This allowed for a transfer to Westland Row Station and the local train to Kingstown, which left at 6:45 p.m. and reached the ferry landing just before 7:15 p.m. (122) Although the Fenian uprising had menaced the Irish railways in March, damage to the tracks had been trifling, and the only sign of the rebellion our voyager would have noticed was the strong military guard posted at key stations to support the Royal Irish Constabulary. (123)

The City of Dublin Steam Packet Co. operated some of the world's fastest ferries between Kingstown and Holyhead, providing the quickest link between the British and Irish railway systems. On the evening of 27 April, the Leinster landed passengers--including a duke, a lady, a baronet, and six MPs--at Admiralty Pier, Holyhead, at around 11:25 p.m., British railway time. (124) By 11:55, or shortly thereafter, passengers and mail were both bound for London aboard the London & North-Western Railway's "Irish Mail." Attaining speeds up to sixty mph, using ram-scoops to replenish its water-tender from cement troughs sunk between the rails, and making limited, short stops, the express reached Euston Station at 6:45 a.m., giving a circumnavigator just enough time to climb into a Hansom cab, pass rapidly through quiet Sunday morning streets, and enter the courtyard of Burlington House just before the stroke of 7:00 a.m., having been gone exactly 124 days. (125)


In the above, primary simulation, our imagined traveler returned by his deadline, but altered his route significantly to compensate for a missed connection. What would have happened if his route, or his situation, had been different? In this section, we will explore the main alternative routes of the around-the-world transport network, and hypothetical scenarios.


In the mid-1860s, an alternative route to Egypt emerged, enabling passengers from England to catch up with those who traveled via Marseilles even if they left London after the Eastern Mails. By this route, one traveled to Paris, as usual, catching the PLM's evening express on 27 December. Changing trains at Macon and Culoz, one rode to the railhead at Saint-Michel, near the construction site of the Mount Cenis railway tunnel, crossing the Alps in a Messageries Imperiales diligence. (126) Due to extensive flood damage to the railway and road on the French side of the pass, the transfer from the PLM to the Victor Emmanuel Railway took longer than usual at Susa, in Italy. Nevertheless, onward passengers arrived at Turin "in time," if not "on time," beginning their railway journey across Italy at 6:10 a.m. on 29 December. (127) They changed trains at Bologna and Ancona and, aided by a special "steamer" express, reached Brindisi the next day, in time for the 3:00 p.m. departure of the Italian mail liner for Alexandria, which anchored there 82 hours later, at about the same time as the P&O's Delta. (128)


Much of the round-the-world route of the Global Moment was maritime but, as we saw in France, the U.S., and Italy, overland transport was developing rapidly as well. Even Russia, despite its scant industrial base, had invested heavily in the extension of its railways. One of the places most profoundly impacted by railways in the 1860s was British India, where more than 4,000 miles of track were operable by the time of the Global Moment. (129) Almost ninety-five percent of India's railways had been built in the ten years since the Indian Rebellion, including several of the most spectacular heavy engineering works in the world, among them complex mountain crossings and huge bridges, all of which had to be strong enough to stand up to monsoon flooding. (130) India's railways remained separate, unconnected systems in 1867, but they were advancing rapidly toward integration. Meanwhile, as in the U.S., a system of mail-carts, stages, and steamboats had developed to provide temporary connections between the various railheads.

For a circumnavigator trying to meet a deadline, however, India posed a problem due to the arrangement of the mails. As part of the Eastern Mails, the Indian Mails had reached Egypt on 3 January 1867, but they remained at Suez until the P&O's Bombay-bound S.S. Malta departed at 4:47 p.m. on 12 January. (131) The reason for this was that the government of India, anticipating the linkup of the Great Indian Peninsular (GIPR) and East Indian Railways (EIR) at Jabalpur, was directing the country's incoming and outgoing mail through Bombay. The EIR's line to Jabalpur was completed and opened on 1 August 1867, and within a year the P&O had rescheduled its departures from Suez, sending the Indian Mails at the same time as the rest of the Eastern Mails. The long-anticipated connection of the GIPR and the EIR, however, had to wait until 7 March 1870, the former railway having been held up by heavy bridging work along the Narbada Valley. (132)

Despite the continuing separation of the railways, crossing India was less tedious than getting there and getting away. Although she briefly "took the mud" upon entering Aden at 11:13 a.m. on 18 January, the Malta resumed her voyage at 8:40 p.m., reaching Bombay on 26 January. After transferring the Indian Mails to a Customs Service launch at 2:37 p.m., the steamer slowly worked its way up the crowded harbor to the P&O anchorage, discharging her passengers into bandar-bodxs at 4:27 p.m. (133) After a two-week voyage, our traveler would have spent 27 January at the Byculla Hotel in Bombay, attending to laundry, purchasing a hammock and mosquito netting, and sending telegrams to arrange hotel rooms and transport. (134) On 28 January, he set out aboard the GIPR's 1:12 p.m. "down mail" from Byculla Station, enjoying a first class compartment larger than a P&O stateroom, with its own lavatory. (135)

The GIPR was a three-forked system. Passengers bound for Pune and the southern Deccan changed at Kalyan Junction at 2:24 p.m., while those bound for Central India and the northern Deccan proceeded up the Thull Ghat. At Kasara, at the foot of the ghat, special high-powered locomotives were substituted for the normal ones, and the train was pushed and pulled up a steep grade, rising 972' over just ten miles, passing through thirteen tunnels and over six viaducts, fifteen iron bridges, and sixty-two culverts. (136) By 5:39 p.m., the "down mail" was at Igatpura, a refreshment stop at the top of the ghat, from which it barreled into the night, over the Deccan plains. (137) At Bhusawal Junction, passengers bound for Nagpur--the administrative center of the Central Provinces--stepped down at 12:05 a.m. and waited for their connecting train, which did not leave until 6 a.m., reaching the railhead of Sindi, 491 miles from Bombay, at 5 p.m. Here, watches were set forward half an hour to Nagpur local time.

On 29 January 1867, the only way to reach the EIR main line from Sindi was to ride in the mail-cart to Nagpur, and thence to Mirzapur in a dak ghari, or Indian stagecoach, a distance of 444 miles. (138) India's dak ghari system had evolved since the late 1840s, when the Public Works Department (PWD) had taken charge of building and maintaining India's post-roads. (139) In the Central Provinces, the Post Office ran a dak service between Nagpur and Jabalpur through a subcontractor called the Deccan Horse Dawk, while a rival firm, Howard & Co., ran gharis through from Nagpur to Mirzapur. Both services were new, having been organized in 1865-1866. (140) Although the dak system did not conform to a set schedule, it followed fixed routes, with chowkis every 5 miles, at which horses were changed, and PWD dak bungalows, or rest-houses, at 40-mile intervals. The general procedure was to drive through the night and rest during the hottest part of the day. In 1867, however, most people traveling between Nagpur and Jabalpur reported stopping, late, to spend the night at the dak bungalow just south of Kurai Ghat, in the midst of the Seoni jungle. The ghat road ahead was too steep and twisting to negotiate in the dark, and also menaced by an alleged man-eating tiger with a bounty on its head. At the time, an average trip on this 162-mile segment of the road took about thirty hours, inclusive of stops. (141)

Traveling at a moderate pace, our traveler left the Residency Hotel, outside Nagpur, at about 6 p.m. on 30 January, reaching Mirzapur, on the EIR main line, at 5:30 p.m. on 3 February. (14) Here, he advanced his watch again, to 6 p.m., or Calcutta time, "railway time" on the EIR. (143) Catching the 6:20 p.m. "up mail," he proceeded to Mughal Sarai, breaking his journey there at 8 p.m. in order to visit Benares (Varanasi) during the colorful drama of the Magh Snan pilgrimage. The holy city was reached via a six- or seven-mile branch line to Rajghat, and thence by a municipal bridge-of-boats that spanned the sacred Ganga River during the low-water season. (1)

From Benares, on 4 February, a passenger trying to reach Calcutta by 6 February would have boarded the 7 p.m. "up mail" at Mughal Sarai. Traveling across Bihar through the night, the train reached the Bengal side of the Rajmahal Hills by first light, its occupants awakening to rice paddies and palm trees. Traveling through the day, using station telegraph offices to order meals at upcoming refreshment rooms, our globetrotter reached the Howrah terminus of the EIR at 6:51 p.m. on 5 February. Taking a saloon steamer across the Hooghly, he hired a ghari to convey him to the Great Eastern Hotel. (145)

Just as there was a delay in reaching India from Egypt, there was one in leaving from Calcutta. The city's fleet of private opium steamers made scheduled voyages to Hong Kong, departing every seven-to-ten days, but the Hooghly estuary's sandbars posed navigational problems. (146) In the foggy mornings of February, ships could only move up or down the river's narrow main channel if the day's second high water coincided with daylight. Large vessels required a government pilot and a steam-tug, moving around the river's serpentine bends at a cautious three-to-four knots, first to the anchorage off Fulta, just above the James & Mary Sands, then to Diamond Harbour, and finally to the Saugor anchorage to wait for high water to fill the navigable channels across the Sand Heads. (147)

Our voyager's best hope of reaching Hong Kong quickly was the S.S. Arattoon Apcar, a 1,480-ton Armenian-owned opium steamer scheduled to leave Calcutta on 6 February. The ship carried 150 chests of "first auction" opium, worth [pounds sterling]25,000, as well as 3,500 bags of saltpeter, and 1,500 bales of cotton. The cotton bales would have weighed 2.5 to 2.75 cwt each, being the smaller variety favored in the China trade, as they could be unloaded into sampans. (148) Like all opium steamers, the Arattoon Apcar had passenger accommodations and, upon reaching Singapore, Captain de Smedt took aboard two Europeans and ten Chinese deck passengers. We do not have a precise schedule for the Arattoon Apcar's voyage, but the vessel would not have cleared the Sand Heads until about 3 p.m. on 9 February. (149) She arrived at Singapore a day overdue, on 16 February, after stopping--as usual--at Penang. Her voyage across the South China Sea also took longer than usual, and she did not put into Hong Kong until 26 February, missing the Colorado by just nine days. (150) If the P&O's mail services had been in sync, as they would be by late January 1868, our traveler probably could have made his rendezvous with the Colorado after crossing India. However, as Pacific Mail's transpacific service would not be a monthly one until the end of 1867, in this scenario our circumnavigator would have waited in China until the Colorado's second return voyage began on 13 May, and he would not have returned to London until 26 July, having been gone for 213 days. (151)


If our voyager had transferred from the Golconda to the P&O's S.S. Geelong at Galle, hoping to cross the Pacific aboard a PNZ&A steamer, he could have taken the RMS line back to England even if he missed the Pacific Mail steamer for New York. Many of the Golconda's passengers sailed for Australia aboard the Geelong and, as usual during the Antipodean winter, their voyage to the P&O coaling station at King George's Sound, Western Australia, was rough and slow south of the Equator. The Geelong fought headwinds and seas all the way to Melbourne, arriving, overdue, at 11:30 p.m. on 12 February. (152) Since the PNZ&A's S.S. Ruahine did not sail until 1 March, our traveler had time to journey overland by rail and stagecoach to meet her in Sydney.

After laundering his clothes and visiting the mining town of Ballarat, our circumnavigator rode the Victorian Railways' morning train on 15 February from Melbourne to the railhead town of Echuca, on the Murray River. (153) Arriving at 1:30 p.m., he stayed in town overnight before catching a Cobb & Co. stage to Deniliquin, in New South Wales, and a connecting mail-cart to Conargo, where he spent a few days visiting Myles Patterson's 80,000-acre sheep station, Boonoke. (154) He was visiting the Riverina pastoral district at the height of the Antipodean summer, with temperatures striking 92[degrees]F, and he even experienced a fearsome dust storm--a proper "brick-fielder"--before resuming his journey to Sydney. (155)

Australia's staging system had been refashioned, along American lines, by experienced expressmen from the U.S. after it was discovered that English-style coaches were too large and unwieldy for the rugged roads of the Antipodean colonies. (156) Studying the system can be confusing because, by 1867, several different firms operated under the well-respected name of the original but short-lived American-founded staging company, Cobb & Co. Indeed, the Australian colonies prevented the formation of the large express monopolies that existed in the U.S. by offering a large number of short-term, small-scale mail contracts for short segments of the staging system. Furthermore, many of the stage lines ran only two or three times a week instead of daily. In traversing hundreds of miles of dusty, deeply-rutted roads, lined with peeling blue gum trees, however, our traveler encounters only one mishap. (157) On 22 February, shortly after leaving Goulburn, our traveler just happened to be aboard a Cobb & Co. stage that was stopped by bushrangers--probably the Clarke gang--who then robbed both the coach and its passengers. (1S8) Nevertheless, once the mail had been looted, the coach resumed its run, and our circumnavigator, poorer by a little over [pounds sterling]3, was able to ride the Great Southern Railway's fifty-three-mile line from Picton to Sydney, arriving there at 5:40 a.m. on 23 February. (159)

After spending a week in Sydney, staying at the newly-refurbished Bath Hotel and making an excursion to see the Great Western Railway's effort to surmount the Blue Mountains, our globetrotter at last boarded the PNZ&A's Ruahine, which weighed anchor at 3:00 p.m. on 1 March, and cleared Sydney Heads an hour later, steaming out into the Pacific. The Ruahine, however, suffered greater misfortune than the Colorado. First, a compound cylinder shattered on the way to Wellington, reducing her speed to about 9.5 knots. (160) Then, after an on-time departure from New Zealand at 5:30 p.m. on 8 March, the Ruahine ran into a cyclone well off the normal track of such storms. Breaking free of the storm on 14 March, the steamer was impeded by weak trade winds and head seas, forcing her to deplete her coal supplies and requiring Captain Beal to run at half-speed. Consequently, the Ruahine did not reach Panama until 17 April, eleven-to-twelve days behind schedule. (161)


The Royal Mail (West Indian) Steamship Co.'s (RMS) branch-line steamer, Danube, was waiting at Aspinwall, in Panama, to receive mail and passengers from the Ruahine. (162) Scheduled to sail for Jamaica on 6 April, she delayed her departure for fifty-six hours, and finally commenced her run at around 9:00 p.m. on 8 April. Let us suppose that the Ruahine's fortunes were different, and that our voyager reached Aspinwall just in time to board the RMS steamer. At Kingston, the Danube transferred passengers and cargo to the S.S. Rhone, which departed for Peter's Island at dawn on 13 April. (163) Normally, RMS ships met branch-line vessels and coaled at Saint Thomas but, due to a yellow fever outbreak, these operations had been moved to Peter's Island. (164) The Rhone thus began her transatlantic crossing on 15 April, carrying $683,373 in British Columbian gold and Nevada silver, tropical produce, the West Coast mails, and 113 passengers. The Atlantic voyage was uneventful, and the Rhone docked at Southampton around 5:00 p.m. on 28 April. (165) However, due to the South-Western Railway's awkwardly-arranged Sunday service, our traveler would not have reached Burlington House until well after noon the next day, returning about thirty hours late. (166)

What if, unlike in the initial simulation proposed above, the Colorado had returned to San Francisco on time? In that case, the Constitution would have sailed for Panama carrying over 200 passengers, $1.1 million in specie, and a large, varied cargo from both the Far West and the Far East. After coaling at Acapulco on 26 March, the Constitution steamed on to Panama, arriving at the Pacific Mail depot at 3:00 p.m. on 1 April. (167) After spending a day or two exploring Panama City's narrow lanes and verdant ruins, travelers boarded the train for Aspinwall, sailing for New York aboard the S.S. Ocean Queen on the evening of 4 April. This vessel passed Sandy Hook ten days later, arriving well before the Java's departure. (168)

Finally, what if, after the Colorado's missed connection, our voyager had boarded the Opposition Line's S.S. Moses Taylor, sailing from San Francisco on 25 March? In this instance, he would have landed at San Juan del Sur, on the Pacific Coast of Nicaragua, at 3:10 a.m. on 6 April. (169) The 200-mile transfer to Greytown was made by wagon and steamboat, taking between thirty-six and forty-five hours. Here, travelers met the S.S. Santiago de Cuba, which sailed on 10 April, arriving at New York on 18 April, fewer than twenty-four hours after the Java's departure. (170)


The foregoing simulations indicate the achievement of globality in 1866-1867, if not its perfection. Yet, we must not exaggerate the failures that occurred during the Global Moment. If the Colorado and Ruahine had not encountered anomalous storms, possibly caused by a strong El Nino, both ships would have made their connections. (171) The global transport network was effective and reliable for most ordinary purposes, and, during the year following the Global Moment, its chief problems were fixed, allowing the network to operate smoothly by the beginning of 18 6 8. (172) Now, having established the details of the regular, scheduled, commercial global transport network that first appeared in 1866-1867, we can examine its origins--why, when, and how was this globalizing network first built?


The preconditions for the rise of a global transport network appeared in the 1820s and 1830s, when fast-paced institutional reforms toppled the British Empire's last bastions of mercantilism. The 1825 repeal of the Bubble Act removed artificial limits on capital formation, which had hindered many expensive infrastructure projects, including England's vital canal system. (173) The London Exchange thus became a stronger capital market, able to finance railways and steamship lines. Not long afterward, the Reform Act of 1832 rationalized Parliamentary constituencies, giving ports and factory towns the political power to open markets long closed by mercantilism. (174) Slavery was abolished in the Empire in 1833; one effect of emancipation was the investment in the British railways of approximately [pounds sterling]5.3 million of the [pounds sterling]20 million awarded to slaveholders as compensation. (175) That same year, the East India Company's monopoly of the China trade also ended. (176) Revolts in Canada, meanwhile, hastened the emergence of colonial self-government and a more capitalist economy, increasingly free of the fur traders' monopolies. (177) Finally, the Royal Mail and the Admiralty embraced steam-powered transport. Subsidies for horse-drawn mail coaches within Great Britain and sailing packets ended in 1836-1837, and new, larger subsidies were created for railways and intercontinental mail steamer lines. (178)


The first phase of the development of a global transport infrastructure in the nineteenth century began around the time of Queen Victoria's accession, in 1837, and lasted ten years. Railways were built in many countries during this period, but only in Britain and Belgium did they become connected systems, with "through ticketing," telegraph lines coordinating operations, standardized railway time, and regulations protecting public interests. (179) British railways were privately capitalized, however, whereas the compact Belgian system was built and owned by the state. (180) The expansion of the British railways, in particular, was fortuitous, as the "Penny Post" of 1840 released a tremendous, pent-up demand for postal communications that only trains could handle. (181) Yet as spectacular as the rise of Britain's railways was, the extension of its mail steamer lines was even more impressive. Between 1837 and 1841, the Admiralty organized three overseas mail routes: the Cunard line across the North Atlantic from Liverpool to Halifax, Boston, and eventually New York; the transatlantic RMS line from Southampton to the West Indies and Latin America; and the P&O's line, which extended first to Portugal, Spain, and Gibraltar, then to Egypt, and finally to India, the Straits Settlements, and the Far East. (182) Many of these same developments are those that James Vernon views as central to the rise of modernity in Britain, suggesting that modernity and globalization have a close connection after all. (183)


A second phase in the rise of nineteenth-century global transport began in 1848 and continued until the economic crisis of 1858. This period was characterized by the increasing efficiency, power, and speed of trains and steamships; an extension and growing density of routes; the acceleration of world trade; and increasing competition. The period's most important events were the California and Australian gold rushes of 1848 and 1852, which created an urgent need for rapid, regular communication with--and within--the Pacific, new markets, and fountainheads of capital for the U.S. and Britain. The U.S. took advantage of Anglo-French distraction during the Crimean War to force open Tokugawa Japan's long-closed economy, develop the Panama route, and challenge Cunard's supremacy on the North Atlantic run by subsidizing the American-flagged Collins line. (184) Within the U.S., railways penetrated west of the Appalachians while a domestic express industry, with international agencies, handled mail and parcel shipments via rail, steamer, and stagecoach. The British, meanwhile, repealed the trade-stifling Navigation Acts in 1849, extended the P&O's service to Australia in 1852, and began constructing the Egyptian Railway the next year. The railway's progress was impeded by the Crimean War, but accelerated during the subsequent Indian Rebellion, which encouraged more rapid construction of British India's railways. (185) Not to be outdone, Napoleon III subsidized the Messageries Imperiales, which became the P&O's chief competitor in the early 1860s. (186)


We may date the third phase of the development of nineteenth-century global transport infrastructure from 1858. The final march to globality thus began with a worldwide financial crisis, the inevitable "bust" of the two gold rushes. The crisis of 1858 was a brief shock, though, and barely affected the transport sector. (187) In London, badly-needed railway stations opened on the north bank of the Thames, while the Metropolitan and Victoria lines of the future Underground were begun, promising to link the city's railway stations, which were handling 30 million people a year. (188) In 1860, overseas mail subsidies were transferred from the Admiralty to the Royal Mail, which awarded the contract for the Eastern Mails to the LC&DR, allowing trains to run onto Admiralty Pier for the first time. (189) In France, as noted earlier, the PLM finished its line from Paris to Marseilles, where the port was modernized and enlarged. The Egyptian Railway, meanwhile, was doubled, strengthened, and extended. (190) This was a period of schedule-tightening and the elimination of awkward, time-consuming transfers and bottlenecks; the cumulative improvements resulted in a substantially better global transport network by 1862. (191)

The pivotal event of this third phase of nineteenth-century globalization was the American Civil War. Just prior to the conflict, two mail coach routes finally provided California with a daily, year-round overland connection to the rest of the U.S., moving even more letters and parcels than Pacific Mail's twice-a-month Panama steamers. (192) These stage lines were followed in short order by the Pony Express, the Pacific Telegraph, and the Pacific Railroad, over 500 miles of which was operational by the close of 1866. (193) Chicago, meanwhile, surpassed its commodity-trading and meatpacking rivals, using railways and High Plains freight wagon trains to become the hub of a swath of territory extending from the Rockies to the Great Lakes. (194)

The American Civil War's economic impact was also felt abroad as the Union's blockade of the Confederacy caused a "cotton famine" in Europe, and as New England's wool was redirected to the Union's war effort. Egypt and India responded to rising cotton prices by increasing their own output and, with Japanese silk exports rising, Egypt's railway struggled to handle the swelling volume of trade. The Great Indian Peninsular Railway, meanwhile, finally surmounted the Western Ghats, bringing a rail link to the Deccan cotton districts. (195) Even Australia found a chance to sell wool competitively, and an economical means of transport, when the railhead, advancing from Melbourne, reached Echuca on the Murray River, a boon for the sheep stations of New South Wales' Riverina district. (196) Ferdinand de Lesseps had predicted this growth, if not its particular circumstances, and thus had broken ground on the Suez Canal in 1859, convinced of its necessity. (197)


Economic liberalization and the state's willingness to invest in efficient, accessible transport and communications established a basis for globalization in the 1820s and 1830s, suggesting that the underlying dynamics of mid-nineteenth century globalization were not unlike those of contemporary globalization. The phases of development may be summarized thus: 1) the application of revolutionary technologies to long-distance transport and communications (1837-1847); 2) the "pull" and stimulus of the gold rushes in California and Australia, coupled with technological improvements and growing transport complexity (1848-1858); and, 3) opportunistic drives for efficiency and rising stakes (1858-1867). International free trade agreements in Europe, and heavy--almost unfettered--immigration accelerated communications, travel, and commerce during the last two phases, in particular. But the establishment of nineteenth-century globalization was not, as economists would have us believe, a simple story of deregulation stimulating free trade and prosperity. (198)

The transport network that made nineteenth-century globalization possible eventually connected all the world's key markets, with a remarkable degree of integration being achieved by the mid-1860s. We must not interpret this achievement, however, as the outcome of risks taken by heroic capitalists. The linkup of transport systems was directed and sustained by the state through subsidies that attracted investors and reduced or eliminated risk, guaranteeing near monopoly conditions and minimum profits. (199) Railways with rich and busy territories and stripped-down cargo-carrying steamer lines operated on certain lucrative routes with little or no state assistance, but long-distance mail steamer lines, the Pacific Railroad, and even the Overland Mail stage system depended on government subsidies. (200) The state's central role in shaping, building, and supporting the matrix of globalization, therefore, should not be minimized. State intervention was also required to enforce honest bookkeeping and fair pricing, to keep "public carriers" open to the general public, and to ensure adherence to minimum standards of hygiene and safety. (201) States also implemented, especially in the early 1860s, the most-favored nation concept, which loosened up inter-European trade, in particular. (202)

The first global transport network was dominated by the British Empire and the United States, with France and, increasingly, Italy, Denmark, and Germany playing important background roles. Other countries, such as Spain, Holland, and Russia, also had a stake in regional and interregional niches of the network, such as the regular steamer lines tying together the islands of the Netherlands East Indies, but British engineering expertise and transport capital, in particular, were ubiquitous. (203) This is not surprising, given that the British had developed much of the global network to serve their own imperial and commercial interests, a pattern later copied by the U.S. and France. Indeed, for our purposes, the Far West, although technically part of the U.S. after 1848, was a colonial empire, for its socio-economic and political relationship with the eastern American metro-poles was essentially that of a colony. (204)

As noted at the beginning of this article, transport systems--like all networks--reflect the societies that build them, or the socioeconomic and political contexts in which they operate. Unlike the mercantilist transport systems of the Early Modern period, those forming the nineteenth-century global transport network were open to all who could afford tickets or tonnage--what one might expect in an era of "free trade." However, some segments of the network were subject to racial segregation, as one might expect in an era of rising racial feeling and tensions. (205) When it first opened, the Butterfield Overland Mail was subsidized by both the U.S. Mail and the Royal Mail; it was also--like all Far West stagecoach lines--racially integrated, reflecting the region's fluid, and occasionally explosive, ideas regarding identity. (206) As its transpacific route evolved, Pacific Mail carried mostly Chinese steerage passengers and Chinese merchants' cargoes, just as the P&O often carried Parsi or Indian merchants and their shipments. (207) Indian merchants shied away from investing directly in steamers, railways, and telegraph lines, although they used these technologies to pursue traditional business interests. (208) Exceptions to this rule, however, were the Parsi and Armenian communities, which both invested in steamers, railways, coal mines, and even steam-powered textile mills. (209) Globalization's infrastructure was mostly Western, but with broader benefits. Moreover, and especially in Asia, this infrastructure was rooted in an interregional commercial and colonial system that dovetailed with indigenous forms of modernity, such as the Chinese towkay merchants who controlled trade in Penang. (210)

For people of color, travel in the U.S. could be very difficult in the era before segregation was officially imposed, as they had no way of knowing whether they were welcome or not: the law might give them access, but anyone could challenge their rights, on the spot, and often with success. Many public spaces, especially first class railway carriages and dining saloons, were simply assumed to be "whites only," although these same facilities were often staffed by African-Americans. Thus, Prince Alexander Liholiho, heir to the Hawaiian throne, was brusquely ordered by a conductor to leave a first class railway compartment when preparing to travel from Washington, D.C. to New York City in 1850, shortly after a round of official audiences with leading members of the U.S. government. (211) Cunard, which never had an official policy of segregation, nevertheless enforced one in practice in the 1840s, its most famous victim being Frederick Douglass. The African-American antislavery activist was confined to his stateroom and barred from all public parts of a transatlantic steamer during a voyage home from England, supposedly after being invited to give a speech that "offended" some Southern white passengers during his voyage to England. (212) Unlike most such incidents, this one received international attention, and it made an impression: even decades later, Cunard was still "spinning" the story in its official publications, downplaying what had occurred to Douglass. (213) Japanese and Chinese first class passengers aboard Pacific Mail also encountered racism, as did the line's African-American employees. Pacific Mail later replaced black stewards with Chinese servants, but it refused to discriminate against Asian passengers holding first class tickets. (214)

Although the world's key transport infrastructure was controlled by "the West"--that is, by white capitalists based mostly in London and New York--we must acknowledge that vital parts of the global network, such as the Egyptian Railway, the Suez Canal, and the Indian railways, were paid for or "guaranteed" by Egyptian and Indian taxpayers. (215) Egyptian and Indian workers also built these segments of infrastructure, just as Chinese "coolies" and West Indian migrants finished the Panama Railroad, although, in that instance, the capital employed was American, and the land grants Colombian. (216) Even the Overland Mail routes traversed indigenous lands, as per treaties with various Native American tribes. Later, under the Pacific Railroad Acts of 1862 and 1864, vast swaths of "public land" were granted to the Pacific Railroad companies in one of the largest single alienations of indigenous land in U.S. history. Native Americans resisted the stagecoach and the railroad in the 1860s, but the military compelled their compliance with the new economic order. (217) Indeed, when we consider the exploited position of Indian, Chinese, and Malay Lascars aboard P&O, Messageries Imperiales, and opium traders' steamships, or African-American waiters, stewards, roustabouts, and porters aboard American ships, steamboats, and trains of the 1860s, we must abandon the notion that the global transport network was entirely created and sustained by "the West," and accept that, in its operations and effects, nineteenth-century globalization was far-reaching but inequitable. (218)

James W. Frey is an Associate Professor of History at the University of Wisconsin Oshkosh, specializing in South Asian, Islamic, World, and Maritime History. The research and writing of this article was funded, in part, by a grant from the University of Wisconsin Oshkosh Faculty Development Program.

(1.) Daniel Yergin, "The Age of 'Globality,'" Newsweek, 18 May 1998, 130 (20): 24-27.

(2.) Manfred B. Steger, Globalization: A Very Short Introduction, 4th ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017), 33-36.

(3.) Rosalind O'Hanlon, "Contested Conjunctures: Brahman Communities and 'Early Modernity' in India," American Historical Review 118:3 (June 2013): 765-787; David Ludden, "Imperial Modernity: History and Global Inequity in Rising Asia," Third World Quarterly 33:4 (2012): 581-601; Sumit Guha, "Transitions and Translations: Regional Power and Vernacular Identity in the Dakhan, 1500-1800," Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa, and the Middle East 24:2 (2004): 23-31; Dipesh Chakrabarty, Habitations of Modernity: Essays in the Wake of Subaltern Studies (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002).

(4.) Kenneth Pomeranz, The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000); also see R. Bin Wong, China Transformed: Historical Change and the Limits of European Experience (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1997); Andre Gunder Frank, ReOrient: Global Economy in the Asian Age (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998); Andre Gunder Frank and Robert A. Denemark, ReOrienting the 19th Century: Global Economy in the Continuing Asian Age (Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2013); Prasannan Parthasarathi, "The Great Divergence," Past & Present 176:1 (August 2002): 275-293.

(5.) Marian Aguiar, Tracking Modernity: India's Railway and the Culture of Mobility (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2010), 84-85; for a slightly different view of this subject, see Rajeev Bhargava, "Are There Alternative Modernities?" in N.N. Vohra, ed., Culture, Democracy, and Development in South Asia (Delhi: Shipra Publications, 2001), 9-26.

(6.) One's dates of departure and return, and the duration of one's circumnavigation, will differ depending on where one begins one's journey. It was usually faster to travel west, in the 1860s, especially during the winter, but connections were tighter. I originally set up this simulation without knowing the outcome, and chose the eastward route because the timetables offered more leeway to accommodate contingencies and more options on the final legs of the journey. I eventually worked out this simulation for multiple journeys, departing from Sydney, New York, and London--and the average length of all these scenarios was about 124-125 days.

(7.) For the example of steamboats on the Yangtze River in the 1860s, see "Wayne Patterson, "Beyond Frontiers: William Nelson Lovatt in Late Nineteenth-Century China and Korea," in Tom Conner and Ikuko Torimoto, eds., Globalization Redux: New Name, Same Game (Dallas, TX: University Press of America, 2004), 195-202.

(8.) Torsten Feys, The Battle for the Migrants: The Introduction of Steamshipping on the North Atlantic and Its Impact on the European Exodus (Saint John's, Newfoundland: International Maritime Economic History Association, 2013), 62.

(9.) Charles Carlton Coffin, Our New Way Round the World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1869), v.

(10.) Entertainment Given to Mr. A.A. Low by Members of the Chamber of Commerce on His Return from a Voyage Round the World (New York: Press of the Chamber of Commerce, 1867), 10.

(11.) John Franklin Swift, Going to Jericho, or, Sketches of Travel in Spain and the East (New York: A. Roman & Co., 1868), 183-184; "Round the World. Europe to Asia, through America," Commercial Advertiser, 21 March 1867, 2; "Intercourse with China," Evening Bulletin, 2 January 1867, 3.

(12.) Edmond Planchut, "A Frenchman's Voyage Round the World in a Hundred and Twenty Days," The Eclectic Magazine, 15:1-2 (1872), 30-44, 221-236. Planchut's account was originally published as he Tom du Monde en Cent Vingt Jours, Un Naufrage aux Iles du Cap-Vert (Paris: Michel Levy Freres, 1872).

(13.) Leslie Sklair, Globalization, Capitalism and Its Alternatives, 3rd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 39. Note, however, that Sklair does not believe globalization to be a historical phenomenon; Justin Rosenberg, "Globalization Theory: A Post Mortem," International Politics 42:1 (2005), 2-74. For two excellent critical reviews of earlier scholarship, see Martha C.E. Van Der Bly, "Globalization: A Triumph of Ambiguity," Current Sociology 53:6 (November 2005), 875-893; Marko Ampuja, Theorizing Globalization: A Critique of the Mediatization of Social Theory (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 18.

(14.) Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World-System: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World-Economy in the Sixteenth Century (New York: Academic Press, 1974); Immanuel Wallerstein, "Globalization or the Age of Transition? A Long-Term View of the Trajectory of the World System," International Sociology 15:2 (June 2000), 251-267.

(15.) Andre Gunder Frank and Barry K. Gills, "The 5000-Year World System: An Interdisciplinary Introduction," in Andre Gunder Frank and Barry K. Gills, eds., The World-System: Five Hundred Years or Five Thousand? (London: Routledge, 1996), 3-58.

(16.) William H. McNeill, "Foreword," in Frank and Gills, eds., The World-System: Five Hundred Years or Five Thousand?, vii-xii, xi-xii.

(17.) Immanuel Wallerstein, "The End of What Modernity?" Theory and Society 24:4 (August 1995): 471-488.

(18.) Eric J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Capital, 1848-1875 (London: Abacus, 1995), 10-15.

(19.) Paul Bairoch, "European Trade Policy, 1815-1914," in P. Matthias and S. Pollard, eds., The Cambridge Economic History of Europe, vol. 3 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 1-159; also Paul Bairoch, Economics and World History: Myths and Paradoxes (New York: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1993).

(20.) By "New World," most econometric studies of globalization mean Australia and New Zealand as well as the U.S. and the more trade-friendly Latin American republics.

(21.) Kevin H. O'Rourke and Jeffrey G. Williamson, Globalization and History: The Making of a Nineteenth-Century Atlantic Economy (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1999). See also Kevin H. O'Rourke and Jeffrey G. Williamson, "When Did Globalization Begin?" NBER Working Papers Series, No. 7632 (Cambridge: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2000), 3-4.

(22.) Yukio Kawano, et al, "Trade Globalization since 1795: Waves of Integration in the World-System," American Sociological Review 65:1 (February 2000), 77-95. In particular, see Figure 5, 87.

(23.) David S. Jacks, Christopher M. Meissner, and Dennis Novy, "Trade Costs, 1870-2000," American Economic Review: Papers & Proceedings 98:2 (2008): 529-534.

(24.) O'Rourke and Williamson, "When Did Globalization Begin?," 4.

(25.) Much of the data O'Rourke and Williamson rely upon is derived from Douglass C. North, "Ocean Freight Rates and Economic Development," Journal of Economic History 18:4 (December 1958), 538-555; C. K. Harley, "Ocean Freight Rates and Productivity, 1740-1913: The Primacy of Mechanical Invention Reaffirmed," Journal of Economic History 48:4 (December 1988), 851-876. Note, however, that neither source reveals its raw data.

(26.) Kawano, et al, "Trade Globalization since 1795," 77-95.

(27.) For criticism of the economic models used by O'Rourke and Williamson, see Chris Edwards, Fragmented World: Competing Perspectives on Trade, Money, and Crisis (London: Methuen, 1985), 29-40; Daniel Trefler and Susan Chun Zhu, "Beyond the Algebra of Explanation: HOV for the Technology Age," American Economic Review 90:2 (May 2000): 145-149.

(28.) Jeffrey G. Williamson, Trade and Poverty: When the Third World Fell Behind (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2011), 75-99; also see Sevket Pamuk and Jeffrey G. Williamson, "Ottoman De-industrialization, 1800-1913: Assessing the Magnitude, Impact, and Response," The Economic History Review 64:S1 (February 2011), 159-184. For an opposing view regarding India, see Prasannan Parthasarathi, "The Great Divergence," Past & Present 176:1 (August 2002), 275-293.

(29.) Anthony G. Hopkins, "The History of Globalization - and the Globalization of History?" in Anthony G. Hopkins, ed., Globalization in World History (New York: W.W. Norton, 2002), 12-44.

(30.) T.N. Harper, "Empire, Diaspora, and the Languages of Globalism, 1850-1914," in Hopkins, ed., Globalization in World History, 141-166.

(31.) Christopher A. Bayly, "'Archaic' and 'Modern' Globalization in the Eurasian and African Arena, ca. 1750-1850," in Hopkins, ed., Globalization in World History, 45-72; Christopher A. Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World, 1780-1914. Global Connections and Comparisons (Oxford: Blackwell, 2004).

(32.) Tony Ballantyne, "Empire, Knowledge, and Culture: From Proto-globalization to Modern Globalization," in Hopkins, ed., Globalization in World History, 116-140.

(33.) Leela Gandhi, Affective Communities: Anticolonial Thought, Fin-de-Siecle Radicalism, and the Politics of Friendship (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2006).

(34.) James C. Scott, The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2009), 10; also see Rosalind C. Morris, "Remembering Asian Anti-Colonialism, Again," Journal of Asian Studies 69:2 (May 2010), 347-369.

(35.) Robbie Robertson, The Three Waves of Globalization: A History of a Developing Global Consciousness (New York: Palgrave, 2003); Jurgen Osterhammel and Niels P. Petersson, Globalization: A Short History (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003), especially 28-29.

(36.) Peter N. Stearns, Globalization in World History (London: Routledge, 2010), 90-123.

(37.) Roland Wenzlheumer, Connecting the Nineteenth-Century World: The Telegraph and Globalization (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 14-15.

(38.) Zygmunt Bauman, Liquid Modernity (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000), 10.

(39.) Zygmunt Bauman, Globalization: The Human Consequences (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998), 70-71.

(40.) Manuel Castells, "Informationalism, Networks, and the Network Society," in M. Castells, ed., The Network Society: A Cross-Cultural Perspective (Northampton: Edward Elgar, 2004), 24.

(41.) Roland Wenzlheumer, "London in the Global Telecommunications Network of the Nineteenth Century," New Global Studies 3:1 (April 2009), 1-34.

(42.) Wenzlheumer, Connecting the Nineteenth-Century World, 10, 15.

(43.) Niall Ferguson, "The False Prophecy of Hyperconnection: How to Survive the Networked Age," Foreign Affairs, 1 September 2017, 68-79.

(44.) Tony Schirato and Jen Webb, Understanding Globalization (London: Sage, 2003), 50-54.

(45.) Nicholas Crafts and Anthony J. Venables, "Globalization in History: A Geographical Perspective," in Michael D. Bonds, Alan M. Taylor, and Jeffrey G. Williamson, eds., Globalization in Historical Perspective (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), 323-364.

(46.) Adrian Jarvis, "The Nineteenth-Century Roots of Globalization: Some Technological Considerations," in David J. Starkey and Gelina Harlaftis, eds., Global Markets: The Internationalization of the Sea Transport Industries since 1850 (Saint John's, Newfoundland: International Maritime Economic History Association, 1998), 217-238.

(47.) O'Rourke and Williamson, "When Did Globalization Begin?," 22.

(48.) Wenzlheumer, Connecting the Nineteenth-Century World, 14-15.

(49.) Aims McGuiness, Path of Empire: Panama and the California Gold Rush (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008); J.H. Kemble, The Panama Route: 1848-1869 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1990); Geoffrey Blainey, The Tyranny of Distance: How Distance Shaped Australia's History (Melbourne: Macmillan, 1968), 171-205; George Francis Train, Young America Abroad in Europe, Asia, and Australia (London: Sampson Low, Son, & Co., 1857), 446-447.

(50.) Rosemary Neering, Continental Dash: The Russian-American Telegraph (Ganges: Horsdal & Schubert, 1989).

(51.) "The Peninsular and Oriental Steam Navigation Company and the Australian Colonies," The Empire (Sydney), 15 May 1866, 3.

(52.) E. Mowbray Tate, Transpacific Steam: The Story of Steam Navigation from the Pacific Coast of North America to the Tar East and the Antipodes, 1867-1941 (New York: Cornwall Books, 1986), 49-61.

(53.) "Report of the Postmaster General, November 26, 1866," in House of Representatives, United States Congressional Serial Set, 16 vols. (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1867), 733, 7-9.

(54.) "Consolidation of the Atlantic and Pacific Mail Steamship Companies," Boston Daily Advertiser, 20 September 1865, 1. Pacific Mail, however, did not control the Panama Railroad.

(55.) "Arrival of the Colorado," New York Tribune, 23 April 1867, 1; United States Senate, The Reports of the Committees of the Senate of the United States for the First Session, Thirty-Ninth Congress, 186S-66, Rep. Com. No. 116 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1866), 1-31.

(56.) Pacific Mail Steamship Co., A Sketch of the New Route to China and Japan by the Pacific Mail Steamship Co.'s through Line of Steamships between New York, Yokohama, and Hong Kong, via the Isthmus of Panama and San Francisco (San Francisco, CA: Turnbull & Smith, 1867), 104.

(57.) While [pounds sterling]400 was a considerable sum in 1866--about twice the salary of a university lecturer--it was not an unreasonable amount, given the length and duration of the proposed journey, working out to about 4d. per mile. Included within this sum, furthermore, was the cost of all the traveler's food and lodging.

(58.) The imagined traveler, here, is male, but he does not have to be; part of the significance of the Global Moment is that it made global travel accessible to almost everyone. Race was also not an issue in most parts of the world, but in Australia, in the U.S. east of the Rockies, and on Cunard liners, people of color were often harassed for trying to use the transport system, especially if they tried to travel first class.

(59.) "Great Ocean Mail Route to British Columbia, California, Japan, and China via the Isthmus of Panama," Times, 16 November 1866, 2; "The East. Our Special Correspondence with China," New York Herald, 13 January 1867, 6. This report was sent from Hong Kong on 15 November 1866.

(60.) Royal Mail, British Postal Guide: Containing the Chief Public Regulations of the Post Office (London: George E. Eyre & William Spottiswoode, 1868), 52-69.

(61.) Technically, one could have left on the morning of 27 December, but this would have entailed three and a half days of continuous railway travel and Alpine staging between London and the Italian port of Brindisi. Note that all times given in this article are the official local time, or else railway time. The Kingdom of Italy, only a few weeks before, had adopted Roman time as the standard for all the Italian railways.

(62.) James W. Winter, London's Teeming Streets, 1830-1914 (London: Routledge, 1993).

(63.) Clements R. Markham, "The Fifty Years' Work of the Royal Geographical Society," The Journal of the Royal Geographical Society 50 (1880), 1-127.

(64.) The route was to have been: train and ferry from London to Marseilles; P&O liners and the Egyptian Transit Authority's railway from Marseilles to Hong Kong; Pacific Mail steamers from Hong Kong to New York, via the Panama Railroad; Cunard's S.S. Java from New York to Queenstown, Ireland; trains and ferry from Queenstown to London, via Dublin and Holyhead.

(65.) E. P. Thompson, "Time, Work-discipline, and Industrial Capitalism," Past and Present, 38 (December 1967), 56-97; D. Howse, Greenwich Time and the Longitude (London: Philip Wilson, 1997); Sean E. Urban and P. Kenneth Seitelmann, Explanatory Supplement to the Astronomical Almanac, 3rd ed. (Mill Valley, CA: University Science Books, 2013), 13, 231, 239; Wolfgang Schivelbusch, The Railway Journey: The Industrialization of Time and Space in the 19' Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986).

(66.) Joseph Rocca, "The Hour Zones in Europe," Bulletin of the International Railway Congress 4:6 (June 1897), 739-755, 743-744.

(67.) Ian R. Bartky, One Time Fits All: The Campaigns for Global Uniformity (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2007), 128.

(68.) "Multum in Parvo," Liverpool Mercury 31 January 1868, No. 6244, 10.

(69.) Avraham Ariel and Nora Berger, Plotting the Globe: Stories of Meridians, Parallels, and the International Date Line (London: Praeger, 2006), 142-143.

(70.) British Film Institute, "Old London Street Scenes" (1903), YouTube, Web. At frame 0:58 a Hansom cab crosses the intersection of Regent Street and Pall Mall, a distance of 27 yards, at a rate of about 4.5 yards per second, or 9.2 mph. The distance from Burlington House to Victoria Station was 1.24 miles, as determined using Edward Weller, Map of London, revised by John Dower (London: G.W. Bacon & Co., 1868).

(71.) "The London, Chatham, and Dover Railway," The Spectator, No. 1990, 18 August 1866, 5; "The London, Chatham, and Dover Railway," Illustrated London News, 13 October 1866, No. 1394, 351; G. Elliott, The Mystery of Overend & Gurney: A Financial Scandal in Victorian London (London: Methuen, 2006); Rhiannon Sowerbutts, "The Demise of Overend Gurney," Quarterly Bulletin Q2 (2016), 94-106.

(72.) C.H. Spurgeon, "Notes of a Late Visit to Paris," The Sword and the Trowel, February 1867, 72-75; Bradshaw's Illustrated Travellers' Handbook to France (London: W.J. Adams, 1867), xxix; also see Charles Dickens, The Uncommercial Traveller (Cambridge: Riverside Press, 1869), 256-261; "Paris," Times, 1 January 1867, 8.

(73.) "Paris," Times, 1 January 1867, 8.

(74.) H. R. Addison, Paris Social: A Sketch of Everyday Life in the French Metropolis (London: Darton & Co., 1866), 10.

(75.) Allan Mitchell, The Great Train Race: Railways and the Franco-German Rivalry, 1815-1914 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2000); Roger Price, People and Politics in France, 1848-1870 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 181-184.

(76.) M. Delebecque, Compagnie du Chemin de Fer du Nord: Rapport Presente du Nom du Conseil d'Administration (Lille: L. Danel, 1866), 34.

(77.) Maurice N. Blakemore, et al., eds., "Compagnie des Chemins de Fer de Paris a Lyons et a la Mediterranee," Moody's Analyses of Investments and Securities Rating Books: Railroad Investments (New York: Moody's Investor Service, 1922), 1617-1620.

(78.) Edward Mark, "Report by Mr. Consul Mark on the Trade of Marseilles for the Year 1864," Commercial Reports Received at the Foreign Office from Her Majesty's Consuls (London: Harrison & Sons, 1865), 848; also see Adolphe Joanne and J. Ferrand, De Lyon a la Mediterranee (Paris: Librairie de L. Hachette et Cie., 1866), 180; "The New Harbors and Docks of Marseilles," The Building News, 28 June 1861, 7: 539-540.

(79.) Patricia A. Cunningham, Reforming Women's Fashion, 1850-1920: Politics, Health, and Art (Kent: Kent University Press, 2003), 11-12; H. Despaigne, La Code de la Mode (Paris: Despaigne, 1866), 87; Valerie Steele, Paris Fashion: A Cultural History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 143.

(80.) Adolphe Joanne, Itineraire General de la France: de Paris a la Mediterranee, part 1 (Paris: Librairie de L. Hachette, 1863), xxxvii.

(81.) Bradshaw's Monthly Continental Railway, Steam Transit, and General Guide for Travellers through Europe (London: W.J. Adams, 1866), 44; for a description of what the railway journey to Marseilles was like, see George Augustus Sala, "The Great Circumbendibus: A Journal of Travel on a Loop-line," Belgravia 6 (1868), 574; also T.K. Lynch, A Visit to the Suez Canal (London: Day & Son, 1866), 12-13

(82.) Great Britain, Parliament, House of Commons, "Report of Mr. Nettin Radcliffe on the Diffusion of Cholera, and Its Prevalence in Europe, During the Ten Years 1865-74," Reports of the Medical Officer of the Privy Council & Local Government Board, Appendix No. 1, New Series, 4 (1875), 54-55.

(83.) Captain W.H. Roberts to the Directors of the P&O, 22 September 1865, East India Communications (1866), 339-341; John K. Sidebottom, The Overland Mail: A Postal Historical Study of the Mail Route to India (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1948), 59; National Maritime Museum, Caird Library, P&O/40/12, Nautical Reports, March 1866 to March 1868, 154. For a description of the P&O's service to Egypt, see "Life in India - Chapter VIII, The Overland Route," Fraser's Magazine, New Series 1 (1870), 456-473; also see Anonymous, Notes by the Way: Taken During a Journey by the So-Called Overland Route to China (London: Williams & Strahan, 1866); and for the alternative route from Southampton, see "Overland Notes," The Marlburian 4 (1869), 17-20.

(84.) "Overland Mails," Times, 10 January 1867, 9.

(85.) Bradshaw's Monthly Continental ... Guide (1866), 182.

(86.) "List of Passengers--Passengers Outward," The London & China Telegraph, 7 January 1867, 1; "Events of the Quarter," The Law Magazine and Law Review; or Quarterly Journal of Jurisprudence 21 (1866), 360; also see "Obituary - Sir William Hackett," Irish Law Times & Solicitor's Journal 11 (540), 2 June 1877, 271.

(87.) Burt, The Far East (1868), 37-38; Swift, Going to Jericho (1868), 145-146. Both these American travelers, staying at Shepheard's Hotel, described how the P&O's numerous passengers arrived and departed, quickly, like a flooding and ebbing tide.

(88.) Bradshaw's Monthly Continental ... Guide (1866), 182.

(89.) Coffin, 77; NMM, Caird Library, P&G740/12, Nautical Reports, March 1866 to March 1868, 199. The job of a coal-trimmer was to convey coal from the ship's bunkers to the stokers, and to redistribute the coal so that each bunker's supply was at the same level, thus maintaining the ship's balance.

(90.) NMM, Caird Library, P&O/40/12, Nautical Reports, March 1866 to March 1868, 199.

(91.) NMM, Caird Library, P&O/40/12, Nautical Reports, March 1866 to March 1868, 214; "Straits of Malacca," London & China Telegraph, 15 March 1867, 141.

(92.) NMM, Caird Library, P&O/40/12, Nautical Reports, March 1866 to March 1868, 214; Ludovico de Beauvoir, A Voyage Round the World, 2 Vols. (London: John Murray, 1870), 2: 301-305.

(93.) For a description of the Chinese New Year's celebrations in Hong Kong that year, see Cuthbert Collingwood, Rambles of a Naturalist (1868), 16-17; "Pacific Mail Steamship Company," Hong Kong Daily Press, 16 February 1867, 3; "Return of the Steamer 'Colorado,'" Evening Bulletin, 20 March 1867, 3. In 1867, Pacific Mail was headed by Allan McLane, who was the brother of Louis McLane, the president of Wells Fargo.

(94.) "From China and Japan," Daily Aha California, 23 March 1867, 3.

(95.) "Trip of the 'Colorado,'" Hong Kong Daily Press, 16 February 1867, 2. Also see the China Mail's remarks, excerpted in "Summary of Japan News," Evening Bulletin, 20 March 1867, 3.

(96.) "Another Letter," Daily Alta California, 21 March 1867, 1; "Brief Diary of the Trip by a Passenger," Ibid; William H. Parker to Allan McLane, 18 April 1866, in Reports of the Committees of the Senate (1866), 12-30.

(97.) "Brief Diary of the Trip by a Passenger," Daily Alta California, 21 March 1867, 1.

(98.) "Another Letter" and "Brief Diary of the Trip," Daily Alta California, 21 March 1867, 1; California Historical Society, Otis Family Papers, Diary of Edward Hale Greenleaf, MS 1617; "The Course and Time of the 'Colorado' on Her Late Trip," Evening Bulletin, 21 March 1867, 3. At 180[degrees] E., now known as the International Date Line, the Colorado's log simply repeated 8 March.

(99.) "The Japanese Commissioners," Daily Alta California, 21 March 1867, 1; Yukichi Fukuzawa, The Autobiography of Yukichi Fukuzawa, tr. Eiichi Kiyooka (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007), 166-167.

(100.) "Cisco," Sacramento Daily Union, 21 March 1867, 4; W. Turrentine, "Wells Fargo Staging over the Sierra," California Historical Society Quarterly 49:2 (June 1970). 99-133.

(101.) Sterling M. Holdredge, State, Territorial, and Ocean Guide Book of the Pacific (San Francisco, CA: Sterling M. Holdredge, 1866), 62. The speed of the steamboat's run is based on her recorded performance ascending the river on 11 March 1867. See "City Intelligence--Sunday Boat," Sacramento Daily Union, 11 March 1867, 3.

(102.) "Grand Excursion to the Snowy Mountains!" Sacramento Daily Union, 10 April 1867, 3; "Central Pacific Railroad," Evening Bulletin, 22 March 1867, 3.

(103.) "Matters at Cisco," Evening Bulletin, 29 March 1867, 1.

(104.) "Review of the Sacramento Market," Weekly Rescue (Sacramento), 16 March 1867, 3; for road conditions, see "Trip over the Mountains," Sacramento Daily Union, 7 March 1867, 2.

(105.) For an account of an overland stage journey and a circumnavigation in 1866-1867, see Charles Wentworth Dilke, Greater Britain: A Record of Travel in English-Speaking Countries, 8th ed. (London: Macmillan & Co., 1888). Another excellent and rare account of an eastbound trip is Edmund Hope Verney, "An Overland Journey from San Francisco to New York by Way of Salt Lake City," Good Words 1 (1866), 378-393.

(106.) "By Overland Stage," Reese River Reveille, 27 March 1867, 1; "Delayed," Reese River Reveille, 28 March 1867, 1; "Cold Snap," Daily Union Vedette, 30 March 1867, 3; "Returned," Reese River Reveille, 3 April 1867, 1; Michael Hodgson, Weather Forecasting (Guilford, CT: Globe Peugeot Press, 2007), 26-27. For the specific weather reports supporting the presence of a Chinook system, see "From the Plains," Rocky Mountain News, 2 April 1867, 2; "The Roads," Daily Union Vedette, 30 March 1867, 3; "On the Plains" and "Daily News," Rocky Mountain News, 1 April 1867, 4.

(107.) Robert J. Chandler, Wells Fargo (Charleston: Arcadia, 2006), 53; "Arrivals and Departures by Stage Yesterday," Salt Lake City Telegraph, 31 March 1867, 3.

(108.) "Arrivals and Departures," and "Gone East," Daily Union Vedette, 1 April 1867, 3; "Arrivals and Departures," Rocky Mountain News, 8 April 1867, 3. The speed given here is based on a running time of seventy-six hours, which accounts for stops at way and home stations; for the military escorts deployed between Fort Bridger and Fort Sedgewick, see "A Spicy Report from General Sherman," Sacramento Daily Union, 21 February 1867, 4.

(109.) "Daily News," Rocky Mountain News, 2 April 1867, 4; "Daily News," Rocky Mountain News, 3 April 1867, 4; "Daily News," Rocky Mountain News, 4 April 1867, 4; "Break in the Union Pacific Railroad," Rocky Mountain News, 8 April 1867, 1.

(110.) "U.S. Express Co.," Rocky Mountain News, 8 April 1867, 4. For a description of the Smoky Hill Route, see Bayard Taylor, Colorado: A Summer Trip (New York: CP. Putnam & Son, 1867), 23-36; for the timing, see "Thursday's Daily," Weekly Champion and Press (Atchison), 18 April 1867, 4. This article mentions the line as belonging to Wells Fargo, but U.S. Express had acquired it in February 1867.

(111.) Charles Godfrey Leland, The Union Pacific Railway, Eastern Division, or, Three Thousand Miles in a Railway Car (Philadelphia, PA: Ringwalt & Brown, 1867).

(112.) Appleton's Illustrated Railway and Steam Navigation Guide (1867), 275, 277.

(113.) L.U. Reavis, Saint Louis: The Future Great City of the World (Saint Louis, MO: C.R. Barns, 1876), 129-130; Appleton's ... Guide (1867), 241, 260, 268.

(114.) "Chicago and Alton Railroad," Daily Missouri Republican, 13 April 1867, 4. The famous Pullman sleeping car evolved on this railroad during the period 1858-1867. See Joe Welsh, Bill Howes, and Kevin J. Holland, The Cars of Pullman (Minneapolis, MN: MBI Publishing, 2010), 22.

(115.) Appleton's... Guide (1867), 221, 229; Chicago: A Strangers' and Tourists' Guide to the City of Chicago (Chicago: J.S. Thompson, 1866), 96, 117, 120.

(116.) George Woodman Hilton, The Great Lakes Car Ferries, 2nd ed. (Davenport: Montevallo Historical Press, 2003), 14-16; Guay, Great Western Railway, 102. The Canadian colonies were in the midst of a confederation process in 1867, and Ontario was still known as Canada West, while Quebec was Canada East.

(117.) John Grand and Ray Jones, Niagara Falls: An Intimate Portrait (Guilford, CT: Insider / Globe Pequot Press, 2006), 44-47.

(118.) Appleton's ... Guide (1867), 85, 221; for the Hudson River Railway, see Benson J. Lossing, The Hudson: From the Wilderness to the Sea (New York: Virtue & Yorston, 1866), 109; also Anonymous, Hudson River and the Hudson River Railroad (Boston: Bradbury & Guild, 1851), 11-13.

(119.) "Traveler's Guide," The World (New York), 17 April 1867, 3; "Passengers Sailed," New York Times, 18 April 1867, 8.

(120.) For the normal transatlantic steamer track of that time, see F. Labrosse, The Navigation of the Atlantic Ocean, tr. Lieutenant-Commander Joseph B. Coghlan, USN (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1873), 42-45; for the weather, see "Marine Intelligence," New York Times, 21 April 1867, 8.

(121.) "Arrival of the Java," London Express, 27 April 1867, 2.

(122.) Morford, Appleton's Short-Trip Guide to Europe (1868), 63; Roney, How to Spend a Month in Ireland (1866), 55-59; Falconer's Railway, Coach, Car, & Steam Navigation Guide for Ireland (Dublin: John Falconer, 1865), 15, 250; Murray's Handbook for Ireland (London: John Murray, 1866), 220-224, 238; "Lord Strathnairn The Irish Times, 29 April 1867, 3.

(123.) "Mallow - Movement of Troops," The Irish Times, 12 March 1867, 3; "Outrage on the Great Southern and Western Railway," The Irish Times, 18 March 1867, 3; "The Army," The Irish Times, 26 April 1867, 2.

(124.) Roney How to Spend a Month in Ireland, 3; George Meason, The Official Illustrated Guide to the North-Western Railway (London: W.H. Smith, 1861), 330; Greenway, Cross Channel and Short Sea Ferries, 22; Falconer's ... Guide for Ireland, 50; "Kingstown Intelligence - the Mail Service," The Irish Times, 29 April 1867, 4; "Departures from Kingstown per Royal Mail," The Irish Times, 29 April 1867, 3.

(125.) Bradshaw's Monthly Guide (1865), 136. For a period description of this train-to-cab transfer, see Francis Bond Head, Stokers and Pokers (1861), 42-43, 46-47. The route from Euston Station was via Gower Street, Grafton Street, Fitzroy and Charlotte Streets, Rath-bone Place, Oxford Street, Regent Street, Vigo Street, Sackville Street, and Piccadilly. Note that some streets in Victorian London were not open to through vehicular traffic.

(126.) John Ball and Edouard Desor, A Guide to the Western Alps (London: Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts, & Green, 1863), xxiv; P.M. Kalla-Bishop, Italian Railways (Newton Abbott: David & Charles, 1971), 41-42.

(127.) "The Inundations in France," Daily News, 1 October 1866, 5; "The Alpine Passes," Times, 26 November 1866, 10; "Latest and Telegraphic News," Liverpool Mercury, 26 December 1866, 7; "Over Mount Cenis into Italy," Times, 10 October 1867, 8.

(128.) John Murray, ed., The Knapsack Guide for Travellers in Italy, 2nd ed. (London: John Murray, 1865), 7-8, 10; Bradshaw's ... Continental Guide (1866), 547; "The Brindisi Route," London & China Telegraph, 28 May 1866, 289-292; Captain W.H. Roberts to the Directors of the P&O, 25 July 1865, 8 September 1865, and 22 September 1865, East India Communications (1866), 333-337, 339-341. Steamers often arrived off Alexandria at night, but they did not try to enter the harbor until morning because of its extensive barrier reef.

(129.) "The Approaching Completion of the Railway System," Times of India, 4 August 1865, 4; Tahir Anrabi and Michael Kuehlwein, "Railways and Price Convergence in British India," Journal of Economic History 70:2 (June 2010), 351-377.

(130.) Ian Kerr, "The Building of the Bhor Ghat Railway Incline in Western India in the Mid-19th Century," in Railroads in Historical Context: Construction, Costs and Consequences (n.p., 2011), 1: 345-355, 353; Edward Davidson, Railways of India with an Account of Their Rise, Progress, and Construction (London: E.&F.N. Spon, 1868), 191-195, 201-203; G.W. Macgeorge, Ways and Works in India: Being an Account of the Public Works in That Country from the Earliest Times to the Present (Westminster: Archibald Constable, 1894), 336-338; G. Huddleston, History of the East Indian Railway (Calcutta: Thacker, Spink & Co., 1906), 42-43.

(131.) NMM, Caird Library, P&O/40/12, Nautical Reports, March 1866 to March 1868, 186.

(132.) "The Indian Mails," Times of India, 28 January 1867, reprinted in "Hundred Years Ago," Times of India, 28 January 1967, 7; W. Newman & Co.'s E.I. Railway Handbook (Calcutta: W. Newman & Co., 1870), 122.

(133.) NMM, Caird Library, P&O/40/12, Nautical Reports, March 1866 to March 1868, 186; Coffin, Our New Way Round the World, 80.

(134.) Coffin, Our New Way Round the World, 80-82; Anonymous, Rough Notes of Journeys Made in the Years 1868 ... '73 (London: Trubner & Co., 1875), 18-19.

(135.) Coffin, Our New Way Round the World, 106; Mountstuart E. Grant Duff, Notes of an Indian Journey (London: Macmillan & Co., 1876), 50. It should be noted that none of the British Indian railway network was segregated in the 1860s; however, as travelers' accounts attest, Indians avoided sharing first class compartments with Europeans, just as they often did not stay at dak bungalows if a European was already there. See Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Voyage to Modernism, edited by Mushirul Hasan [delta]c Nishat Zaidi (Delhi: Primus, 2011), 50-54.

(136.) Bradsbaw's Handbook to the Bombay Presidency & the North-West Provinces of India (London: W.J. Adams, 1864), 351; Anonymous, Rough Notes (1875), 19.

(137.) Cook's Indian Tours (London: Thomas Cook & Son, 1881), 42.

(138.) Charles Grant, ed., The Gazetteer of the Central Provinces of India, 2nd ed. (Nagpur: Education Society's Press, 1870), 337, 513. Also see East India Communications (1866), 608. The mail-cart system commenced when the GIPR reached Badnera. Initially carts were expected to travel from Badnera to Nagpur (107 miles) in eighteen hours, and from Nagpur to Mirzapur (407 miles) in fifty-one hours, at a minimum speed of eight mph. By 1867, a faster speed was attained as the roads were much improved.

(139.) John S. Mill, Memorandum of the Improvements in the Administration of India during the Last Thirty Years (London: n.p., 1858), 23.

(140.) "Central Provinces," Times of India, 11 December 1865, 3. Much of this activity was timed to coincide with the Nagpur Exhibition of Christmas 1865, the first of a series of such trade shows, held at Nagpur and Jabalpur, designed to promote the commerce of the Central Provinces.

(141.) Coffin, Our New Way Round the World, 132-133. Today, the Kurai dak bungalow lies within the Pench Tiger Reserve; Alfred C. Lyall, ed., Gazetteer of the Central Provinces, part 1 (Nagpur: Chief Commissioner's Office, 1867), 296; J.H. Morris, Report on the Administration of the Central Provinces (Nagpur: Chief Commissioner's Office, 1868), 35; Anonymous, From Calcutta to London (Calcutta: Englishman Press, 1869), 260-261, 267-268. Also see E.D.G. Prime, Around the World: Sketches of Travel Through Many Lands and Over Many Seas (New York: Harper, 1872), 338-339.

(142.) Bengal and Agra Annual Guide and Gazetteer (1842), 242-244, gives all the stages of the Great Deccan Road, the distances between them, and the location of the dak bungalows, with detailed notes. All of this information, and the relative positions of the road and railway, have been cross-referenced with U.S. Army Map Service, India and Pakistan, 1:250,000 (Washington, DC: U.S. Army Topographical Command, 1968), NF-44/2, NG-44/14, and NG-44/15.

(143.) There is no extant schedule for the EIR from this period, but it is possible to use the running times given by Wyman (1865) in conjunction with information compiled from various travelogues to reconstruct the EIR's schedule. Frederick F. Wyman, Calcutta to the Snowy Range (London: Tinsley Bros., 1866), 356.

(144.) Bradshaw's Handbook to the Bengal Presidency, 99. This bridge could be opened to let boats through.

(145.) Wyman, Calcutta to the Snowy Range (1866), 21-22; Louis Rousselet, India and Its Native Princes (New York: Scribner Armstrong, 1876), 550-551; Anonymous, Rough Notes (1875), 39; Montague Massey, Recollections of Calcutta for Over Half a Century (Calcutta: Thacker Spink & Co., 1918), 74-78.

(146.) Straits Calendar & Directory (1867), 147; William McKenny Wall, A Guide to the Hooghly: A Handy Book of Useful Information, 2nd ed. (Calcutta: Calcutta Central Press Co., 1870), 53.

(147.) Alexander G. Findlay, A Directory for the Navigation of the Indian Ocean (London: Richard Holmes Laurie, 1866), 877, 880. Only ships riding less than 20' deep were allowed above Kedgeree (today's Khijri), and all of them required a pilot, steam-tug, and special permission. Many ships, if possible, loaded to a depth of, say, 19', then completed their loading, by lighter, at Kedgeree.

(148.) "Commercial Intelligence," Hong Kong Daily Press, 25 February 1867, 2; Stevens, Stowage of Ships, 136, 483, 685.

(149.) The Arattoon Apcar's descent of the Hooghly was reconstructed using: Norie, Practical Navigation (1868), 164-170; Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, The Nautical Almanac and Astronomical Ephemeris for the Year 1867 (London: John Murray, 1863). For the Hooghly's "corrections," see Samuel R. Elson, The River Hooghly: Calcutta to Saugor Island (Calcutta: n.p., 1884), 62.

(150.) "Commercial Intelligence," Hong Kong Daily Press, 25 February 1867, 2; Straits Calendar and Directory (1867), 59, 187; "Arrivals," Hong Kong Daily Press, 27 February 1867, 1.

(151.) "From Asia--Arrival of the Steamer 'Colorado,'" Daily Alta California, 14 June 1867, 1; "Arrival of the Golden City," Daily Alta California, 25 July 1867, 1; "Central and South America," New York Times, 12 July 1867, 2; "Ship News," Times, 19 July 1867, 12; "Ship News," Times, 25 July 1867, 9.

(152.) NMM, Greenwich, Caird Library, P&O/40/12, Nautical Reports, March 1866 to March 1868, 213; "Panama, New Zealand, and Australian Royal Mail Company," and "The P. and O. Company's R.M. Steamship Geelong," The Age (Melbourne), 13 February 1867, 1, 4; "Shipping Intelligence," The Argus (Melbourne), 13 February 1867, 4; J.A. Cunneen, Postmaster General of New South Wales, to the Colonial Secretary, London, 19 December 1865, Steam Postal Service via Suez, Legislative Assembly of New South Wales (Sydney: Government Printer, 1866), 2; "Railway Time Tables," The Sydney Morning Herald, 4 February 1867, 6.

(153.) Victoria, Report on the Post Office Department, Victoria, for the Year 1866 (Melbourne: John Ferres, 1866), 31. Passengers for Echuca had to change trains at Bendigo, then known as Sandhurst. Frere, Antipodes (1870), 41; De Beauvoir, Voyage Round the World (1870), 1: 173.

(154.) "The News of the Day," The Age, 16 April 1867, 5; The Official Post Office Directory of New South Wales, 1867 (Sydney: F.F. Bailliere, 1867), 88; New South Wales Government Gazette, 18 December 1866, No. 246, 3127; Bailliere's New South Wales Gazetteer and Road Guide (Sydney: F.F. Bailliere, 1866), 358; John Ormond Randall, Pastoral Pattersons (Victoria: Queensberry Hill Press, 1977).

(155.) "Deniliquin Stock Report," Bendigo Advertiser, 26 February 1867, 2; "Wind and Weather Report," The Argus, 19 February 1867, 4; "Winds and Weather," Sydney Morning Herald, 20 February 1867, 4.

(156.) K.A. Austin, The Lights of Cobb & Co.: The Story of the Frontier Coaches, 1854-1924 (Adelaide: Rigby Limited, 1967), 33-34, 51-57, 68-74.

(157.) For example, see New South Wales Government Gazette, 18 December 1866, No. 246, 3125.

(158.) "Friday--February 22," The Goulburn Herald and Chronicle, 23 February 1867, 4; "The Sticking-up of the Goulburn Mail," The Goulburn Herald and Chronicle, 27 February 1867, 2-3; Peter C. Smith, The Clarke Gang: Outlawed, Outcast, and Forgotten (Kenthurst, Australia: Rosenberg Publishing, 2015), 505-521; G.E. Boxall, The Story of the Australian Bushrangers (London: Swan Sonnenschein 8c Co., 1899), 269-277; Charles White, A History of Australian Bushranging, 4 vols. (Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1903), 2:201-204.

(159.) "Railway Time Tables," The Sydney Morning Herald, 4 February 1867, 55:8956, 6.

(160.) "Notes from Panama," Hawke's Bay Herald (New Zealand), 4 June 1867, 3; J. & W. Dudgeon, "On Twin Screw Propulsion," in N.P. Burgh, ed., A Practical Treatise on Modern Screw Propulsion (London: William Clowes & Sons, 1881), 87.

(161.) "Notes from Panama," Hawke's Bay Herald (New Zealand), 4 June 1867, 3; "Arrival of the Panama Mail," Timaru Herald (New Zealand), 29 May 1867, 3; "Arrival of the Panama Mail," The Goulburn Herald and Chronicle, 5 June 1867, 2.

(162.) RMS was later used to refer to any steamer that carried the Royal Mail, but that acronym had not yet come into general use in the 1860s. Confusingly, Cunard also officially called itself the Royal Mail (North American) Steamship Co.

(163.) "Shipping Intelligence," The Gleaner (Kingston), 12 April 1867, 1.

(164.) "Royal Mail Steam Packet Co.," The Gleaner, 8 April 1867, 8.

(165.) "The West Indian, Mexican, Pacific, Australian, and New Zealand Mails," Times, 29 April 1867, 6.

(166.) Bradshaw's Continental ... Guide (1866), 538.

(167.) "From Panama," Daily Alta California, 24 April 1867, 1.

(168.) Otis, Isthmus of Panama (1867), 139; "South and Central America," New York Tribune, 15 April 1867, 5.

(169.) "Shipping Intelligence," Daily Alta California, 26 March 1867, 4; "Arrival of the Steamer 'Moses Taylor,'" Evening Bulletin (San Francisco), 27 April 1867, 1.

(170.) For a description of the Nicaragua crossing, see "Letter from Mark Twain, No. IV," Daily Alta California, 15 March 1867, 1; "Letter from Mark Twain, No. V," Daily Alta California, 16 March 1867, 1; "Marine Intelligence - Arrived To-Day," Commercial Advertiser, 18 April 1867, 3.

(171.) W.H. Quinn and V.T. Neal, "The Historical Record of El Nino Events in Climate Since AD 1500," in R.S. Bradley and P.D. Jones, eds., Climate Since AD 1500 (London: Routledge, 1992), 623-648.

(172.) "The San Francisco and China Trade," London & China Telegraph, 14 October 1867, 545; "The Voyage of the Colorado," Daily Alta California, 16 September 1867, 1.

(173.) Ron Harris, "Political Economy, Interest Groups, Legal Institutions, and the Repeal of the Bubble Act in 1825," Economic History Review 50:4 (November 1997), 675-696.

(174.) John A. Phillips and Charles Wetherell, "The Great Reform Act of 1832 and the Political Modernization of England," The American Historical Review 100:2 (April 1995), 411-436.

(175.) The connection between slaveholder compensation and the British Industrial Revolution is controversial. For an example of the case for a linkage, see John M. Hobson, The Eastern Origins of Western Civilization (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 243-282. In recent years, however, a careful study of the flow of capital from former slaveholders to new investments indicates that the largest single portion of Parliament's [pounds sterling]20 million payout was sunk into railways, with 163 individuals making 519 separate investments, of which 486 are fully documented. For the database, see University College London, Legacies of British Slave Ownership ( Note, however, that the sum of [pounds sterling]5.3 million, given above, may increase as the database is updated.

(176.) Anthony Webster, The Twilight of the East India Company: The Evolution of Anglo-Asian Commerce and Politics, 1790-1860 (Rochester, NY: Boydell & Brewer, 2009), 104-128.

(177.) Albert Schrauwers, Union is Strength: W.L. Mackenzie, the Children of Peace, and the Emergence of Joint Stock Democracy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009), 5-12.

(178.) J. C. Hemmeon, The History of the British Post Office (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1912), 7: 55-56, 105.

(179.) Anton A. Huurdeman, The Worldwide History of Telecommunications (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 2003), 67; Michael J. Freeman, "Introduction," in Michael J. Freeman, ed., Transport in Victorian Britain (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988), 1-51; Bartky, One Time Fits All, 128.

(180.) Christian Wolmar, Fire and Steam: A History of the Railways in Britain (London: Atlantic Books, 2007); Dionysius Lardner, Railway Economy: A Treatise on the New Art of Transport, Its Management, Prospects, and Relations (New York: Harper & Bros., 1850), 349-367. As noted above, much of the money invested in British railways originated as a transfer of wealth from the Treasury to former slaveholders, and thus may be considered an indirect state subsidy.

(181.) Catherine J. Golden, Posting It: The Victorian Revolution in Letter Writing (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2009).

(182.) Hemmeon, British Post Office (1912), 7: 63; Dodd, Railways, Steamers, and Telegraphs (1867), 131-147, 152-167; Howard Robinson, Carrying British Mails Overseas (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1964), 133; "The Overland Mail," Illustrated London News, 21 May 1842, 21; "The Overland Route from India," Illustrated London News, 28 May 1842, 37; Boyd Cable, A Hundred Year History of the Peninsular and Oriental Steam Navigation Company (London: Ivor Nicholson & Watson, 1937).

(183.) James Vernon, Distant Strangers: How Britain Became Modern (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2014), 7-17.

(184.) David G. Wittner, Commodore Matthew Perry and the Perry Expedition to japan (New York: Rosen Publishing Group, 2005); Dodd (1867), 149-150, 264; Hyde, Cunard and the North Atlantic, 60-64. This period also saw both an increase in the opulence of transatlantic steamers and the rise of the "steerage trade" as emigration to North America increased. Also see "The Steam Marine Connected with the Isthmus of Panama," The Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle 29 (1860), 159-164; Fessenden Nott Otis, History of the Panama Railroad (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1867), 16-45.

(185.) "The Overland Route to India," Illustrated London News, 5 June 1858, 553.

(186.) Marie-Francoise Berneron-Couvenhes, Les Messageries Maritimes: L'essor d'une Grande Compagnie de Navigation Francaise, 1851-1894 (Paris: Presses de l'Universite Paris-Sorbonne, 2007), 88, 91-94.

(187.) James L. Huston, The Panic of 1857 and the Coming of the Civil War (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1987); Nicholas Dimsdale and Anthony Hotson, "Introduction," in Nicholas Dimsdale and Anthony Hotson, eds., British Financial Crises since 1825 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 38-39; Mark Sullivan Hall, "Fenians, Sepoys and the Financial Panic of 1857," in Marina Carter and Crispin Bates, eds., Mutiny at the Margins: New Perspectives on the Indian Uprising of 1857: Volume 3, Global Perspectives (New Delhi: SAGE India, 2013), 87-97.

(188.) Christian Wolmar, The Subterranean Railway: How the London Underground was Built and How it Changed the City Forever (London: Atlantic, 2004); "London, Chatham, and Dover Railway Station," Illustrated London News, 26 December 1863, No. 1238, 654.

(189.) Robinson, Carrying British Mails Overseas, 231; Alec Hasenson, The History of Dover Harbour (London: Aurum Special Editions, 1980), 109-110.

(190.) Sherard Osborn, "The Iron Permanent Way of the Egyptian Railway," The Civil Engineer and Architect's journal 30 (1867), 141-143.

(191.) For examples, see Edward Stanford, Stanford's New London Guide (London: Edward Stanford, 1860), 117; Hasenson, The History of Dover Harbour, 109-110; Lewins, Her Majesty's Mails, 280-281. For a glimpse of how much the London-Calais journey was improved, see Anonymous, "Rambles by Rail," The Railway News 4:92, 30 September 1865, 353-354.

(192.) William Tallack, "The California Overland Express: The Longest Stage-Ride in the World," published serially in four installments in The Leisure Hour, Vol. 14 (1865); Hafen, Overland Mail, 211-213.

(193.) W. Turrentine Jackson, Wagon Roads West: A Study of Federal Road Surveys and Construction in the Trans-Mississippi West, 1846-1869 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1952), 161-178; Melody Groves, Butterfield's Byway: America's First Overland Mail Route Across the West (Charleston, SC: The History Press, 2014); Oscar Osburn Winther, Via Western Express and Stagecoach (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1947); J.V. Frederick, Ben Holladay, The Stagecoach King: A Chapter in the Development of Transcontinental Transportation (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1968); Hafen, Overland Mail, 165-191; Joshua D. Wolff, Western Union and the Creation of the American Corporate Order, 1845-1893 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 57-60; Richard White, Railroaded: The Trans-continentals and the Making of Modern America (New York: W.W. Norton, 2012).

(194.) William Cronon, Nature's Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West (New York: W.W. Norton, 1991), 15; Louise Carrol Wade, Chicago's Pride: The Stockyards, Packing-town, and Environs in the Nineteenth Century (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1987), 10-15, 26-28; John F. McDonald, Chicago: An Economic History (London: Routledge, 2016), 42-43.

(195.) Koray Caliskan, Market Threads: How Cotton Farmers and Traders Create a Global Commodity (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010), 106-107.

(196.) Bailliere's New South Wales Gazetteer and Road Guide (Sydney: F.F. Bailliere, 1866), 358.

(197.) Ferdinand de Lesseps, The History of the Suez Canal: A Personal Narrative, trans, by Sir Henry Drummond Wolff (London: William Blackwood & Sons, 1876), 4-5.

(198.) J. V. Nye, "The Myth of Free Trade Britain and Fortress France: Tariffs and Trade in the Nineteenth Century," Journal of Economic History 51:1 (March 1991), 23-46.

(199.) For an example of the role of subsidies within a company's overall operations, see "Peninsular and Oriental Steam Navigation," Times, 6 December 1865, 6. Also see "Chemins de Fer du Quatrieme Reseau," Journal des Chemins du Fer des Mines et des Travaux Publics, 27 (1139), 5 July 1862, 532.

(200.) Adrian Jarvis, "Alfred Holt and the Compound Engine," in Robert Gardiner and Basil Greenhill, eds., The Advent of Steam: The Merchant Steamship before 1900 (London: Conway Maritime Press, 1993), 158-159; Malcolm Falkus, The Blue Funnel Legend: A History of the Ocean Steam Ship Company, 1865-1973 (London: Macmillan, 1990), 1; Francis E. Hyde, Far Eastern Trade, 1860-1914 (London: Adam & Charles Black, 1973), 89-91; Geoffrey Jones, Merchants to Multinationals: British Trading Companies in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 36.

(201.) For example, see Great Britain, Board of Trade, Reports of the Inspecting Officers of the Railway Department to the Lords of the Committee of Privy Council for Trade, upon Certain Accidents which have Occurred on Railways during the Months of January and February 1864, Part First (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1864), 97-98.

(202.) Douglas A. Irwin, "Multilateral and Bilateral Trade Policies in the World Trading System: An Historical Perspective," in J. De Melo and A. Panagariyay, eds., New Dimensions in Regional Integration (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 90-119, esp. 95-97.

(203.) For example, see Joseph Norbert Frans Marie a Campo, Engines of Empire: Steamshipping and State Formation in Colonial Indonesia (Hilversum, Netherlands: Verloren, 2002), 38-47.

(204.) Michael Lang, "Globalization and Its History," Journal of Modern History 78:4 (December 2006), 899-931.

(205.) See Mayers, et al., Treaty Torts of China and Japan (1867), xlviii.

(206.) Roscoe and Margaret B. Conkling, The Butterfield Overland Mail, 1857-1869 (Glendale, CA: A.H. Clark Co., 1947), 143. Express companies in the Far West did not try to segregate customers, and their workforces were integrated as well.

(207.) "Letter from Asia--Arrival of the Colorado," Daily Alta California, 21 March 1867, 1. "Japan--Yokohama," London & China Telegraph, 29 April 1867, 210-211. For the Chinese merchants' own views on the Colorado's voyage, see "Intercourse with China," Evening Bulletin, 2 January 1867, 3; and "The China Mail Line," Sacramento Daily Union, 3 January 1867, 4. Also see Elizabeth Sinn, Pacific Crossing: California Gold, Chinese Migration, and the Making of Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2013); Mary Carpenter, Six Months in India (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1868), 1: 16.

(208.) The pattern of Indian capital investment in the nineteenth century is interesting; overall, Indians preferred to invest in family firms that were often engaged in particular branches of trade.

(209.) Daniel Houston Buchanan, Development of Capitalistic Enterprise in India (London: Macmillan & Co., 1934), 136; S.D. Mehta, The Cotton Mills of India, 1854-1954 (Bombay: Textile Association of India, 1954), 9-18, 26-27.

(210.) For example, see Wong Yee Tuan, Penang Chinese Commerce in the 19th Century: The Rise and Fall of the Big Five (Singapore: ISEAS, 2015), 69-72.

(211.) Norris W. Potter, Lawrence M. Kasdon, and Ann Rayson, History of the Hawaiian Kingdom (Honolulu, HI: Bess Press, 2003), 89-90.

(212.) The Refusal of the Agent...," Illustrated London News, 17 April 1847, 246; also see Frederick Douglass, The Life & Times of Frederick Douglass (Hartford, CT: Park Publishing, 1882), 290-291, 318-319. Note that this account of the incident, written later in Douglass's life, depicts the matter in a far rosier light than his letters written aboard ship, at the time of these outrages. It was also more difficult to obtain an apology from Sir Samuel Cunard than Douglass's memoir suggests. A hardnosed businessman, he bent only under tremendous public pressure in favor of Douglass.

(213.) Cunard Co., Official Guide and Album of the Cunard Steamship Co., revised ed. (London: Sutton Sharpe 8c Co., 1877), 17-21. Interestingly, Cunard uses this incident as an example of how adept its captains were at maintaining order aboard their ships.

(214.) "Another Letter," Daily Alta California, 21 March 1867, 1; Arthur D. Carlisle, Round the World in 1870 (London: Henry S. King, 1872), 231; "Treatment of Choy Chew on a Pacific Mail Steamer," Daily Alta California, 29 August 1869, 1; "Editorial Notes," Daily Alta California, 8 August 1869, 2.

(215.) Ian J. Kerr, Budding the Railways of the Raj, 1850-1900 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995), 6-10, 187.

(216.) Otis, History of the Panama Railroad (1867), 16-45, esp. 34-36. The Panama Railroad recruited mostly Irish, Chinese, Jamaican, and French workers. Panama's population was very small at the time, and unable to meet the railroad's labor needs.

(217.) Robert W. Larson, Red Cloud: Warrior-Statesman of the Lakota Sioux (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1997), 74-10; James C. Olson, Red Cloud and the Sioux Problem (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1965), 60-66.

(218.) Leslie A. Schwalm, Emancipation's Diaspora: Race and Reconstruction in the Upper Midwest (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009), 203-204; "Action against the Pacific Railroad Company," Daily Missouri Republican, 13 April 1867, 45 (89), 3.
Itinerary of the Simulated "Global Moment" Circumnavigation

Transport           Location            Date         Arrival

Hansom cab          Burlington          12/25/1866
London,             Victoria Station,   12/25        7:15 a.m.
Chatham &           London
Dover Rly.
Royal & Imperial    Dover               12/25        9:20 a.m.
Chemins de Fer du   Calais              12/25        11:40 a.m.
PLM                 Paris               12/25        6 p.m.
P&O                 Marseilles          12/28        6:32 a.m.
Egyptian Transit    Alexandria,         1/3/1867     7:30 a.m.
Authority           Egypt
Egyptian Transit    Cairo               1/3          4:30-
Authority                                            5:30 p.m.
P&O                 Suez                1/4          12 p.m.
P&O                 Aden                1/10         6:56 a.m.
P&O                 Point de Galle,     1/21         6:43 a.m.
P&O                 Penang              1/28         6:30 a.m.
P&O                 Singapore           1/30         7:45 a.m.
Pacific Mail        Hong Kong           2/8          7:40 p.m.
Pacific Mail        Yokohama            2/25         12 p.m.
California Steam    San Francisco       3/20         9:30 a.m.
Navigation Co.
Central Pacific     Sacramento          3/23         12 a.m.
Wells Fargo &       Virginia City       3/24         evening
Co. Express
Wells Fargo &       Salt Lake City      3/31         evening
Co. Express
United States       Denver              4/7          evening
Express Co.
Union Pacific       Junction City,      4/11         evening
Eastern Division    Kansas
Railway &
Missouri Pacific
Chicago, Alton &    Saint Louis         4/13         10 a.m.
St. Louis
Michigan Central    Chicago             4/15         5:40 a.m.
Great Western       Detroit             4/16         3 a.m.
New York Central    Buffalo             4/16         2 p.m.
Hudson River        Albany              4/17         1:40 a.m.
Cunard Line         New York City       4/17         7 a.m.
Great Southern &    Queenstown &        4/27         12:30 a.m.
Western             Cork, Ireland
City of Dublin      Dublin &            4/27         5:35 p.m.
Steam Packet        Kingstown
London & North-     Holyhead,           4/27         11:25 p.m.
western Rly.        Wales
Hanson cab          Euston Sta.,        4/28         6:45 a.m.
                    Burlington          4/28/1867    7 a.m.

Transport           Date         Departure

Hansom cab          12/25/1866   7 a.m.
London,             12/25        7:25 a.m.
Chatham &
Dover Rly.
Royal & Imperial    12/25        9:30 a.m.
Chemins de Fer du   12/25        12:10 p.m.
PLM                 12/27        11 a.m.
P&O                 12/28        10 a.m.
Egyptian Transit    1/3/1867     11:30 a.m.
Egyptian Transit    1/4          7:30 a.m.
P&O                 1/4          5:10 p.m.
P&O                 1/11         6:15 a.m.
P&O                 1/21         10:45 p.m.
P&O                 1/28         2 p.m.
P&O                 1/30         3 p.m.
Pacific Mail        2/17         9 a.m.
Pacific Mail        2/27         9 a.m.
California Steam    3/22         4 p.m.
Navigation Co.
Central Pacific     3/23         6:30 a.m.
Wells Fargo &       3/25         6 a.m.
Co. Express
Wells Fargo &       4/1          7:30 a.m.
Co. Express
United States       4/8          7 a.m.
Express Co.
Union Pacific       4/12         5:30 a.m.
Eastern Division
Railway &
Missouri Pacific
Chicago, Alton &    4/14         4:50 p.m.
St. Louis
Michigan Central    4/15         4:15 p.m.
Great Western       4/16         4 a.m.
New York Central    4/16         2:20 p.m.
Hudson River        4/17         1:45 a.m.
Cunard Line         4/17         12:30-1 p.m.
Great Southern &    4/27         11:40 a.m.
City of Dublin      4/27         7:15 p.m.
Steam Packet
London & North-     4/27         11:55 p.m.
western Rly.
Hanson cab          4/28         6:48 a.m.
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Author:Frey, James W.
Publication:The Historian
Article Type:Report
Geographic Code:7EGYP
Date:Mar 22, 2019
Previous Article:International Cooperation in the Early Twentieth Century.

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