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Studies in Uralic etymology III: Mari etymologies.

1. MariE jame-, MariW jame-'go numb (of a body part); be blinded (of the eyes); hide (intr.)' < PU *jama-'go numb, get stiff'

MariE jeme-, MariW jeme-'go numb; be blinded; hide'(< PMari *jime-) bears a strong resemblance to a Finno-Saamic verb root *jama-. The Saami reflexes (SaaN jdpmit, etc.) mean'die', whereas the Finnic cognates are derived adjectives such as Fi jamea and jamakka with meanings such as 'stiff' and 'sturdy'. The Saami and Finnic words have been first equated by Koponen (2002), and despite the difference of meaning the etymology appears quite plausible. The common Saami verb *jame-'die'is in any case secondary, as Saami is the only branch of Uralic where this meaning is not expressed by a reflex of the PU verb *kali-'die'(UEW 173; on the phonological reconstruction of the verb see Luobbal Sammol Sammol Ante 2012 : 245--247). Moreover, there are traces of an original meaning of 'stiffness' in Saami: cf. SaaS jaemedh'die; go numb (of a body part)'and SaaN japmit die; solidify (of mercury). Also the SaaU derivative jaamalgit means go numb (of body parts)', whereas its cognates SaaN jdmdlgit and Saal jamalgid mean faint .

Earlier PSaa *jame- 'die' has been compared to MdE joma-, MdM joma (< PMd *joma-), MariE joma-, MariW jama- (< PMari *jama-)'disappear, get lost' and NenT ja?ma- 'be sick; be unable'(UEW 89). This etymology is unacceptable due to irregular sound correspondences, however. PMd *o ~ PMari *a is in itself an irregular correspondence, so borrowing from Mordvin to Mari or vice versa has probably taken place. Neither PMd *o nor PMari *a is a regular correspondent of PSaa *a. NenT ja?ma- has a cluster -?m which points to an original obstruent (*t, *k, *c or *s) preceding the nasal, which makes the comparison to any of the other verbs impossible.

MariE jame-, MariW jame-, however, can be straightforwardly equated with PSaa *jame-, as the same meaning'go numb (of body parts)'is attested in both Mari and Saami. The meaning get blinded (of the eyes) in Mari is a rather transparent extension of the meaning'go numb'. In addition, the Mari verb has the meaning hide (intr.), the development of which is less clear. Phonologically the equation is regular. The vowel development PU *a > PMari *i is also found in two other cases after PU *janti[eta] 'bowstring'> PMari *jidan > MariE ja[delta]an, MariNw, MariW ja[delta]an (UEW 92) and PU *jasin'joint'> PMari *jlzay > MariE jsza[eta], MariNw jazan (but MariW irreg. jezan!) (UEW 95). There is also one example of the change after the palatalized nasal *n- (> PU *nalma'tongue'> PMari *jilma > MariE jelme, Nw, MariW jelme (UEW 313-314). The change *ni- > *ji- in *jilma tongue appears to be regular (see the next etymology).

Saarikivi (2007 : 337) has suggested that Finno-Saamic *jama- also has a cognate in Permic: Komi jam- 'fall (of water level)'. While an etymological connection of verbs meaning die and fall is in itself possible, this etymology is difficult to combine with the fact that the original meaning of Saami *jame- 'die' is rather connected with numbness and stiffness. As also Komi a would be an exceptional reflex of PU *a, it seems unlikely that Komi jam- belongs in this cognate set.

2. MariE (Bolshoj Kilmez) jicke-, MariW jacke- 'pick, pluck, pull' < PU *nicka- 'tear, pull'

The Mari verb can be compared to the PU verb root *nicka- 'tear'(Sammallahti 1988 : 546), which is reconstructed on the basis of Saami, Permic and Hungarian: cf. SaaS (Roros) njektjiestijh 'scratch insect bites', SaaN njaskut 'nibble', Komi nec-, necki- 'tear, pull out', and Hung nyes 'prunes, lops off, trims, cuts. UEW (314) does not mention the Saami word and considers Hung nyes an uncertain cognate, but includes KhE net-, nat- 'pluck, pick, tear in the cognate set. However, the Khanty verb shows an irregular palatalized stop and an irregular vowel, so it is uncertain whether it belongs in this etymology. The equation of the Saami, Komi and Hungarian verbs is phonologcially fully regular, though.

The Mari verb reflects PMari *jicke-, which shows a remarkable similarity to the reconstructed PU form *nicka-. The vocalism as well as the medial consonant cluster match exactly, and the only unexpected detail is the initial *j- in the Mari verb. However, there is one other well-established etymology where PU *n- is reflected as PMari *j-: MariE jalme, MariW jalma 'tongue' < PMari *jilma < PU *nalma (> SaaN njalbmi 'mouth', KhE nalam, MsE mlam, Hung nyelv 'tongue'; UEW 313-314). In this case, too, the following vowel is PMari *i. A regular change *ni- > *ji- can thus be postulated for Proto-Mari. It must be noted that MariE nal, MariNw MariW nal 'four'(< PMari *nil) is not a counterexample to this change, because this numeral originally had *n- instead of *n- (PU *nelja). The unpalatalized nasal is preserved in Hung negy and several Saami languages (e.g., SaaU nel'ja, SaaI nelji). The initial n- of some cognates (e.g., SaaN njeallje, Komi nol KhE nela, MsN nila) seems to have developed due the assimilatory influence of word-internal *-j-.

3. MariE wut-kowa, MariW koe, ko 'wave' < PU *kompa 'wave'

PMari *kowa'wave'can be reconstructed on the basis of MariE wut-kowa (wut 'water') and MariW koe ~ ko 'wave'. The MariW form shows an irregular loss of intervocalic *w. The Mari word bears a notable resemblance to the reconstructed PU noun *kompa'wave', attested in KhE kump, MsE kop, kump 'wave', Hung hab 'surf, foam', NenT xampa, EnF kaba, Ngan koyhu, SlkTa qompi 'wave' (UEW 203). In more western languages the word is attested in derivatives: Fi kummuta : kumpua- (the vowel -u- is irregular) and MdE kumboldo- 'rise in waves'.

The comparison is otherwise straightforward, but the assumed development PU *mp > PMari *w needs to be accounted for. While no generally accepted previous examples of such a change are known, it does have an obvious parallel in the next etymology (4): PMari *lewa ~ *liwa'warm'< PU *lampi 'warm'. The development can be explained as a result of denasalization *mp > *b > *w. Note that there was no phoneme */b/ in Proto-Mari; the voiced labial stop in words like MariE lombo, MariW lombs 'bird-cherry' is merely a postnasal allophone of */w/: PMari *lomba = */lomwa/. The development PU *mp > PMari *w is probably entirely regular, as there seem to be no plausible counterexamples, and even a parallel case can be presented (see etymology 4). The cluster *mb in *lomba 'bird-cherry' is evidently secondary, as the word is an obscured compound consisting of PMari *lom (< PU *dimi 'bird-cherry') and PMari *pu 'tree'. There are also several examples of the denasalization *nd > *d (> [delta]) in Mari; see the discussion and examples under etymology 10. The assumption of the denasalization of the PU cluster *mp accords well with the already known development of the PU cluster *nt in Mari.

4. MariE lewe, MariW liwe 'warm'; MariE lewe-, MariW liwe- 'become warm, thaw

< PU *lampi 'warm, warmth'

A root *lampi 'warm' can be reconstructed on the basis of Fi lammin : lampima- 'warm', lampo 'warmth', and MdE lembe, MdM lamba 'warmth'. As shown by Aikio (2002 : 13), the word also has a Samoyed cognate which shows a semantic innovation: Ngan d'evhia 'clothes', NenT jempa?, EnF debis 'get dressed', SlkTa cempit- 'gird'(< PSam *jampa-). Furthermore, it has remained overlooked that the original meaning of warmth is also found in Samoyed: Kamas dem- 'warm (tr.)'.

In this cognate set one can also include MariE lewe, MariW liwa warm , MariE lewe-, MariW liwe- become warm, thaw , as hesitatingly suggested by UEW (685). As argued in the previous etymology (3), the correspondence PU *mp ~ Mari w results from denasalization (*mp > *b > *w). The only detail requiring further comment is the vowel correspondence. The Mari word for warm belongs to the small group of words which display the unusual vowel correspondence between MariE -e- and MariW -i-. Other examples of this correspondence include MariE pece ~ MariW pica 'fence', MariE sem ~ MariW sim 'black', MariE sen, MariW sin 'tinder', MariE ter ~ MariW tir 'sled', MariE wele- ~ MariW wile- 'spill, strew', MariE wem ~ MariW wim 'marrow', MariE weye ~ MariW wiyga 'son-in-law'. The protoMari form can be reconstructed as *liwa; in East Mari there has been a change *i > e, the conditioning factor probably being the following sonorant (Luobbal Sammol Sammol Ante 2014 : 138-139). There are at least two examples of such words reflecting a PU form with *a in the first syllable: PU *sana 'bracket fungus'> MariE sen, MariW sin 'tinder'(UEW 494), PU *wa[eta]iw 'son-in-law'> MariE we[eta]e, MariW wi[eta]ga (UEW 565). On account of these parallels MariE lewe, MariW liwa 'warm'(< PMari *liwa) can be derived from PU *lampi 'warm'.

5. MariE nonca- 'shape, form', MariE noncak, (Birsk) noncok, MariW nuncak dough

< PU *ninca-/*nanca-'stretch'

The Mari word for 'dough' can be reconstructed as PMari *nuncak. In MariE there has been a chang e *u > o in this word (Itkonen 1954 : 222; Luobbal Sammol Sammol Ante 2014 : 133). This is a deverbal derivative: the underived root is MariE nonca- 'shape' (= Fi 'muovailla') (< PMari *nunca-). This verb is not found in the dialect dictionary by Moisio amd Saarinen (2008), but it is mentioned as the root of noncak'dough' by Alhoniemi (1985 : 156). These Mari words can be added to the following cognate set: SaaN njuozzit'hammer flat and thin; roll out (dough)', Komi nuzal-, Udm nuza-, KhE ninc-, KhS ninc-, KhN ms- (< PKh *ninc-), MsN, MsE nuns-, MsS nons' stretch (intr.)'(< PMs *nunns-). The proto-form of the verb has been reconstructed as nanca- (Sammallahti 1988 : 546).

Semantically the equation is rather self-evident; the Saami cognate has the meaning 'roll out (dough)', which makes the connection to the Mari derivative meaning 'dough' straightforward. Also the verbal meaning 'shape' is close to the meaning 'hammer flat and thin' in Saami. Presumably the original meaning was 'stretch' as in Permic and Ugric, and this gave rise to a more specific meaning stretch or otherwise work something flat and thin'.

As regards consonant correspondences, the match is precise. An unusual feature is, however, the labial front vowel u ~ o (< PMari *u) in Mari; normally PU *a is reflected as PMari *a or *o. However, there are also several examples of PU *i being reflected as PMari *u. It must be noted that we can reconstruct PMari *u also for words which now show the vowel o in all dialects, as such cases seem to be restricted to the position before *r, and in the same environment u is not attested. Apparently, there has been a regular change PMari *u > o /_r in all varieties of Mari. As this complementary distribution is acknowledged, no distinct phoneme *o can be reconstructed to Proto-Mari (Luobbal Sammol Sammol Ante 2014 : 131-135), contrary to what is claimed by Itkonen (1954 : 213-215).

MariE, MariW up 'hair on the head' < PMari *up < PU *ipti (UEW 14-15)

MariE ulo-, MariW ula- 'under-' < PMari *ula- < PU *ila (UEW 6)

MariE, MariW sum 'scale' < PMari *sum < PU *simi (UEW 476)

MariE sun, son, MariW sun 'vein, sinew' < PMari *sun < PU *sini (UEW 441)

MariE su[delta]o, MariW su[delta]a 'hundred' < PMari *suda < PU *sita (UEW 467)

MariE (Morki) nola piks 'arrow with a bone head' < PMari *nula < PU *nili 'arrow' (UEW 317)

MariE, MariW mor 'strawberry' < PU *mirja 'berry' (UEW 264-265)

MariE noro, MariW nora 'flexible, pliable' < PMari *nura < PU *niri (Aikio 2006 : 20-21)

MariE noryo, MariW norya 'cartilage' < PMari *nurga < PU *nirki (UEW 317)

Also new examples of this development seem to be found; see etymologies 6 and 10 below. Thus, MariE nonca- 'shape' and noncak 'dough' could be derived from PU *ninca-. Sammallahti (1988 : 546) reconstructs the verb as ^nanca-, apparently on the basis of the Mansi reflex *nuns-, which would rather seem to point to an original *a. Despite this discrepancy in the vowel correspondences, the match between the Mari words and the Uralic cognate set is otherwise so precise that the etymology seems highly plausible, even though the reconstruction of the first-syllable vowel (PU *a or *i) remains ambiguous.

6. MariE lu[delta]a-, MariW lu[delta]- 'be afraid'

< PU *lidV- 'be afraid'

Mari is the only branch of Uralic that has not preserved a reflex of the PU verb *peli- 'be afraid'(UEW 370). The verb exhibiting this meaning is MariE lu[delta]a-, MariW lu[delta]a- (< PMari *luda-), which has not been etymologized. The verb resembles the PSam root *ler(a)- ~ *ner(a)- 'be afraid, be frightened', which can be reconstructed on the basis of NenT lefo-'be frightened, get frightened', lerabta- 'scare, frighten', SlkTa lerimpi-, K larimpi- 'be afraid', Kam nere- 'get frightened', Mat ner- 'frighten' (Janhunen 1977 : 83). The forms with n- apparently result from dissimilation: the first of two liquids changed into a nasal. Due to the close semantic and phonological similarity of PMari *luda- and PSam *lerV- it is in order to scrutinize whether they can be analyzed as cognate.

As regards the vowel correspondence, PSam *e points to PU *i. In Mari one can assume the development PU *i > PMari *u, for which many parallels are known; see the discussion under the previous etymology (5). The correspondence Mari [delta] (< *d) ~ PSam *r can be explained by reconstructing PU *d. However, one must note that also loss of intervocalic *d is attested in Mari: cf. MariE kue-, MariW koe- 'weave' < PU *kuda- (UEW 675), MariE wem, MariW wim'marrow'< PU *widimi (UEW 572). The reflexes of PU *d show the same kind of unexplained duality. The development PU *d'> PMari *d is attested in MariE, MariW ko?e- 'leave behind' < PU *kada- (UEW 115-116), MariE pu[delta]arte-, MariW pa[delta]arte-'break'< PU *puda- (Aikio 2006 : 22) and MariE, MariW s[delta]ala-'scold, curse'< PU *soda- (Aikio 2002 : 27), whereas loss occurred in MariE s?j, MariW su'charcoal'< PU *sudi (UEW 477-478) and MariE, MariW u 'new' < PU *wudi (UEW 587).

An unusual phonological feature is the initial *l- in the Samoyed form, as a regular change *l- > *j- is assumed to have taken place in Samoyed: cf. e.g. PU *lumi > PSam *jom'snow', PU *lupsa'dew'> PSam *japta (Janhunen 1981 : 223), PU *lampi'warm'> PSam *jampa'clothes', PU *lasa' cover'> PSam *jasa- (Aikio 2002 : 13). However, there are also other examples of the preservation of *l- in Samoyed before PU *i (> PSam *i, *e):

* PSam *le 'bone' < PU *liwi ~ *luwi (UEW 254-255).--This is the only Uralic etymology for a Samoyed word with initial *l- that is accepted by Janhunen (1981 : 261-262). Probably the original form was *liwi, and the Finno-Ugric cognates pointing to *luwi have undergone a sporadic labialization of the vowel that was caused by the following *w.

* PSam *limpa (> NenT limpede 'bog, swamp', EnT, EnF lubo'mud', Ngan l'unha, SlkK limbi 'boggy place').--This word is cognate with Fi lampi pond, small lake and SaaN luoppal small lake or lake-like widening along a river (cf. UEW 235, where the comparison is regarded uncertain).

* PSam *linta (> Ngan linta 'plain, valley').--This is the previously unrecognized reflex of PU *linti 'lowland', and thus cognate with Fi lansi lowland , MariW landaka small valley, depression (esp. in a forest) , Komi and Udm lud meadow . UEW (235--236) cites other Samoyed cognates (NenT lamdo, EnF lodu, SlkK lamduka 'low' < PSam *lamto), but these are rejectable because of irregular vocalism: PSam *a is a regular reflex of PU *u, not of PU *a. Also, PSam *lamto does not match MariW landaka because PU *mt is reflected as MariW m[delta]. SaaN luovdit 'lie down, crouch down' and MdE, MdM landa- 'crouch down' must be excluded from this cognate set due to both phonological and semantic reasons; these reflect an etymologically distinct verb *lamttV- 'crouch down'.

In one case, however, the shift *l- > *j- occurred before PSam *e in part of the Samoyed languages: cf. NenT jebca, SlkK topsa, Kam depsu, Mat cebse ~ sebse 'cradle' (< *jepsa < PU *lipsi 'cradle') ~ EnF licu and Ngan labsa 'cradle' (< PSam *lepsa) (UEW 230). The change *l- > *j- in the word for 'cradle' is exceptional, and as also PSam *lerV- 'get frightened' is taken into account, there are altogether four examples demostrating that PU *l- was regularly retained before PU *i in Proto-Samoyed. (1)

7. MariE paze-, MariW paze- 'hold, cling to' < PU *pita- 'hold, cling to'

The meaning of MariE psze-, MariW paze- hold, cling to comes very close to that of MdE pide-, MdM pida- stick to, cling to, adhere and Fi pita' 'hold; keep; like; (impers.) be necessary, have to' (< PU *pita-), which gives reason to examine their possible etymological connection. Even though the vowel correspondence is regular, at first sight the comparison would seem problematic due to the voiced sibilant z as an assumed reflex of PU *t. However, it appears that also this can be explained as a result of regular development.

To account for the sibilant z we first need to consider Mari morphophonological rules, according to which intervocalic /z/ alternates with an affricate: in syllable-final position /z/ is replaced by MariE /c/ and MariW /c/ (Alhoniemi 1985 : 35-36). The affricate /c/ is phonetically palatalized ([c]) in MariE, and in parts of the East dialects (in Birsk, Kaltasy and Krasnoufimsk) also a palatalized sibilant /z/ occurs instead of /z/, which can be regarded a more original sound value. While the alteration can be synchronically described as a rule of the type z > c, it is evident that historically the affricate represents the original sound, and in intervocalic position the affricate became assibilated (*c > *z > z, z). On the basis of the correspondence MariE c ~ MariW c the PMari affricate *c can be reconstructed. A different affricate, PMari *c, underlies the correspondence MariE c ~ MariW c, and the reflexes of this affricate show no such morphophonological alteration. Also the Birsk, Kaltasy and Krasnoufimsk dialects of MariE preserve the two affricates distinct: PMari *c is reflected as c in these dialects.

The verb paze-, paze- has an unalternating sibilant z because conjugation II verbs do not have consonant stems and thus the sibilant never ends up in syllable-final position in the paradigm (Alhoniemi 1985 : 105-107). Even so, there is of course no obstacle to assuming that z reflects an earlier *c in this verb, too. In fact, this seems to be true of all instances of z in inherited words, as MariW c and z are in complementary distribution in common Mari vocabulary: c occurs in consonant clusters and word-finally, whereas z is found in intervocalic position. Hence, a single phoneme, PMari *c, can be reconstructed as the source of both MariE c ~ MariW c and MariE z ~ MariW z. Younger loanwords such as MariE teysz 'sea' (< Tatar deniz), however, do not follow the original distributional restrictions of z.

The PMari reconstruction of the verb psze-, paze- can thus be written *pice-. The Mari affricate *c seems to have two distinct sources, PU *c and *t. There seem to be two reliable examples of the development PU *c > PMari *c: PU *e/ica > PMari *ica > MariE iza, MariW aza 'older brother' (UEW 78) and PU *pVc(V)l/rV- > PMari *picalma > MariW pazalma 'rowan' (UEW 376); note that the consonant cluster in MariE pszle, pizle 'rowan' must have secondarily arisen through syncope, as in this form z unexpectedly occurs in preconsonantal position. On the basis of these words we can assume that PMari *c reflects the PU palatalized affricate *c. A probable third example is MariE ?syslte-, MariW cayalte- 'tickle'(< PMari *c?galte-), which would seem to be cognate with SaaN cagalduvvat 'tickle (intr.)', cagalduhttit 'tickle (tr.)'(< PU *cikilta-). Mari y in this verb is abnormal, however, as intervocalic *k was regularly lost in Mari. It is also worth noting that in loanwords PMari *c appears as a reflex of *c in the donating language: cf. MariE, MariW izi'small'< PMari *ici < PPerm *??? (> Udm ici 'little').

However, there are also two word-roots which show PMari *c as the reflex of PU *t(t): PU *kutki- > PMari *kicke- > MariE kacke-, MariW kacke- 'harness '(UEW 163, 903) and PU ?*wij(i)t(t)i > PMari *wic, *wic-at > MariE wi?, MariW wac five (attr.), MariE wizat, MariW wazat five (UEW 577).

The feature common to these words is that in both cases the vowel *i (< *i) precedes the stop *t. Yet a third, somewhat more complicated instance of the same development is seen in the domain of inflectional morphology. The 2sg ending shows allomorphy between *-t and *-c in the present and the past tense of conjugation I verbs: MariE purat, MariW parat you bite (< PMari *purat) vs. MariE purac, MariW parac 'you bit' (< PMari *purac). The phonological development of these forms must have been approximately as follows: PU *puri-t : *puri-ji-t > *pura-t : *pur-i-t > *pura-t : *pur-i-c > PMari *pwra-t : *pwra-c (cf. Bereczki 1994 : 40). Compare SaaN borat'you eat': borret 'you ate' and Fi puret 'you bite': purit 'you bit'(< PU *puri-t : *puri-ji-t). Hence, we may assume that there was a sound change *t > *c /i_ in Pre-PMari. MariE psze-, MariW paze- 'hold, cling to'< PMari *pice- < PU *pita- forms yet another example of this sound law.

UEW (386) gives also Ob-Ugric cognates for Fi pitaa and MdE pede-: KhE, KhS pit-, KhN ptt-' end up in, come somewhere; begin'(< PKh *pit-) and MsS, MsW pat-, MsE pat-, MsN pat- 'fall, moult' (< PMs *pat-). However, the vowel correspondece is not regular: the expected reflex of PU *i is PKh and PMs *a. As these verbs remain also semantically very distant from PU *pita-'hold, cling to', they cannot be included in the cognate set.

8. MariE suma-, MariW ssma- 'become tired, languish' < PU *soma- < Proto-Aryan *samya- (> Sanskrit samyati 'becomes quiet, fatigues, ceases')

MariE suma- and MariW sama- 'become tired, languish' reflect PMari *suma-. This verb can be compared to the following two reconstructed roots: PU *soma- 'hunger, thirst'(> Komi sumal-, Udm suma- 'be hungry', Hung szomjas 'thirsty') and PU *somV-rV- (> MdE sumofde-, MdM sumarda- 'worry, grieve, mourn', Hung szomoru 'sad', szomorit' worries, distresses') (UEW 485). These two word groups have also been considered members of the same cognate set; Sammallahti (1988 : 549) reconstructs the root as *soma/i- 'worry'. Honti (2013 : 30) considers Sammallahti's solution semantically unfounded, and postulates two separate cognate sets. However, 'hunger', 'thirst', 'worry' and grief all involve some kind of suffering, either bodily or mental. The previously unnoticed Mari cognate supports the idea that the words for worry, grief and hunger, thirst are etymologically related: both meanings can be derived from the sense of becoming tired, languishing found in Mari. Compare, e.g., Fi naantya languish; starve and English languish become feeble, weak, or enervated; become dispirited; assume an expression of grief or emotion appealing for sympathy (borrowed from Old French languir be listless, grieve, fall ill ).

As regards phonology, the match is regular. While the normal reflex of PU *o is PMari *o or *u, the development PU *o > PMari *u is attested before following labial consonants (*p and *m) (Luobbal Sammol Sammol Ante 2013 : 168-169). Thus, we can reconstruct a PU verb *soma- 'get tired, languish. This reconstruction is further confirmed by an external loan etymology: the verb was obviously borrowed from Proto-Aryan *samya- > Sanskrit samyati'becomes quiet, fatigues, ceases'. The substitution of *-m- for Aryan *-my- is accounted for by the fact that the cluster *-mj- was probably not permitted in Uralic; there is no etymology suggesting such a cluster in Proto-Uralic or even in those later proto-languages which have generally preserved clusters well (Proto-Saami, Proto-Finnic and Proto-Samoyed). As regards vocalism, there are several parallels for the substitution of PU *o for Proto-Aryan *a and *a (Koivulehto 1999), for example PU *ora 'awl' (> SaaI udri, Fi ora, MdE uro, Hung dr) < Proto-Aryan *ara- > Sanskrit ara 'goad; awl'. (2) Aryan *samya- derives from PIE *[kemh.sub.2]-, and is related to Greek [kappa][alpha][mu]v[omega] 'be tired, work hard at 'and Middle Irish cuma' grief, sorrow' (Mayrhofer 1986-2001 II 611). Note that the meaning of the Irish form fits well with the semantics of MdE sumofde- and Hung szomoru.

9. MariE su[delta]a-, MariW su[delta]a- 'clear (wood, road, field, etc.)' < PU *sinti- 'cut, clear (wood)'

The verb *santi- 'cut; clear (wood)' is reconstructed on the basis of Saami and Mordvin: cf. SaaS soedtedh trim (branches of trees); cut down trees (to clear the way)', SaaN suoddat 'chop (meat or fish for cooking); clear (wood), make a clearing in forest'(< PSaa *suonte-), MdE sand'e- ~ sanda-, MdM sanda- ~ (irreg.) senda- 'clear (wood)'(UEW 751). These words show a resemblance to MariE su[delta]a-, MariW su[delta]a-'clear (wood, road, field, etc.)', but the equation has not been proposed in etymological dictionaries. Paasonen' s East Mari dictionary (Siro 1948 : 131), however, mentions Md "sandi-" (sic) as the cognate of MariE su[delta]a-; the initial palatalized sibilant s- is apparently a typing or printing error.

MariE su[delta]a- and MariW su[delta]a- go back to PMari *suda-; the initial *s- instead of *s- can be reconstructed on the basis of the Bolshoj Kilmez dialect form su[delta]a-. This corresponds to the reconstructed verb *santi- quite regularly. Traditionally PMari *u has not been considered a regular correspondent of a Uralic back vowel (Itkonen 1954), but there nevertheless seem to be numerous examples of PMari *u as the reflex of PU *i; see the discussion under etymology 5. The proto-form can thus be written as *sinti- (> *santi- in Saami and Mordvin), and the Mari verb su[delta]a- can be recognized as yet another example of the development *i > PMari *u. The correspondence of the second-syllable vowels is also regular: both Saami *e and Mari *a are regular reflexes of PU *i-stems, and an original *i-stem is also implied by the palatalized consonant cluster -nd- in Mordvin.

As regards consonant correspondences, PMari *s- (> Bolshoj Kilmez s-, other dialects s-) is a regular reflex of PU *s- before front vowels, contrasting in this environment with PMari *s- (> Bolshoj Kilmez s-) which is the regular reflex of PU *s-. The Mari spirant [delta] (< *d) is not a fully regular representative of the PU cluster *nt, but there are parallels for the denasalization of this cluster: cf. PU *janti[eta] 'bowstring'> PMari *jida[eta] > MariE ja[delta]a?, MariW ja[delta]a[eta] (UEW 92), PU *lunta'bird, waterfowl'> PMari *luda > MariE lu[delta]o, MariW la[delta] 'duck'(UEW 254). Denasalization also occurred in some grammatical morphemes, such as derivational suffixes forming frequentative verbs (cf. Alhoniemi 1985 : 160): MariE -e[delta]a-, MariW -e[delta]a- (< PMari *-eda< PU *-(i)nti-, cognate with SaaN -ad-, -adda-, MdM -nda-, KhE -nt-) and MariE e[delta]ala-, MariW -e[delta]ala- (< PMari *-edala- < PU *-(i)ntili-, cognate with the Fi -entele-). On the other hand, counterexamples to the development are PU *kanta- > PMari *kande- > MariE konde-, MariW kande- 'carry, bring'(UEW 124) and PU *linti 'lowland'> MariW landaka 'small valley, depression (esp. in a forest) (see the discussion under etymology 6). Even though the development PU *nt > PMari *d does not appear to be fully regular, the tendency of denasalization in clusters containing a nasal and an obstruent in Mari is a well-established phenomenon. Examples are known also of the developments PU *ns > PMari *z (cf. PU *kunsi- 'urinate'> MariE kuza-, MariW ksza-; UEW 210) and PU *mp > *b > PMari *w (see etymologies 3 and 4 above). Hence, PMari *suda- can be quite naturally counted among the roots that have undergone denasalization in Pre-PMari.

10. MariE tuz, tujuz, MariW tuz 'pregnant (of animals)' < PU *tejnis < Indo-European *[d.sup.h]einyah2-/*dheinus 'pregnant (of animals)'

SSA (s.v. tiine) compares Fi tiine and its Finnic cognates (Kar tiineh, Veps tineh, Est tiine < PFi *tineh) to MariE, MariW tuz 'pregnant (of animals)'. The comparison is regarded highly uncertain. The dictionary maintains that if tiine developed from earlier *teine-, it may a loan from Indo-European *dheinyah2- (> Lithuanian dieni'pregnant (of animals)') or *[d.sup.h]einus (> Sanskrit dhenu-'milking cow', Avestan daenu-'female animal'). As the semantic match between the Finnic, Mari and Lithuanian forms is precise, the etymology deserves further consideration.

Assuming that PFi *tineh goes back to Pre-PFi, it is clear that the vowel *i cannot be original, as the word has not participated in the Pre-PFi change *ti > *ci. (3) Aikio (2012 : 241-243) suggests that the PFi *i may have developed from combinations of various vowels and the glide *j. In the case of *tineh we can postulate Pre-PFi *tejnis, and assume a sound change *ej > *ei > *i which took place after the change *ti > *ci. There do not seem to be counterexamples to the assumed change *ei > *i, as Finnish words with the diphthong -ei- reflect PFi *-ai- in cases where the word has a Pre-PFi etymology: e.g., Fi heina ~ Voro hain'grass, hay'< PFi *haina < *sajna < Baltic *sainas'hay'(SSA s.v. heina); Fi seiso- ~ Voro saisa-'stand'< PFi *saisa/o- < PU *sa[eta]sa- (UEW 431). Still, the reconstruction of the Pre-PFi form as *tejnis would remain conjectural, were it not that it can be verified by its Indo-European loan original *[dheinyah.sub.2]-, *[d.sup.h]einus. There is also another loanword that seems to have undergone the same vowel development: Fi piima'buttermilk', Est piim'milk'< PFi *pima < *pejma < Aryan *peimen- > Avestan paeman-'mother's milk'(cf. SSA s.v. piima).

The remaining question is whether also Mari tuz'pregnant (of animals)' can be derived from the same proto-form *tejnis. This indeed seems to be the case. Crucial forms for phonological reconstruction are dialectal MariE tujuz (Birsk) and tujuz (Kaltasy), which demonstrate that tuz must go back to an earlier disyllabic form with a vowel sequence (PMari *tuaz); the glide -j- in the form tujuz is a secondary hiatus-filling sound. The vowel sequence, in turn, implies the earlier presence of an intervocalic consonant that became lost in Mari. There is no obstacle to assuming that this consonant was *n, as the loss of intervocalic *n is regular after front vowels in PU *i-stems: cf. PU *meni-'go'> PMari *mie- > MariE mije-, MariW mie(UEW 272), PU *peni'dog'> PMari *pi > MariE pij, MariW pi (UEW 371), PU Vmjni'bast'> *nini > PMari *ni > MariE nij, MariW ni (UEW 707).

The only remaining issue is the labial front vowel *u as a reflex of PU *e in PMari *tuaz. There are many parallels for the development PU *e into PMari *u or *u: cf. e.g. PU *keji- 'cook, boil' > PMari *kua- > MariE kuja-, MariW kua- 'ripen; roast, cook' (UEW 143-144); PU *sepa 'neck'> PMari *su > MariE suj, su, MariW su (UEW 473-474); PU *ceca 'uncle'> PMari *cuca > MariE cucu, ?u?o, MariW caca 'maternal uncle'(UEW 34-35); PU *keri 'tree bark'> PMari *kur > MariE kur, MariW kar (UEW 148-149); PU *tera 'blade, edge'> PMari *tur > MariE tur, MariW tar (cf. UEW 522, 795); PU *weti 'water'> PMari *wut > MariE wut, MariW wat (UEW 570-571). The difference between *u and *u results from the consonant environment: Proto-Mari initial-syllable reduced vowels could only occur in pre-consonantal position, but in final position and before another vowel separated by a hiatus, a full vowel must occur (Itkonen 1954). Hence, we can assume that also in PMari *tuaz 'pregnant (of animals)' the vowel *u reflects PU *e. Thus, the word turns out to be a regular cognate of PFi *tineh 'pregnant (of animals)'and a loan from Indo-European *dheinah2- or *dheinus.

Abbreviations

EnF--Forest Enets; EnT--Tundra Enets; Fi--Finnish; Hung--Hungarian; Kam--Kamas; KhE--East Khanty; KhN--North Khanty; KhS--South Khanty; MariE--East Mari; MariNw--Northwest Mari; MariW--West Mari; Mat -Mator; MdE--Erzya Mordvin; MdM--Moksha Mordvin; MsE--East Mansi; MsN--North Mansi; MsS--South Mansi; MsW--West Mansi; NenT--Tundra Nenets; Ngan--Nganasan; PFi--Proto-Finnic; PIE--Proto-Indo-European; PKh -Proto-Khanty; PMari--Proto-Mari; PMd--Proto-Mordvin; PMs--Proto-Mansi; PSaa--Proto-Saami; PSam--Proto-Samoyed; PU--Proto-Uralic; Saal--Inari Saami; SaaN--North Saami; SaaS--South Saami; SaaU--Ume Saami; SlkK -Ket Selkup; SlkTa--Taz Selkup; Udm--Udmurt.

SOURCES OF LEXICAL DATA

Alatalo, J. 2004, Solkupisches Worterbuch aus Aufzeichnungen von Kai Donner, U. T. Sirelius und Jarmo Alatalo, Helsinki (LSFU XXX).

Benko, L. 1992-1997, Etymologisches Worterbuch des Ungarischen, Budapest.

Bergsland, K., Mattsson Magga, L. 1993, Aarjelsaemien-daaroen baakoegaerja--Sydsamisk-norsk ordbok, [Lakselv].

Fokos-Fuchs, D. R. 1959, Syrjanisches Worterbuch, Budapest.

Grundstrom, H. 1946--1954, Lulelapsk ordbok, Uppsala (Skrifter utgivna genom dialekt- och folkminnesarkivet i Uppsala. Ser. C:1).

H. Paasonens Mordwinisches Worterbuch. Zusammengestellt von Kaino Heikkila. Bearbeitet und herausgegeben von Martti Kahla, Helsinki 1990-1999 (LSFU XXIII. Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskuksen julkaisuja 59).

H. Paasonens Ost-tscheremissisches Worterbuch. Bearbeitet und herausgegeben von Paavo Siro, Helsinki 1948 (LSFU XI).

Helimski, E. 1997, Die matorische Sprache. Worterverzeichnis, Grundzuge der Grammatik, Sprachgeschichte. Unter Mitarbeit von Beata Nagy, Szeged (Studia Uralo-Altaica 41).

Herrala, E., Feoktistov, A. 1998, Moksalais-suomalainen sanakirja, Turku (Turun yliopiston suomalaisen ja yleisen kielitieteen laitoksen julkaisuja 58).

Itkonen, E. 1986-1991, Inarilappisches Worterbuch, Helsinki (LSFU XX).

Itkonen, T. I. 1958, Koltan- ja kuolanlapin sanakirja, Helsinki (LSFU XV).

Kai Donners Kamassisches Worterbuch nebst Sprachproben und Hauptzugen der Grammatik. Bearbetet und herausgegeben von A. J. Joki, Helsinki 1944 (LSFU VIII).

Lehtisalo, T. 1956, Juraksamojedisches Worterbuch, Helsinki (LSFU XIII).

Maksimov, S., Danilov, V., Saarinen, S. 2008, Udmurttilais-suoma lainen sanakirja, Turku (Turun yliopiston suomalaisen ja yleisen kielitieteen laitoksen julkaisuja 79).

Mikola, T. 1985, Morphologisches Worterbuch des Enzischen, Szeged (Studia Uralo-Altaica 36).

Moisio, A., Saarinen, S. 2008, Tscheremissisches Worterbuch, Helsinki (LSFU 32).

Niemi, J., Mosin, M. 1995, Ersalais-suomalainen sanakirja, Turku (Turun yliopiston suomalaisen ja yleisen kielitieteen laitoksen julkaisuja 48).

Orszagh, L., Magay, T. 2006, Angol-magyar nagyszotar, Budapest. Sammallahti, P. 1989, Sami-suoma satnegirji--Saamelais-suomalainen sana kirja, Ohcejohka.

Sammallahti, P., Morottaja, M. 1993, Saami-suoma sanikirje--Inarinsaamelais-suomalainen sanakirja, Ohcejohka.

Steinitz, W. 1966-1993, Dialektologisches und etymologisches Worterbuch der ostjakischen Sprache 1-15, Berlin (= DEWOS).

Suomen sanojen alkupera. Etymologinen sanakirja 1-3, Helsinki 1992-2000 (SKST 556; Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskuksen julkaisuja 62) (= SSA).

Uotila, T. E. 1942, Syrjanischer Wortschatz nebst Hauptzugen der Formenlehre. Aufgezeichnet von Yrjo Wichmann, Helsinki (LSFU VII).

Wogulisches Worterbuch. Gesammelt von Bernat Munkacsi, geordnet, bearbeitet und herausgegeben von Bela Kalman, Budapest 1986.

Wotjakischer Wortschatz. Aufgezeichnet von Yrjo Wichmann. Bearbeitet von T. E. Uotila & Mikko Korhonen. Herausgegeben von Mikko Korhonen, Helsinki 1987 (LSFU 21).

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REFERENCES

Aikio, A. 2002, New and Old Samoyed etymologies.--FUF 57, 9-57.

--2006, New and Old Samoyed Etymologies. Part II.--FUF 59, 5-34.

Bereczki, G. 1994, Grundzuge der tscheremissischen Sprachgeschichte I, Szeged (Studia Uralo-Altaica 35).

Honti, L. 2013, Comments on Uralic Historical Phonology.--Acta Linguis tica Hungarica 60, 1-68.

Itkonen, E. 1954, Zur Geschichte des Vokalismus der ersten Silbe im Tschere missischen und in den permischen Sprachen.--FUF 31, 149-345.

Janhunen, J. 1981, Uralilaisen kantakielen sanastosta.--JSFOu 77, 219-274.

Kallio, P. 2007, Kantasuomen konsonanttihistoriaa.--Samit, sanit, satnehamit Riepmocala Pekka Sammallahtii miessemanu 21. beaivve 2007, Helsinki (MSFOu 253), 229-249.

Koivulehto, J. 1999, Varhaiset indoeurooppalaiskontaktit: aika ja paikka lainasanojen valossa.--Pohjan poluilla. Suomalaisten juuret nykytutkimuksen mukaan, Helsinki (Bidrag till kannedom av Finlands natur och folk 153), 207-236.

Koponen, E. 2002 [unpublished], Sdpmelas ja muita omaperaisia sanaselityksia [Presentation handout delivered at meeting of the Finno-Ugrian Society, Helsinki, 15.2.2002].

Kroonen, G. 2013, Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Germanic, Leiden (Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series 11).

Luobbal Sammol Sammol Ante (Aikio, A.) 2012, On Finnic Long Vowels, Samoyed Vowel Sequences, and Proto-Uralic *x.--Per Urales ad Orientem. Iter polyphonicum multilingue. Festskrift tillagnad Juha Janhunen pa hans sextioarsdag den 12 februari 2012, Helsinki (MSFOu 264), 227-250.

--2013, Studies in Uralic Etymology I: Saami Etymologies.--LU XLIX, 161-174.

--2014, On the Reconstruction of Proto-Mari Vocalism.--Journal of Language Relationship / Bonpocbi [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 11, 125-157.

Mayrhofer M. 1986--2001, Etymologisches Worterbuch des Altindoarischen, Heidelberg.

Michalove, P. A. 2001, The Treatment of Initial *l- in Proto-Samoyed. -JSFOu 89, 185-189.

Saarikivi, J. 2007, Uusia vanhoja sanoja.--Samit, sanit, satnehamit. Riepmocala Pekka Sammallahtii miessemanu 21. beaivve 2007, Helsinki (MSFOu 253), 325-347.

Sammallahti, P. 1988, Historical Phonology of the Uralic Languages with Special Reference to Samoyed, Ugric and Permic.--The Uralic languages. Description, History and Foreign Influences, Leiden--New York--K0ben havn--Koln, 478-554.

(1) Michalove (2001) has suggested that the shift PU *l- > PSam *j- only took place before PU labial vowels. However, several examples of the shift before illabial vowels other than *? have been later discovered.

(2) Note that UEW (342) reconstructs the word as Pre-Proto-Aryan *ora < PIE *ola-. This is, however, erroneous; the Aryan word is cognate with Proto-Germanic *elo'awl '(> English awl, German Ahle'awl'), which shows that Proto-Aryan *ara- must reflect earlier *ela- (Kroonen 2013 : 117). Hence, the vowel *o in PU *ora'awl'must be a substitute for Aryan *a.

(3) Traditionally a change *ti > *si has been assumed for Pre-PFi. Kallio (2007 : 235-236, 241-242), however, has shown that Voro has often preserved an affricate as a reflex of Pre-PFi *t before *i.

Luobbal Sammol Sammol ante (ante aikio) (Oulu)

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Ante Aikio

University of Oulu

E-mail: ante.aikio@oulu.fi
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