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Spiegelungen in Dandin's Mirror: A Comparative Pursuit in the Translatability of Narrative Modes, Historicity, Prose, and Vernacularism across French and Asian Medieval Historiography.

I. Prefatory Theoretical Considerations on Comparison

When entering into a new comparative approach between textual traditions, it is first necessary to consider how the notion of comparison is to be understood. As texts are not reducible to mere concrete objects, their comparison does not amount to simply holding two objects up against each other. If comparison were objective, it would require that the comparanda exist independently in and of themselves. In textual comparison, however, the abstract comparanda have to be generated through reading, which is already an act of interpretation done from a chosen hermeneutical perspective that presupposes an intellectual standpoint grounded in the theories, methodologies, rhetorics, and institutional agendas of a knowledge system or--to use a Foucauldian term--an episteme. (1)

Accordingly, thirteenth-century French chronicles might be read from a historical perspective drawing on the broader context of European medieval historiography, grounded in the theories and methods of the modern discipline of history. Or, they might be read from a literary perspective highlighting the texts' narrative or poetic features, grounded in the theories and methods of Western literary criticism. The reading of medieval French chronicles to be attempted here will be done from a comparative perspective of medieval Asian historiography, while grounded in an understanding of the act of comparison itself derived from one of the epistemes of early medieval Asia. This is an inverted comparative approach.

In the global humanities, (2) comparison is generally nestled within the modern episteme of Western culture with a history of ideas reaching back to Aristotle and European antiquity. (3) Consequently, the central concepts employed in comparative studies tend to flow from the hegemonic European core of the humanities onto the epistemically subjacent peripheries of other cultures. (4) For instance, in his study of narrative structures in early Chinese historiography, the Stanford Sinologist John C. Y. Wang applies a European literary perspective of narrative derived from the British novelist E. M. Forster's book Aspects of the Novel. (5) The present essay ventures a converse modus operandi, using a classical Asian definition of comparison to look at medieval French historiography in order to identify relations of similarity and oppositions of difference within medieval Asian historical narrative. (6)

Comparison has been variously defined and explicated across the different classical knowledge systems of Asia. In the South Asian traditions, it is discussed as upama [phrase omitted], (7) in the East Asian traditions as bi ([phrase omitted]), and in the Inner Asian traditions as pe [phrase omitted]. (8) A particularly influential explanation of comparison, which spread throughout South and Inner Asia, was given in the treatise Kavyadarsa ([phrase omitted]), 'The Mirror of Literature', by the literary theorist Dandin ([phrase omitted]), who flourished in South India around the year 700 CE:
Comparison (Sanskrit upama [phrase omitted], Tibetan pe
[phrase omitted]) is where some noticeable similarity (sadrsya
[phrase omitted], dartsungpa [phrase omitted]) is perceived (pratiyate
[phrase omitted]), tokchepa [phrase omitted]). (9)

A slightly less influential but theoretically equally important definition of comparison appeared earlier in the work Kavyalamkara ([phrase omitted]), 'The Ornament of Literature', by the seventh-century Indian writer Bhamaha ([phrase omitted], c. 580-650 CE):
Comparison (upama [phrase omitted]) is a sameness (samya
[phrase omitted]) through a minor [shared] quality in the compared
object (upameya [phrase omitted]) and the comparing object (upamana
[phrase omitted]), where the comparing object is distinct from
[the compared object] in terms of place, time, action, or the like. (10)

The strength of Dandin's definition lies in its concrete use of the word 'similarity' and the hermeneutical emphasis of the phrase 'is perceived', whereas the advantage of Bhamaha's definition is in the stress it lays on the distinct character of the comparing and the compared objects in their temporal, spatial, and agentive dimensions. Hence, on the basis of Dandin's and Bhamaha's interpretive tropologies, an applicable definition of comparison shall be suggested for the present purposes:
Comparison is to perceive a similarity in distinct phenomena.

The proposed definition of comparison brings out a tension between 'similarity' and 'distinct phenomena'. This dialectical aspect is derived from Bhamaha's definition, where it is said that comparison not only requires a partial similarity in the form of a shared quality in the compared objects, but also a difference in terms of the objects' location, time, action, or some other distinguishing feature. While the requirement of likeness warrants that the objects indeed are comparable, the requirement of distinctiveness ensures that the comparison is made between two or more different phenomena, thereby avoiding the tautology of comparing something to itself. The phrase 'to perceive', derived from Dandin's definition, stresses that comparison is not a quality existing in the compared objects, but a perception taking place within the observer making the comparison, and therefore bound by the observer's cognitive, linguistic, and hermeneutical perspective.

Consequently, it may be argued that a comparison of medieval European and Asian historical narratives presupposes postulates of three similarities and one difference. The three postulated similarities are that medieval European and Asian historical narratives share features of being (1) 'medieval', (2) 'historical', and (3) 'narrative', while the single postulated difference is that they are distinct in terms of being either 'European' or 'Asian'. All four presuppositions should be understood as being perceptions that are subject to the observer's cognitive, linguistic, and hermeneutical perspective, and not as existing as reified qualities in the objects of comparison. In other words, the empirical objects of comparison at hand, namely, the specific texts, chronicles, records, biographies, and so forth produced during the given epoch in the different localities, are conceptualized by the observer as 'medieval', 'historical', 'narrative', as well as 'European' or 'Asian'.

The first comparative term, 'medieval', may serve as an illustration for the inescapable constraints dictated by its conceptualization. When the European humanists from Leonardi Bruni (c. 1370-1444) down to Christoph Cellarius (1638-1707) invented and disseminated the idea of the 'Middle Ages', they presented it as a diachronic in-between: the age that lies in the middle between antiquity and modernity. (11) This idea presupposes a European chronological and teleological perspective of the cultural epochs of antiquity, Middle Ages, and modernity. However, most non-European cultures, for example Australia, Japan, North America, Tibet, and Cambodia, have no formative cultural age that corresponds to the period of Greco-Roman antiquity between the fifth century BCE and the fourth century CE. By the same token, some non-European civilizations, for example Japan, Tibet, and Cambodia, had formative epochs which they regard as their own golden ages of cultural origin, and these epochs do not correspond in time to European antiquity but to the European Middle Ages during the latter half of the first millennium CE, (12) notably a period considered regressive by the European humanists. The few societies which did enjoy a high culture concurrent with Greco-Roman antiquity, such as the Egyptian, Persian, Indian, Chinese, and Mayan civilizations, in most cases do not regard this era as their cultural beginnings but rather place their origins in cultural epochs much older than Europe's antiquity. 'Medieval' then becomes a synecdoche, whereby the European sense of chronology as a whole represents the multiple and varied chronologies of the world. Hence, in using the term 'medieval' with reference to non-European cultures, the caveat would have to be raised that the shared attribute 'medieval' can only be understood as loosely referring to a historical period from the fourth to the fifteenth centuries, however with the consequence that the term is destabilized and emptied of its meaning of being a middle epoch. Similar critiques of either Eurocentric Orientalism or the destabilization of the key terms can be raised against the other listed postulates of 'European', 'Asian', 'historical', and 'narrative'.

There seems thus to be a deeper epistemological problem in the postulates that crop up in the cognitive process of comparative abstraction. The postulates generate a perceived commonality that is superimposed on the compared phenomena as if they stand in a relation of 'sameness', (13) which in turn results in a hyperreal idea of a shared identity. To reiterate, when two apples have exactly the same shade of the colour red, it might be said that their colour is the same and that the two apples are identical in colour. With the abstract idea of the colour red, the evoked abstraction of sameness might be conceived of as operating through the creation of a general type or universal, (14) as if it were an idea existing independently from the objects said to possess this commonality. This being so, if the postulated abstraction is autonomous from concrete things, it inevitably results in diametrically opposed notions of absolutes. The absolute abstraction can no longer lend itself to definition through the plurality provided by instantiation, but can only be delineated through demarcation relative to its own negation. Ergo, when the abstraction 'Asian' becomes essentialized as an absolute, it loses its semantic concretization as a common denominator for Chinese, Japanese, or Indian, and instead gravitates towards becoming the polarized opposite of 'non-Asian'.

Still, in globalist comparison, the claim of sameness or abstract universality wholly divorced from the concrete has held a powerful sway, because its absolutive force offers what may be argued to be a false ground for comparison. In fact, this was the comparable principle at work in the older sociological tradition starting with Max Weber's universal notion of ideal types. (15) Absolute universals indeed continue to be used as epistemic comparative principles in post-Orientalist comparative studies of more recent date, including various forms of intercultural, transcultural, or global studies, in most cases silently, without theoretical justification. Some of the few comparativists in historical studies who have relied on a universal as their principle of comparison and dared to present this choice in a theoretical discussion include the German thinkers Jorn Rusen and Stephan Conermann, who share the concept 'historical consciousness' (Geschichtsbewusstsein) as their comparative principle. (16) In these otherwise excellent comparative endeavours, historical consciousness is held to be an 'anthropological universal' that in its most abstract form and basic operation is the same for all humanity. The generality's hyperreal sense of human commonality not only permits universal comparison. It is also said to serve the noble ethical ideal of preventing ethnocentrism from taking root in comparative work, whether colonialist Eurocentrism or forms of postcolonialist ethnocentrism, such as Sinocentrism. (17)

Nonetheless, claims of universality cannot escape the epistemic fact that comparison, as argued above, is bound to the cognitive, linguistic, and hermeneutical perspective of the observer who makes the comparison. Given that the universal ineluctably has to be expressed in a specific language, it is linguistically particular and non-universal, and therefore fundamentally unsuited for global comparison across languages. This intricacy lurks already in the subtle semantic differences that exist between the English term 'history' and the German word 'Geschichte', and that likewise are found between the English notion 'consciousness' and the German 'Bewusstsein'. The semantic divergences would doubtlessly be even more pronounced if the comparison of historical consciousness were to be made to non-European concepts of history and consciousness. (18) The non-universality of language can then only be avoided by maintaining that the chosen universal term entails no specificity, namely that it does not denote 'historical' and 'consciousness' in any of these words' common senses in English. Ultimately, the universal becomes emptied of meaning and semantically destabilized, as it was suggested above with the notion 'medieval', which loses its sense of 'the middle period' when employed in contexts other than Mediterranean history. (19)

If the use of universals rooted in the superimposition of relations of sameness onto disparate phenomena entails the problems outlined above, it might be epistemologically propitious to try to seek a way of making comparisons while avoiding universals. It could very well be that this is possible by conceiving of comparability not as a relation of sameness but rather as a relation of 'similarity' (sadrsya [phrase omitted], dartsungpa [phrase omitted]). The understanding of comparison as similarity agrees with the aforementioned definitions of comparison given in early medieval Indian and Tibetan literary theories. (20)

The notion of similarity implies a semblance in distinct phenomena, which comparatively approximate each other. Since the shared quality is never taken to be wholly identical for the compared phenomena, the process of abstraction does not result in the postulation of any universal. In other words, the relation of sameness is like the mathematical symbol 'equals' sign =, which indicates the exact identity of two algebraic expressions, whereas the relation of similarity is like the 'almost equals' sign [approximately equal to], which only shows approximation while maintaining a subtle distinction between the two. It is such relations of similarity--and not relations of sameness--that here will be sought between the narrative modes of medieval French and Asian historiography.

The proposed comparison between what is in the observers of French or Asian medieval historiography is motivated by an epistemic critique of the humanities. The academic disciplines of the humanities are conceptually and methodologically rooted in the European history of ideas, where human culture is studied through the Western notions of arts, literature, language, and history. In the humanist study of non-Western cultures, the subject of study is a foreign language and culture, but the underlying humanist mechanism for creating a secular historicization of human culture usually remains the same. A desire to stretch the humanist discipline of medieval studies into a global perspective therefore runs a risk of superimposing an axiomatic Occidental value system or episteme with its Eurocentric conception of the Middle Ages onto non-Occidental cultures in an Orientalist and even colonialist fashion. To avoid this problem, a universalized notion of the Global Middle Ages cannot involve merely a comparative translation of traditional humanist ideas and academic priorities onto other world cultures, but might ideally lead to a critical self-reflection on medieval studies in order to open up the field to the inclusion of new theories and methodologies inspired by the long traditions of non-Western knowledge systems.

Among the many aspects of medieval studies at stake in this process, the foremost is the humanist mode of narrating the past, because historical narration lies at the very heart of all forms of medieval studies. The significance of narration in modern historiography has primarily been brought out in the scholarship by Hayden White, Paul Ricoeur, Frank R. Ankersmit, and Jorn Rusen, respectively addressing literary, ethical, philosophical, and sociological aspects. (21) In the field of medieval studies, some of the foremost combined theoretical and applied work on historical narration has been produced by Gabrielle M. Spiegel, whose publications have, on the one hand, offered close readings of narrative modes in medieval French historiography and, on the other hand, reflected theoretically on the problem of historicity in medieval texts. Hence, a critical discussion of historical narration in the Global Middle Ages ought to take its starting point in a globalist evaluation of the scholarly foci, problems, and methods found in her work.

This will here be ventured in four steps. First, a reading of Spiegel's scholarship on narrative modes will be selected and presented according to the priorities of an Asian medievalist, drawing out four key points in her narrativist work: typology, figural fulfilment, genealogy, and anagogical ascent. (22) Next, the four types of narrative modes presented in Spiegel's work will be critically discussed in a comparative consideration of their translatability into similar structures observed in the narrativist study of medieval Asian traditions of historical thinking. Thereupon, the article will lay out Spiegel's theoretical reflections on the problem of historicity through her concept of 'the social logic of the text' along with her applying this concept to medieval textual strategies of writing in vernacular and prose. Finally, the translatability of Spiegel's three key theoretical issues of the social logic of the text, vernacular, and prose will be critically discussed in comparison with historiography in medieval Asia. The comparative reflections on Asian traditions will be focused particularly on Chinese and Indian historiography, since China and India served as the oldest civilizational hubs for broader Asian transcultural exchanges, as well as on Tibetan historiography to provide an example of a historically later Asian culture nestled between India and China, culturally oscillating between the axiomatic civilizations of its neighbours. Brief comparative references will, moreover, be given to Japan, Sri Lanka, Vietnam, and Korea.

II. Narrative Modes of Typology, Figural Fulfilment, Genealogy, and Anagogical Ascent in Spiegel's Early Work

A major concern in Spiegel's scholarship on medieval French historiography written between the thirteenth and the fifteenth centuries has been to explain the narrative modes that function as organizational frameworks for the often disjointed, episodic units of medieval French chronicles. (23) One narrative mode is typology, which Spiegel noted is primarily linked with a hortative concern of writing history for the sake of moral edification. (24) The edifying motivation is, for instance, verbalized in the French historian Rigord's (1145/1150-c. 1208) dedicatory epistle to the future king Louis VIII included in his royal biography of King Philip II, Gesta Philippi Augusti: (25) 'You will always have before your eyes, like a mirror (speculum), the commendable acts of such a prince as an example of virtue (exemplar virtutis)'. (26) The result of this edifying approach to history writing was a tendency to present historical persons and events as moral exempla, which often had the effect of reducing them to general types that could be utilized for making moral points. (27)

As a 'type', a given historical person or event becomes analogous to anterior and posterior occurrences of the same type. For instance, the French chroniclers at times compared late medieval French kings to the legendary rulers of bygone ages, such as David, Alexander, Constantine, or Charlemagne. Thereby, the historians not only ascribed reminiscent virtues to their subjects but also affirmed a positive, virtually causal relationship between what David or Constantine had done and the deeds of their 'new David' or 'new Constantine'. (28) This mode of comparison creates a pattern of typological interpretation of secular history, which, Spiegel argued, was an influence of the monastic chroniclers' exegetical training in biblical typology. (29) Biblical typology may be exemplified by the Christian exegesis that the Old Testament flood (Genesis 6-7) is a type of New Testament baptism (I Peter 3.20-21) or that the Old Testament Passover (Exodus) is a type of New Testament Christ (I Corinthians 5.7).

Typology, moreover, may additionally entail a narrative mode of figural fulfilment, where the earlier instance of the type foreshadows a subsequent instance. (30) The foreshadowing event involves a portent, counsel, oath, omen, or prophecy, which raises a figure of expectation for what is to come. The subsequent event then becomes the consummation of the former sign and hence a fulfilment of its figural destiny.

Spiegel's discussion of foreshadowing and figural fulfilment was built on Auerbach's literary concept of figural interpretation (31) and its subsequent historical-dramaturgical implementation by Tom F. Driver. (32) Indeed, she was one of the first to use Auerbach's ideas in a concrete analysis of European historiography. Auerbach had previously argued that the biblical schema of figure and fulfilment--unlike allegory--establishes a temporal relation between two real events, thereby grounding both events in history, (33) and that this figural structure has been fundamental to the sense of realism throughout European literary history.

When applying Auerbach's notions of type, figure, and fulfilment to medieval French chronicles, Spiegel, moreover, convincingly demonstrated that it is by means of the narrative mode of genealogy that figure and fulfilment become grounded in history. It should be underlined that what is meant here by 'genealogy' is the traditional sense of the term, denoting a given family's past along with its symbolic ancestral aspirations. (34) In Spiegel's scholarship, the term 'genealogy' was not used in its figurative sense of signifying a historical methodology opposed to explanatory searches for origins, as the term has elsewhere been employed in the work by Michel Foucault on the basis of Nietzsche. (35)

The combination in Spiegel's analysis of the figural typology of fulfilment with the typology of genealogical descendance reveals a creative tension between antithetical principles of temporality. On the one hand, in the figural typology of fulfilment, the present changes the past, because it is only when the present event is perceived as a figural fulfilment that the past event becomes actualized as a sign. That is to say, the present exists in a dative sense for the past by serving as the realization of their metaphoric relationship of resemblance. This temporal perspective may be said to correspond to what the Russian literary theorist Bakhtin called 'historical inversion' (istoricheskaya inversiya [phrase omitted] [phrase omitted]). (36) Spiegel explained:
To date an event precisely in the past means fixing its significance as
a distinct object, separated from the present. But typology wishes to
break down the barriers between past and present, to draw events out of
the past and make them live in the present experience. (37)

On the other hand, in the typology of genealogical descendance, the past changes the present, because it places the present as the ablative endpoint of a metonymic relationship with the past sustained through biological continuity, filiation, and lineage. Spiegel described the function of genealogy in historiography in the following words:
Genealogy, even when largely mythical, asserts the temporal durability
of a people. Because it considers rulers as the expression of social
continuity, whose own unbroken descent implies the political continuity
of those they rule, it establishes a temporal dimension for the
consideration of politics. (38)

The interwoven narrative modes of typology, figural fulfilment, and genealogy discerned by Spiegel as being narrative grids are best understood by briefly considering her analysis of an example, namely the so-called reditus narrative found in the French royal chronicle Les Grandes Chroniques de France. (39) The reditus narrative is associated with King Louis VIII of France (1187-1226). The older Frankish history of the French monarchy is generally divided into three dynasties: the Merovingian (476-751), the Carolingian (751-987), and the Capetian (987-1328). Louis VIII belonged to the Capetian dynasty, but on his mother's side also bore a bloodline believed to reach back to the Carolingians. (40) The Grandes Chroniques--based on earlier Latin sources--hailed Louis VIII's enthronement in 1223 as a 'return' (Latin reditus) of the Carolingians to the throne, framing it as the inevitable fulfilment of an old prophecy given to Hugh Capet (c. 940-996), the founder and first king of the Capetian dynasty. (41) The prophecy was given to Capet in 981 through a series of dreams of Saint Valery. In the first dream, the saint told Capet to restore the relics of Saint Richer and Saint Valery to their respective churches. Having done so, Capet had a second dream, in which the saint prophesied that in return for the good deed Capet's successors would become rulers of France for seven generations. (42) In the Grandes Chroniques, this prophetic story concerning Hugh Capet has been placed as a prequel right before the story of Louis VIII's ascension to the throne, thereby casting the ascension story as its inevitable sequel. Louis VIII being the eighth-generation ruler after Capet and endowed with a maternal Carolingian bloodline, the monks of Saint-Denis presented him as the final fulfilment of Saint Valery's 242-year-old prophecy.

In the reditus example, a narrative mode of figural fulfilment creating an inverted temporality of a flashback is tied into a narrative grid by joining it with a narrative mode of genealogy forming a progressive temporality of filial succession. Capet's action of restoring the relics is the consummation of his first dream of Saint Valery. Capet's election to the throne of France in 987 followed by the reign of seven generations of his descendants up to Philip II is the realization of Saint Valery's prophecy given to Capet in the second dream, which only ends with the enthronement of Capet's eighth-generation descendant, Louis VIII, thereby bringing the prophecy to a close. Spiegel remarked that the conciliation between the typologies of figural fulfilment and genealogy prevents these typologies from becoming purely symbolic connections, thereby saving history from being mere abstract allegory. (43)

Since the medieval chroniclers thus grounded their works in real genealogical traditions, they rarely yielded to a purely prophetic treatment of history. Yet, Spiegel also revealed that the narrative modes of figural fulfilment and genealogy are not the only organizational frameworks used in medieval historiography. Typologies can be of many kinds and not all are strictly diachronic. Generally speaking, the least diachronic form of narrative typology is possibly the recurrence of folktale motifs across different stories--for example, the figures of 'the magic ring' or 'the fox and the sour grapes'--which folkloristic researchers have used for typological classification. (44) Since the folkloric chronotope is an imaginary here-and-now outside chronological time, (45) there generally exists no diachronic sequence between one story and another, and consequently there is no temporal interrelation between their embedded types of motifs when occurring in separate stories.

A slightly more diachronically organized typology occurs in the medieval French epic literature known as chansons de geste, 'songs of [heroic] deeds'. The epics' narrative form typically consists of cycles of independent episodes or scenes (tableaux), which are serially ordered along a vague temporal axis with numerous progressions and regressions, all without any chronology of fixed dates. (46) Accordingly, the literary types found in this form of writing--such as 'the valiant hero', 'the Saracen giant', or 'the king in the mountain'--are sequentially juxtaposed in the epic's adventure-time (47) of eternally present moments moving forward in discrete, seemingly unrelated steps. What ties the winding episodes and their indwelling literary types together into a coherent narrativist whole is not so much the temporality and causality of the dramatic action, as the unifying force of an abstract ideal, such as a semi-divine human character, a quest, a symbol, or an institution worth dying for. That is to say, in Auerbach's distinction between figure and allegory, (48) the literary typology of the French medieval epic is predominantly allegorical and not figural, in that a given epic type is not figurally analogous with another real instance of that type, but instead functions as a symbol pointing beyond itself to an allegorical abstraction. (49)

Spiegel explained that the earliest historical works written in vernacular French during the first decades of the thirteenth century--unlike the majority of the contemporaneous histories composed in Latin--were modelled on the narrative form of the epic, mostly using a serial arrangement of causally unrelated episodes along a weakly defined diachronic axis. (50) In the irregularity of such a highly episodic, digressive literary form, the narrative modes of figural fulfilment and genealogy cannot be employed successfully, given the lack of an overall time-line with a clear chronology along which the exemplary types could be set up within the narrative to form patterns of figure and fulfilment or complex lines of filial descent. Yet, in her study on the royal biography of King Louis VI, entitled Vita Ludovici grossi, written in Latin by the abbot Suger (1081-1151), (51) Spiegel demonstrated the possibility of an alternative narrative mode operating by so-called anagogical ascent. Anagogical ascent is an exegetical principle, which was central to the pseudo-Dionysian theology practised at the abbey of Saint-Denis. (52) In a spiritual context, it implies rising (Greek anagoge [phrase omitted]) above the sense perceptions of the affairs of this world and thereby ascending to a higher, divine dimension. Spiegel argued that, when applied as a narrative mode in a historical text, anagogical ascent can be understood as an overarching principle of hierarchy capable of unifying underlying disparate mundane scenes and their embedded moral types into a shared higher sense of divine regulation. That is to say, in the Vita Ludovici grossi, each episode serves the unifying purpose of revealing the king's central role as the ruler who protects all creatures by restoring and maintaining mundane order, thereby mirroring God and the cosmos. This is an example of a narrative mode that organizes the narrative units in an allegory of higher order and not along a mundane diachronic temporality.

III. Similarities in Distinct Asian Narrative Modes

Around the same time as the vernacular chronicles studied by Spiegel emerged in France, comparable forms of new historiography appeared across Asia. In East Asia, The Comprehensive Mirror to Aid Government (Zizhi tongjian [phrase omitted]) completed by Sima Guang ([phrase omitted], 1019-1086) in 1084 CE initiated a new wave of political universal history. (53) In Inner Asia, the twelfth-century Tibetan historiography The Honey Drop of Flower Nectar: A History of the Dharma (Chojung metok nyingpo drangtsi chu [phrase omitted]) composed by Nyang ral Nyima Ozer ([phrase omitted], 1124-1192) ushered in an unprecedented form of national religious narrative. In South Asia, the older historical genres of puranas ([phrase omitted]) and dynastic genealogies (vamsavali [phrase omitted]) were transformed into the first comprehensive historical chronicle in the form of Kalhana's The Flow of Kings (Rajatarahgini [phrase omitted]) composed in Sanskrit in the mid-twelfth century. (54)

In the French medieval chronicles, Spiegel--as shown above--identified and analysed four narrative modes that served as organizational structures: typology, figural fulfilment, genealogy, and anagogical ascent. These four narrative modes will now be considered critically in comparison to Asian medieval historiography. Typology was especially widespread in the East Asian tradition of history. Moral edification lay at the very heart of classical Chinese historiography, to the extent that historical persons and events often were cast as Confucian moral types. This narrative mode therefore appears frequently also in Sima Guang's Comprehensive Mirror. For instance, Emperor Wu (464-549 CE) of the Liang Dynasty (Liang chao [phrase omitted] 502-587 CE) is depicted there as the type of ruler who failed to heed the good counsel of his ministers and consequently suffered downfall and misery. (55) The portrayal of the king and his bad fate is a well-known general theme in the earlier Chinese historiographies, for example as seen in the story of Duke Hui of Jin narrated in the historiographic classic Zuo zhuan ([phrase omitted]) written in the fourth century BCE. (56) The Comprehensive Mirror's account of Emperor Wu even features a foreshadowing dream, which a sycophant secretary misinterprets as a good omen but which, in fact, is an ironic counterpoint to the atrocious destiny in store for the Emperor. (57) The prophetic dream remains unrealized, but is contrasted by the story's later opposite outcome. The recurrence of certain moral types in Asian medieval historiography, such as 'the sagacious ruler' or 'the bad emperor', is functionally comparable to the typologies found in medieval French chronicles. It is therefore conceivable to recognize these Asian narrative patterns as forms of 'typology', a term that in modern Chinese has been translated as leixingxue ([phrase omitted]). (58)

Regarding figural fulfilment, the English notion has been rendered into modern Chinese as biyu de wancheng ([phrase omitted]) and xingxiang de wancheng ([phrase omitted]). Foreshadowing signs are quite ubiquitous in medieval Asian historiography, whereby the narrative's timeline becomes auspiciously or ominously emplotted by means of dreams, omens, curses, boons, physiognomic bodily features, predictions, prognostic indications, geomantic influences, or astrological forces. (59)

Yet, in spite of the widespread narrative modes in Asian historiography comparable to typology and figural fulfilment, it would nonetheless be rather odd to characterize these tropes by using the available Asian translations for the English terms. The reason is that the modern Asian translations for typology and figural fulfilment carry biblical connotations that would be quite extraneous to the medieval Asian texts. The two English terms' theological frame of reference is, in fact, evident already in Spiegel's own use of the concepts, given that the premise of her argument was that the monks who wrote the secular chronicles were apt to employ the same explanatory figures with which they were familiar through their monastic training in biblical exegesis. Though medieval biblical exegetical devices, such as 'typology' and 'figural fulfilment', have been successfully appropriated into modern literary criticism for the analysis of secular texts, such as novels or historiographies, these concepts have retained some of their theological presuppositions rooted in the overall narrative structures of the Bible, including the scripture's underlying senses of genesis, linear time, end of time, teleology, and even a subtle eschatology. The intricate ways in which Western modern literary theory thus has been interlaced with Christian exegetical hermeneutics has come to the fore in the writings of several modern literary critics, whose work has looked to typology and figural fulfilment, such as Erich Auerbach, H. Northrop Frye, and Frank Kermode. (60)

Consequently, an outright etic (61) transfer of the European terms 'typology' and 'figural fulfilment' onto similar structures in medieval Asian historiography is problematic, given the lack of corresponding theological semantic subtexts in the dissimilar pre-modern Asian traditions. While comparable narrative modes can be observed in medieval Asian historiography, it would be preferable to characterize these structures by using emic Asian concepts more in line with the inner fabric of the Asian texts.

When searching for emic notions, a topic that seems relevant to figural fulfilment, on the one hand, comes up in the classical Indian theories when defining a literary genre called akhyayika ([phrase omitted]), 'account'. An akhyayika is a narrative composed mostly in prose, wherein a historical protagonist reports his own exploits. (62) Among the various characteristics listed for the genre, there is an expectation that the story periodically contains verses giving 'indications of things to come' (bhavyarthasamsa [phrase omitted]). (63) While an augural bhavyarthasamsa indication is not a prophetic foreshadowing as such, the term might offer a suitable starting point for an emic analysis of the narrative function of portends in medieval Asian historiography.

The English term 'typology', on the other hand, does not seem to have any directly equivalent emic Asian notion. Rather, to speak of typology, it is necessary to turn to a quite dissimilar concept having a similar function, namely the Indian and Tibetan literary notions of 'illumination' (Sanskrit dipaka [phrase omitted], Tibetan salche [phrase omitted]). (64) Illumination is the moment in a text--whether a single verse or a longer discourse--when the reader, as in a flash, recognizes the overall meaning of the textual passage, which may occur from the outset of the passage, in the middle of the reading, or towards the end of the text. While illumination is conceptually different from typology, it is pragmatically comparable, because illumination--just like the recognition of a type--functions by seeing a verbal expression for a type, action, quality, or thing (jatikriyagunadravya [phrase omitted], rik dang chawa yonten dze [phrase omitted]) as being conceptually linked with one or more previous instances given in the text itself or by recognizing a common type generally known intertextually in the given culture. (65) Overall, the novel interpretive horizons that arise for narrative theory by introducing the Indian-Tibetan term dipaka may serve as a good example of what it might mean to open up the field of medieval studies to the inclusion of new theories and methodologies inspired by the long traditions of knowledge systems from outside the Western hemisphere.

Next, concerning genealogy, this narrative mode employed for the sake of grounding persons and events in the historical past is widespread in several genres of medieval Asian historiography, such as Chinese family records (pudie [phrase omitted]), Indian dynastic histories (vamsa [phrase omitted] or vamsavali [phrase omitted]), and Tibetan royal and aristocratic genealogies (gyalrab [phrase omitted] and dungrab [phrase omitted]). Examples of genealogy in historical writing date back to the earliest strata of classical Asian historiographies, such as the Chinese Records of the Grand Historian (Shiji [phrase omitted], 94 BCE), the Sri Lankan Buddhist history Mahavamsa ([phrase omitted]) written in Pali around the sixth century CE, and the Japanese Chronicles of Japan (Nihon shoki [phrase omitted], 720 CE). Genealogy typically served the same narrative function in Asian secular historiography as in European medieval texts, aiming to establish a legitimate line of dynastic succession, as expressed by the Chinese term zhengtong ([phrase omitted]), 'authentic lineage'. This is wholly comparable to the narrativist role attributed to genealogy in Spiegel's analysis, where genealogies are said to give a realist historicist dimension to persons and events, salvaging them from having only abstract symbolic meanings. (66)

However, it is notable that some forms of religious historiography in Asia additionally made use of a special type of strictly intellectual genealogy, which went much beyond the secular sense of solely filial descendance known in European traditions. These are detailed genealogies of so-called 'transmission lineages' (67) through which religious practices and traditions were ritually handed down. For example, Nyang ral Nyima Ozer's twelfth-century Tibetan history The Honey Drop gives a lengthy intertwined religious and secular history of Buddhism and its royal patrons in India and Tibet. Towards the end of the text, the author adds an account of the transmission lineage genealogies of his own and several other traditions, listing the lineages for various meditation practice systems, such as Jampal Kudrub ([phrase omitted]) and Dorje Phurba ([phrase omitted]). (68) Hence, in Asian traditions, genealogy is used not only for bestowing pedigree and authority on secular individuals through ancestral kinship, but is also used for establishing authenticity of religious and intellectual traditions through non-kinship transmission lineages, and it is notable that the same or closely related vocabulary is employed in Asian sources for denoting both types of genealogy.

Finally, the narrative mode of anagogical ascent is identified in Spiegel's analysis as an allegorical mechanism for creating coherence in highly episodic forms of historical writing, where a series of tableau stories are gathered around a single allegorical theme while lacking a causal plot with a clear timeline between the individual episodes. Comparable thematic arrangements of historical materials can be seen in a number of classical and medieval Asian anthologies. In the Chinese tradition, such a design appears in the 130 biographies found in the segment called Ranked Biographies (liezhuan [phrase omitted]) of Sima Qian's Records of the Grand Historian composed in the first century BCE. It is even more pronounced in the topical layout of the 1130 stories and character sketches of artists and literati that make up Liu Yiqing's ([phrase omitted], 403-444 CE) New Account of the Tales of the World (Shishuo xinyu [phrase omitted]), whose stories are grouped around 36 allegorical themes ranging from 'morality' to 'feud'. (69) Similar compositional structures appear in Chinese Buddhist biographical compilations, namely the sixth-century Biographies of Eminent Monks (Gaoseng zhuan [phrase omitted]) by Hui Jiao ([phrase omitted], 497-554 CE) and the later literature of that genre. (70) Likewise, in India, thematic arrangements are found in some biographical compilations, such as the fourteenth-century Jain author Rajasekharasuri's Prabandhakosa ([phrase omitted], 1348 CE), whose twenty-four biographies (prabandha [phrase omitted]) are arranged with ten biographies of outstanding Jain monks, four biographies of poets, seven biographies of kings, and three biographies of exemplary householders. (71)

While comparable allegorical arrangements of historical material can thus be identified in medieval Asian sources, it would again be unsuitable to label these structures with the modern Asian translations for the specifically Christian term 'anagogical ascent'. The two modern Chinese translations for the term, namely qianyin shangsheng ([phrase omitted]) and shenmi de shangsheng ([phrase omitted], respectively meaning 'ascent due to hidden causes' and 'mystic uprising', have strong theological connotations. Spiegel likewise made clear that she employed the English term specifically due to the fact that anagogical ascent was a key theological doctrine in the pseudo-Dionysian tradition of the Abbey of Saint-Denis. (72) For this reason, the English term is too specific in meaning for translating onto other traditions, whether European or non-European. Instead, it would be better to analyse the comparable Chinese thematic structures through the neo-Confucian concept of principle (li [phrase omitted]), where the principle would correspond to the allegory through which the individual episodes attain coherence and meaning. (73) For Indian and Tibetan materials of thematic structures, it might be possible to employ the literary concept 'illustration' (Sanskrit nidarsana [phrase omitted], Tibetan ngepar tenpa [phrase omitted]) (74) in combination with the conceptual pair 'universal' (Sanskrit samanya [phrase omitted], Tibetan chi [phrase omitted]) to denote the allegory and 'instance' (Sanskrit visesa [phrase omitted], Tibetan chedrak [phrase omitted]) to denote the individual episode.

IV. Spiegel's Sense of Historicity through the Social Logic of the Text in Vernacular Prose

Spiegel's extensive literary research on the narrative modes embedded in medieval French historiography, moreover, opened up a deeper theoretical layer concerning the texts' historicity. In her scholarship, the problem of historicity found its way into a broader discussion of the linguistic turn and its epistemological and ontological ramifications for the discipline of history. (75)

Fundamentally speaking, history's object of knowledge is the past. Right since the early days of the modern academic discipline of history, this object has been understood as something that is constructed by the historian on the basis of memories (German Erinnerungen) and extant traces (German Uberreste) serving as historical sources, given that the past is gone and cannot itself be an object of empirical knowledge. (76) The traditional theory of history is therefore premised on an epistemological relationship formed within the historian between the present source and the absent social reality of the past.

With the linguistic turn in the humanities, (77) this epistemological relationship came to be seriously doubted, if not outright abandoned. During the first half of the twentieth century, structuralist theory rejected linguistic notions of positive terms possessing intrinsic meaning, instead seeing meaning as being only internally constructed through the discursive differences between words. During the second half of the twentieth century, post-structuralist or ultra-structuralist theory expanded the new linguistic view by negating the referential or representational value of discourse in general. For the theory of history, this led to disputes regarding the historicity of the source, given its discursivity and textuality. Spiegel succinctly phrased the problem in the following words:
If the literary text is denied the ability to represent reality, so
also are all texts, and the distinction traditionally drawn between
literature and 'document' becomes meaningless, since both participate
equally in the uncontrolled play and intertextuality of language
itself. If we cannot reach 'life' through literature, we cannot reach
'the past' through document. (78)

Consequently, the traditional belief in a representational relationship between the source and social reality clashed with the post-structuralist assertion of the non-referentiality of the source. Traditional and post-structuralist historians would agree that it is possible to study medieval French chronicles as historical sources. However, whereas the traditional historian might treat the chronicle as a source of knowledge of the historical medieval society existing outside the text, the post-structuralist historian would consider the text's depiction of medieval society solely as a discursive construct internal to the text itself, while denying the possibility of ever knowing an actual medieval society existing outside the web of cross-referenced texts.

After thorough consideration of the theoretical and applied issues at stake in this debate, Spiegel proposed to arbitrate in the conflict by finding an epistemological middle ground. While she recognized the insights offered by the post-structuralist notions of discourse, textuality, and non-referentiality, she also pointed to the need for maintaining a discipline of history concerned with social reality, which is distinct from philology and literary history. The middle ground she found in proposing a new concept, which she dubbed 'the social logic of the text'.

To begin with, Spiegel reasoned--along a post-structuralist line of thinking--that the historical text indeed is wrapped around its own internal construct of social reality. This discursive construct is shaped by layers of narrative modes giving meaning to its social reality, and--importantly--these discursive modes should be taken as an expression of a past historical consciousness. She thereby pointed to the mediating function of language, saying 'language, by definition, is that which mediates human awareness of the world we inhabit'. (79)

Then turning to a more traditional source-critical line of thinking, Spiegel finally argued that the historical consciousness expressed by the text's narrative modes is to be considered a product of the social reality that existed outside the text at the time of its writing. By applying a logic of deducing the epistemologically hidden causes outside the text from their empirically manifest narrative results within the text, she concluded that it is, in fact, possible--though difficult (80--)to make historical observations about the social reality outside the text on the basis of the narrative modes within the text. In her words:
In studying history, then, what we study are the mediatory practices of
past epochs (in effect, discourses) which, then as now, constructed
being and consciousness. Moreover the performative nature of such
discourses--preserved and thus available to us only of a literate, if
not precisely literary, nature--prohibits access to any reality other
than the codes inscribed in such texts. (81)

Put in simpler terms, Spiegel noted that 'what we study in the past are discourses, which represent identifiable units of a given society's mediated and mediating practices and beliefs'. (82) These insights emerge from understanding the text as located within a particular social site:
The 'social logic of the text' is a term and a concept that seeks to
combine in a single but complex framework a protocol for the analysis
of a text's social site--the social space it occupies, both as a
product of a particular social world and as an agent at work in that
world--and its own discursive character as 'logos', that is, as itself
a literary artifact composed of language and thus demanding literary
(formal) analysis. The play on 'logic' as signifying at once a
structure and mode of linguistic performance and an objective
description of a social reality (albeit one mediated in language) was
and remains intentional, and signals my conviction that particular
instances of language use or textuality incorporate social as well as
linguistic structures and that the aesthetic character of a work is
intimately related (either positively or negatively) to the social
character of the environment from which it emerges. (83)

On a more concrete level of analysis, Spiegel practically applied the method of the social logic of the text in a series of publications concerned with examining the socio-political circumstances for the rise of medieval French prose historiography. (84) Given the method's focus on textuality as located in the world, these applied studies reveal that the true strength of the approach lies in assessing the meaning of how the text speaks, with less emphasis on what is being said. Hence, the studies in particular bring out the socio-historical significance of linguistic and stylistic shifts: that is, changes in the signifiers.

In the early decades of the thirteenth century, chronographers of the French-speaking regions began to use French vernacular prose in a new manner, which over the course of the following centuries became the preferred language and form for the writing of history in France. Prior to then, Latin had been the primary language for historical chronicles and biographies. The first prose histories written in vernacular French were six independent translations produced between 1200 and 1230 of the Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle, a clerical rewriting of a legendary account of Charlemagne's eighth-century expedition to Spain first compiled in Latin around 1140. (85) From 1207 onwards, original histories in French about the crusades and older Roman history, as well as French translations of other Latin historiographic works, quickly proliferated, until French vernacular prose during the 1210s and '20s began to be employed also for the writing of contemporaneous French history. (86)

Three defining traits pertaining to language, authenticity, and style characterized the new vernacular prose histories. Linguistically, the texts were written in vernacular French and not in Latin. Latin historiography had predominantly been an ecclesiastical affair produced by learned clerics mainly for an ordained audience as well as for a few educated Latin readers among the aristocracy, (87) but by the early thirteenth century an increase in vernacular literacy among the lay population led to a growing demand for more reliable accounts of the past in French. (88) Vernacular French had otherwise mainly been used for juridical documents and religious writings aimed at the lay community, for example, biblical renditions and homilies. (89) The vernacular was also employed in performative court literature, which included a repertoire of quasi-historical rhymed chronicles and legendary chansons de geste sung by jongleurs for the entertainment of high society. (90) The adoption of French language for historiography gave the new prose chronicles and biographies a much broader readership, which was further enlarged by public readings of the vernacular texts. (91)

Regarding authenticity, unlike the older vernacular genres of historical legend, the new prose historiographies staked a privileged claim to legitimacy by basing themselves directly or indirectly on the Latin historical sources. At first, the authority of the Latin model-text was reconstituted in the vernacular work by means of literal prose translation from Latin to French. The credibility of the vernacular translations, moreover, was reinforced by listing acknowledged guarantors of veracity: author, patron, and manuscript owner. (92) In the ensuing historiographic tradition, the Latin archetypes and the derived vernacular compositions gradually came to exist as parallel transmissions of shared topics but without the use of literal translation. This resulted in a double series of an ecclesiastical, authoritative Latin source of French monarchical history juxtaposed with a secular, authorized, popular French adaptation. (93) Yet, by the mid-fourteenth century, vernacular historiography had become so legitimate and original in its own right that the clerical writers in some cases no longer bothered with producing a parallel Latin prototype. (94)

Stylistically, the new historians espoused vernacular prose as the preferred mode of realistic writing. While the Latin tradition held no explicit preference for verse or prose, (95) the older vernacular literatures of rhymed chronicles and chansons de geste were versified. In contrast thereto, the authors of the new vernacular historiographies chose to write in prose and at times made disparaging remarks about the inaccuracies forced upon the narratives by the demands of meter and rhyme in the older vernacular verse-literature. (96) In fact, it was in this era that the very word 'prose' (French la prose) entered the French language from Latin prosa, with the earliest attestation found in the Italian philosopher Brunetto Latini's French treatise Li Livres dou Tresor written in 1265 during Latini's exile in France, a work generally regarded as being the first encyclopaedia in a modern European language. (97)

Employing the social logic of the text, Spiegel examined the vernacular prose historiographies by first locating the texts in their social environment, particularly by identifying the sites of the texts' patronage. The French aristocracy underwent a transformation during the reign of Philip Augustus (r. 1179-1223), given Philip's novel claim of being the king of all of France, the monarchy's expanding power and control, and the growing indebtedness of some aristocrats forcing them to sell off lands and the homages of vassals. (98) Nowhere were these problems felt harder than among the Franco-Flemish lords of north-western France and Flanders in the textile cities of Ghent, Bruges, Douai, Lille, and Ypres. Practically the entire Flemish nobility was soon in open rebellion against Philip, only to suffer defeat at the Battle of Bouvines in 1214. (99) In this context, Spiegel remarked, 'It is a striking fact that every single patron of an early vernacular Turpin was involved, either centrally or peripherally, in the struggle against the French monarchy'. (100)

Having placed the historical works in their social context, Spiegel then turned to analysing how the chronicles' language and style reflect a historical consciousness entertained among the texts' patrons in Flanders. Concerning the choice of the Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle as the first historical work to be translated into French, earlier researchers saw it as representing an awkward proto-national support for the crown. Spiegel, however, presented a series of arguments suggesting that the choice of the text was based in a subtle resistance against the monarchy's newly enlarged hegemony, indicating a desire to revive the moral and political conditions of an earlier age of chivalrous glory while highlighting the aristocratic ancestral legacy. (101) She wrote: 'From this perspective, aristocratic patronage of contemporary chronicles can be seen as a form of political action, an attempt to control the subject matter of history and the voices on the past as a means of dominating the collective memory of feudal society'. (102)

The stylistic changes achieved by the adoption of prose were earlier understood as reflecting the idea that prose is a more precise and accurate language for factual description, thereby separating it from the largely fictional genres of epic and romance. (103) Yet, Spiegel argued that the reasons behind the shift from verse to prose were more complex, because the new prose historiographies also incorporated several literary features drawn from the epic and romance literature: the indirect discourse of the Latin text was replaced with dialogue of direct speech; there was increased use of strong visual description reinforced by frequent insertion of imperatives for the audience to see or hear; and an episodic, paratactic arrangement of separate, juxtaposed events was imposed, which only gradually was replaced by a more hypotactic discourse suited for depicting historical causal development. (104) Spiegel therefore explained the substitution of prose for verse as rather being the answer to a crisis in the aristocracy's view of the past and its relation to history. The older genres of epic and romance with their performative style of verse and reliance on oral, legendary, and imaginative sources could no longer capture the aristocracy's growing sense of crisis. Instead, the new vernacular historiographies grounded the aristocratic ideology in a prose style of apparent historic factuality, while verbalizing the historical aristocratic experience in a lively literary expression. (105) The epistemological claim of a new language and style capable of a higher truth about the past was thus boldly asserted precisely by those for whom ideological partisanship most actively was at stake. (106) As Spiegel said, 'Language games, Levi-Strauss insists, are essentially power games, and it follows that disputes over language domains are contests of power'. (107)

In this way, Spiegel used the approach of 'the social logic of the text' to uncover the socio-historical conditions under which vernacular prose historiography arose in medieval France. Building on the post-structuralist understanding of the fundamental introvertality involved in textuality, she did not focus the method on the text's internal narrative contents. Instead, she employed it to explain the socio-historical reality behind the formal features of the text, especially the use of prose instead of verse as well as the writing in vernacular French instead of Latin.

V. Similarities of the Social Logic of the Text, Vernacular, and Prose in Distinct Medieval Asian Historiography

There is no doubt that the approach of the social logic of the text generally is applicable as a historical method for the study of any historiographical tradition that employs written text as its main medium of communication. It is therefore equally useful for the study of medieval Asian historiography, as it has proven to be for the study of French chronicles. However, when the social logic of the text is applied to late medieval Asian historiography, the formal textual features of prose and vernacular do not seem to hold the same import during this period of socio-intellectual history across Asia as they did in France. Ultimately, this raises a question of which other formal textual features, if any, stand out as having particular socio-historical significance for late medieval Asian historiography.

In France, there was a relatively sudden rise of prose historiography during the early decades of the thirteenth century. Lars Boje Mortensen has identified a number of periods during which prose writing became prominent in different European languages and genres, including Greek prose c. 420-380 BCE, Latin prose c. 130-90 BCE, and prose writing in French as well as Old Norse during the years c. 1190/1200-1230 CE. (108) The early thirteenth century therefore constitutes a particularly significant moment for prose historical writing in France and possibly also in other European localities.

For East and Inner Asia, however, there was no similar prose revolution in historiography. Chinese prose--including ancient style prose (guwen [phrase omitted]), free prose (sanwen [phrase omitted]), and parallel prose (pianwen [phrase omitted]) (109)--was always the primary stylistic form for historical writing, ever since the earliest chronicle The Spring and Autumn Annals (Chunqiu [phrase omitted]) with the Commentary of Zuo (Zuo zhuan [phrase omitted]) right up to the late medieval works of the period considered here, such as Sima Guang's Comprehensive Mirror. Likewise, in Tibet, prose (lhukpa [phrase omitted]) was the preferred form for historical chronicles as well as most biographical writing, for example as attested already by the first Tibetan historical work, The Testament of Ba (Bashe [phrase omitted], late eighth century) as well as by late medieval historiography, such as Nyang ral's The Honey Drop.

An altogether different stylistic pattern of prose emerges when considering South Asia. In India, most older forms of historical discourse appearing in the Buddhist Avadana literature or the Hindu and Jain epics and Puranas were written in verse, and in extension thereof associated with various performative traditions of memorization and recitation. Yet, alongside these versified literatures, sporadic historiographical compositions in prose (gadya [phrase omitted]) also appeared early on, which could have been associated with other social modes of reading and performing text. (110) Early examples of prose compositions with historical content include the story of King Asoka ([phrase omitted]) in the second-century CE from the Buddhist story collection Divyavadana ([phrase omitted]), (111) as well as the biography on the early life of King Harsavardhana ([phrase omitted], c. 590-647 CE) in the seventh-century poem Harsacarita ([phrase omitted]) by the poet Bana ([phrase omitted]). (112)

From the fourteenth century onward, prose gradually became more widespread for historical writing in both southern and northern India. For example, in southern India around the turn of the fourteenth century, the court poet Vidyacakravartin ([phrase omitted]) wrote the Sanskrit prose work Gadyakarnamrta ([phrase omitted]), narrating a battle victory of his patron King Narasimha II of the Hoysala court in Karnataka. (113) In northern India, the Gujarati Jain monk Merutuhga ([phrase omitted]) composed in 1305 a Sanskrit prose anthology of historical biographies (prabandha [phrase omitted]) entitled Prabandhacintamani ([phrase omitted]), which was followed by numerous other prabandha-type prose biographies written by Svetambara Jain authors. (114) Daud Ali has suggested that there may have been a particular socio-historical context for the rise of prose historiography in the fourteenth century, namely the political reign over large parts of the South Asian subcontinent by the Delhi Sultanate (1206-1526) and the associated influence yielded by the Indo-Persian historiographical tradition. (115) Hence, in the case of prose writing in India, it is possible that an analysis employing the social logic of the text might reveal specific socio-political conditions for favouring the prose form in late medieval historical writing.

Yet, the above-mentioned examples of prose historiography were all written in classical Asian languages, namely classical Chinese, classical Tibetan, and classical Sanskrit. In contradistinction, Spiegel's analysis of the social logic of the text was concerned with the historical conditions not only for the rise of prose historiography but specifically for histories written in vernacular prose. Therefore, it is now necessary also to consider the matter of historical writing in the vernacular.

The question of vernacular writing in Asia has been receiving increased attention since the publication in 2006 of Sheldon Pollock's book The Language of the Gods in the World of Men. (116) Pollock argued that a cosmopolitan literary culture written in Sanskrit and other early Indian literary languages developed throughout South and Southeast Asia during the first millennium of the Common Era, but it was partly supplanted by regional vernacular literary cultures during the late Middle Ages due to politico-cultural efforts by local royal courts. While the South Asian vernaculars (desi bhasa [phrase omitted] or desabhasa [phrase omitted]) already during the early Middle Ages became literized, that is, written in new autochthonous scripts, and were used for non-literary documentary writing, it was only in the late Middle Ages that local literary vernacular cultures arose, producing formalized literary vernaculars existing in contrast to the superposed cosmopolitan Sanskrit culture. (117) Overall, Pollock's analysis of the emergence of vernacular cultures in South Asia compares fairly well with the European rise of vernacular literature against the superposed Latin culture, as examined by Spiegel and others. (118)

Although Pollock's book does not focus particularly on historical writing, it is possible to glean from it some examples of late medieval and early modern South Asian historiography in a variety of vernaculars, for example, the Kannada adaptation of the Mahabharata epic ([phrase omitted]) entitled Vikramarjunavijaya ([phrase omitted]) by the poet Pampa ([phrase omitted] 902-975), the Newari royal genealogy Gopalarajavamsavali ([phrase omitted], late fourteenth century), the Telugu martial epic Palnativiracaritra ([phrase omitted]) by the poet Srinathudu ([phrase omitted], c. 1365-1441), the Gwaliyari adaptation of the Mahabharata epic by Visnudas ([phrase omitted], 1435), the Bangla Caitanyacaritamrta biography ([phrase omitted]) of the religious master Caitanya by the poet Krsnadasa ([phrase omitted], c. 1600), and the adaptation of the Ramayana epic ([phrase omitted]) entitled Ramcaritmanas ([phrase omitted]) by the poet Tulsidas ([phrase omitted], 1511-1623). (119) In South Asia, the late medieval period therefore entails both cosmopolitan Sanskrit historiography and some but fewer instances of vernacular historiographies, a study of which, using the social logic of the text, may be helpful in uncovering further socio-historical circumstances that led to these textual and literary developments. It may also shed light on the epistemic significance of literary adaptations of the epics and other major works from the cosmopolitan Sanskrit literature into the various vernaculars during the phase of vernacular literarization. (120) Such South Asian findings might then be compared with the use of translation from the continued authoritative tradition of cosmopolitan Latin historiography into the new disseminative French vernacular chronicles and biographies analysed by Spiegel.

However, for the Inner Asian Tibetan tradition, the question of vernacular historiography is either entirely mute or at least very difficult to discern. As shown in both Spiegel's and Pollock's studies, the notion of vernacular writing presupposes a clear distinction between a superposed classical language, such as Latin or Sanskrit, and a regional local language or 'vernacular', such as French or Kannada, the boundary of which must be demarcated by a relatively clear heterogloss, namely a linguistic boundary, whether geographic or purely literary-linguistic in nature. In the case of Tibetan, however, there is no firm heterogloss between literary classical Tibetan and literary vernacular Tibetan. There exists a traditional differentiation between what Tibetans call 'Dharma language' (choke [phrase omitted]) denoting the formal literary language used in religious and other literatures, and 'ordinary language' (phalke [phrase omitted]) designating a more colloquial linguistic register. (121) Yet, this division really pertains more to different literary styles of speech than to concrete, separate languages.

It therefore seems that there actually are two different uses of the term 'vernacular', which somewhat muddle the distinctions created by its analysis. On the one hand, 'vernacular' may denote a native language spoken and written in a given region, where a linguistically distinct, non-native cosmopolitan language also is or has been used for literary writing. This is generally how the word 'vernacular' is employed when, for example, speaking of French versus Latin, or Kannada versus Sanskrit. (122) On the other hand, the word 'vernacular' may also denote a low linguistic register in speech or writing within a single language, as opposed to a more refined, classical register of the same language lacking a clear heterogloss; that is, without involving any native versus non-native differentiation. This is how the term vernacular is commonly used within Latin itself, where 'vernacular' originally signified the simple Latin language of a household slave (verna). Indeed, the latter usage is the only way in which vernacular can be applied to premodern Tibetan in the sense of a plain, colloquial register.

While there are a number of medieval Tibetan literary compositions written in a vernacular style (phalke [phrase omitted]) for instance, the mystic songs and stories of the saint Milarepa ([phrase omitted]), there does not exist any vernacular historiography. It was only in the twentieth century that Tibetan authors began to compose histories in the vernacular, starting with The White Book (Debter karpo [phrase omitted]) by Gendun Chophel ([phrase omitted], 1903-1951). In the contemporary context, however, the term 'vernacular' denotes writing not in a lower register but rather in the modern Tibetan language, which linguistically is quite distinct from classical Tibetan and therefore has a heterogloss. The White Book was written in a novel literary form using plain language and some grammatical constructions that stylistically and linguistically began to approach modern colloquial and literary Tibetan. This development towards writing in modern Tibetan was only later brought to full expression in subsequent Tibetan-language histories published during the second half of the twentieth century. (123)

In the absence of premodern vernacular historiography in Tibet, it is highly uncertain that the social logic of the text can be employed successfully to explain the socio-historical conditions that led the extensive premodern Tibetan historiographical tradition to maintain the medium of the classical Tibetan language without giving rise to historical writings in regional vernaculars. This question is only partly a matter of a specific historical development in Tibet; it is also, more fundamentally, a problem of the intrinsic ambiguity of the term 'vernacular' itself due to its dual meanings, as outlined above.

As a brief aside, it may be added that some Tibetan writers belonging to religious minority groups at times used other stylistic features than vernacular writing in order to differentiate their works from the superposed classical culture. In the case of Tibetan historiographies, the unusual punctuation signs [??] or [??] called ter tsek ([phrase omitted]) were employed in some manuscripts and woodblock prints of the so-called 'hidden treasure texts' (terma [phrase omitted]), the revelatory texts said to be ancient works that had been newly rediscovered from physical hiding places or hidden spiritual dimensions. (124) Since these mystic works sprang from religious traditions that tended to be less connected with the political rulers of Tibet, it might be possible through the social logic of the text to investigate how and why such historiographical writings formally and typographically set themselves apart from the mainstream literature and its institutions. (125)

The vernacular concept is possibly even more problematic when applied to Chinese language, where the English term 'vernacular' usually is equated with the Chinese notion baihua ([phrase omitted]), meaning 'plain, unadorned speech', denoting a colloquial literary register. As remarked by Shang Wei, the reason is that the non-alphabetic Chinese script almost always is at variance with the spoken Chinese languages without presupposing a one-to-one correspondence between script and sound, or between writing and speech. (126) Hence, for the medieval Chinese language, a socio-historical examination of vernacular writing is not only a matter of a simpler vernacular literary register called 'old vernacular Chinese' (gu baihua wen [phrase omitted]) superposed by the more refined linguistic register of literary classical Chinese (wenyan wen [phrase omitted]) with only a very fluid line of separation between them. It is also a more fundamental problem of the Chinese script itself being read and pronounced in heterogeneous ways in different localities, a feature that perhaps could be characterized as topolectical or vernacular readings of Chinese.

In fact, topolectical reading is an even bigger issue, when written Chinese is considered in its full geographic spread over the whole medieval Sinographic world. The Chinese language was read and written not only in mainland China but also in parts of Inner Asia and throughout East Asia, including Vietnam, Korea, and Japan. The literization of Vietnamese, Korean, and Japanese into autochthonous phonetic scripts, which occurred between the ninth and fifteenth centuries, has generally been viewed as processes of vernacularization by enabling writing in the local languages. Yet, the literizations were at first more closely linked with developing a variety of writing methods to ease the reading of the classical Chinese language itself. Only gradually did these literizations lead to literaralizations in the vernacular East Asian languages Vietnamese, Korean, and Japanese. (127)

Leaving these fundamental problems of the Chinese script aside, it may be noted that vernacular Chinese writing appeared in a number of medieval texts, especially works of the Recorded Sayings genre (yulu [phrase omitted]) belonging to the Chan ([phrase omitted]) tradition of Chinese Buddhism, which contained notes of oral talks given by important Chan teachers. While the yulu texts originated in the early Middle Ages, they were first compiled and published during the late Middle Ages. The particular style of the yulu and other vernacular genres were later adopted by some Daoist and neo-Confucian writers, thereby spreading the use of vernacular writing to other Chinese traditions. (128) Nonetheless, there are very few historiographical works written in a vernacular style, most of them being Chan Buddhist texts. The mainstream of Chinese historiography was the domain of Confucian scholars, whose preferred mode of writing was and remained classical literary Chinese.

Even with the few Chinese historiographies written in a vernacular style, the choice of writing in the vernacular may not have been for the purpose of reaching a new, broader audience, as was the case with the vernacular historical chronicles in France, but rather with the aim of expressing a specific colloquial literary flavour. This stylistic emphasis is, for instance, evident in the thirteenth-century Chan Buddhist biographical anthology entitled Collection from the Patriarch's Hall (Zutang ji [phrase omitted]) first published in a woodblock print in 1245 CE. The anthology contains the life stories of seven Buddhas, thirty-three Indian and Chinese Buddhist patriarchs, and numerous Chinese Chan masters living up till the late ninth century. (129) In his extensive study of the text, Christoph Anderl observed that the text, although written in a vernacular vein, is so difficult and inaccessible in its style that it would be unjustified to argue that the choice of vernacular writing stemmed from a desire to reach a broader audience; rather, the text's vernacularity is in itself a particular literary style. (130) This example points to the fact that writing in the vernacular in some cases may have been chosen for very different reasons than the political motives revealed by the social logic of the text for medieval vernacular French chronicles. Hence, if it is at all possible to apply the methodology of the social logic of the text by considering the uses of prose and vernacular writing in medieval Asian materials, such a study is likely to uncover very different socio-historical realities behind comparable textual phenomena.

VI. Similarity in Difference in a Cross-Cultural Mirror

It is very telling that a favourite allegory in both European and Asian medieval texts is the mirror, which also makes its way into numerous book titles of that time, so much so that the mirror may be said to constitute the central image for a worldview. (131) The Latin speculum, the Old French mireor, the Middle Dutch and Middle High German spieghel or spiegel, the Sanskrit adarsa ([phrase omitted]), the Chinese jing ([phrase omitted]) or jian ([phrase omitted]), and the Tibetan melong ([phrase omitted]) were for medieval readers worldwide the metaphoric vehicle suggesting introspection, reflection, exemplariness, prognosis, and illumination as well as comprehensiveness, outlook, and viewing from afar. Across medieval cultures, mirrors had a cognitive connotation of self-reflection combined with an express intention of placing the whole world within view. The many medieval mirror metaphors across Europe and Asia evoke the diverse epistemes that flourished and interacted locally and globally at different times and places, each formation of knowledge rife with its own epistemological framework, whether implicit or elaborated.

As with the similarity of the mirror topos across the medieval worlds, there are synchronic as well as diachronic resemblances between the Latin, French, Chinese, Tibetan, and Sanskrit epistemes that allow for comparability. Yet, the concrete use and meanings of that topos in each language simultaneously create a specificity of the metaphor that is unique to each episteme, rendering the content of the figure incomparable. Thus, while it is possible to observe formal similarities of historiographical language pertaining to the narrative modes, historicity, prose, and vernacularism of historical discourse, there is a rhetorical and topological dissemblance in the specificity and operation of the concrete narrative modes of typology, figural fulfilment, genealogy, and anagogical ascent in their Latin and French usage and Asian counterparts. The epistemic otherness is manifested in a fundamental linguistic alterity between cultures, an outside still remaining on the inside of language.

Like these mirrors of reflexive knowledge, the contemporary approach of global studies reflects a varied world of cultures and cross-cultures. When looking from a certain angle, the globalist observer might also, in the midst of the many spiegelungen or mirror images, see her or his own reflection, thereby giving rise to introspection. The sudden self-perception might instil a sense of insecurity, a self-doubt as to whether the produced mirror image really is true. This scepticism of representation is verily a question of historicity, for the perceived appearance is much more than the mere reflection, since appearance is a product of a history, implying a story that we tell and perform about ourselves.

In view thereof, if one overarching theme can be said to emerge from Spiegel's extensive scholarship on medieval history writing, it must be the way in which her detailed studies of narrative structures have turned out to go hand in hand with the larger theoretical questions of textuality and historicity. Indeed, through her writings, these topics can be understood as being inseparable, functioning together as a whole, like the pane of glass and the silver coating of a mirror respectively. Consequently, when thinking comparatively of Spiegel's scholarship not in terms of sameness but in terms of the similarities and differences found between French and Asian medieval historiography, the key question that comes to the fore has to be whether and how the issues of narrative modes, textuality, and historicity might also be fused meaningfully together in non-European cultures, as they are in French historical writing.

The answer to this as-of-yet unraised question has to begin in an inquiry into the use and modes of narrative in Asian historiography, particularly as to whether narrative is as central to historical discourse in Asia as it has been in the European tradition of history, which genres and forms of narrative occur in Asian historiography, which types of Asian narratives modes can be discerned within the narrative, and how these narrative modes operate.

The inquiry into Asian narrative modes, in turn, leads to questions of temporality and localization, because the multifarious senses of time and place suggested by historical writing emerge especially from the narrative's emplotment of the represented historical events. Narrative modes create modulations of the historical timeline through the use of different literary devices that variously transpose historical meaning temporally into the past, the present, or the future, or extemporally into an abstract dimension of higher meaning outside of time. The link between narrative and history requires a narrativist analysis of temporality in Asian historical discourse, which in turn may provide the material needed for a comparative narrativist study of time and history across cultures.

With a detailed understanding of the temporalities constructed in Asian historical discourse, it becomes possible to examine the issue of historicity, in other words, what it is that makes a given discourse about the past specifically historical, as opposed to being fictional, legendary, religious, or mythical. In Spiegel's analysis, the inquiry into historicity was achieved by turning to the matter of textuality, thereby shifting away from the study of a text's narrative modes and instead looking at outer formal structures, such as literary form in verse or prose, the use of translation, and the choice of language. Spiegel's focus on these specific elements to answer the question of historicity was based in a methodology of identifying large literary structures of textuality, which might be used as evidence for uncovering the socio-political reality of the Middle Ages, determining broad shifts in medieval historical consciousness reflected by the history of literary choices.

To conclude, when compared to the textualities of medieval Asia, the formal structures of prose and vernacular writing, which Spiegel deemed important for medieval European historiography, can to some extent be successfully applied as criteria for determining historical shifts in Asian texts. What is further required, however, is to identify other general features of Asian textualities, which could be adopted as evidence in a historicist examination of the Asian Middle Ages. To do so, a the study of Asian narrative modes might first be utilized for establishing a detailed narrative history. Next, by identifying the historical shifts occurring in the use of narrative modes, it may be possible to uncover the socio-political history of mentalities behind the different forms of historical narrative in the Asian Middle Ages. The end result would be a study of the circularity of meaning between narrative, text, and history in Asia and beyond, comparable to what has been achieved by Spiegel with regard to medieval French historiography.

Notably, the global medieval comparison presented here has only been an exploration of narrative and history in Asian sources done from the point of view of the existing research on European medieval chronicles, and is therefore merely preliminary. The work ahead is an in-depth study of narrative modes of historical discourse in Asia done from within the Asian traditions themselves.

Adam Mickiewicz University

Ulrich Timme Kragh (*)

(*) This research has been funded by the European Research Council under the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme (FP/2007-2013) / ERC Grant Agreement no. 615574. The author wishes to thank the journal editor Suean Broomhall and the guest editor's Sahar Amer, Helme Sirantoine, and Esther S. Klein for their leadership and support in bringing to light this special issue, derived from the activities of the Global Middle Ages Faculty Research Group at the University of Sydney. The author also wishes to express gratitude to Gabrielle M. Spiegel for her feedback and kind help with obtaining copies of some of her publications.

(1) For episteme, see Michel Foucault, Les mots et les choses (Paris: Gallimard, 1966), pp. 13-14, 179; translated as Michel Foucault, The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences (New York: Pantheon Books, 1970), pp. xxii, 168.

(2) On the proposition of a Global Middle Ages, which is the theme of this special issue of Parergon, see Catherine Holmes and Naomi Standen, 'Defining the Global Middle Ages', Medieval Worlds, 1 (2015), 106-17; and Marion Uhlig, 'Quand "Postcolonial" et "Global" riment avec "Medieval": sur quelques approches theoriques anglosaxonnes', Perspectives medievales: Revue d'epistemologie des langues et litteratures du Moyen Age, 35 (2014), unpaginated. On raising the question of what is in the observer, see Janet L. Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony: The World System AD 1250-1350 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), pp. vii-xiii.

(3) On Foucault's distinction of the modern episteme of Western culture, see Les mots et les choses, p. 13 (The Order of Things, p. xxii). On Aristotelian notions of comparison, see Marsh H. McCall Jr., Ancient Rhetorical Theories of Simile and Comparison (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1969), pp. 24-56.

(4) For the core and periphery juxtaposition in the history of ideas, see Elias Jose Palti, 'The Problem of 'Misplaced Ideas' Revisited: Beyond the 'History of Ideas' in Latin America', Journal of the History of Ideas, 67.1 (2006), 149-79; and Ulrich Timme Kragh, 'Dogmas of Superficiality: The Episteme of Humanism in Writings by Taiwanese Historians Huang Chunchieh, Wong Young-tsu, and Hu Chang-Tze', in Chinese Historical Thinking: An Intercultural Discussion, ed. by Chun-Chich Huang and Jorn Rusen (Taipei: National Taiwan University Press, 2015), pp. 143-55 (pp. 146-49).

(5) John C. Y. Wang, 'Early Chinese Narrative: The Tso-Chuan as Example', in Chinese Narrative: Critical and Theoretical Essays, ed. by Andrew H. Plaks (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977), 3-20; and E. M. Forster, Aspects of the Novel (London: Arnold, 1927).

(6) For other studies applying reverse theoretical perspectives by employing non-Western modes of thinking on Western materials, see especially Zong-qi Cai, Configurations of Comparative Poetics: Three Perspectives on Western and Chinese Literary Criticism (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2002); Francois Jullien, Penser d'un dehors (la Chine): entretiens d'Extreme-Orient (Paris: Seuil, 2000); Mark Thurner, 'Historical Theory through a Peruvian Looking Glass', History and Theory, 54.4 (2015), 27-45; and Ranjan Ghosh, 'Rabindranath and Rabindranath Tagore: Home, World, History', History and Theory, 54.4 (2015), 125-48.

(7) Indian and East Asian words are given in Roman transliteration and the original script. Tibetan words are given in Roman phonetic transcription and original script.

(8) For the South Asian and Inner Asian traditions starting with the treatises by Bhamaha and Dandin, see below. For a lucid treatment of comparison in the classical Chinese tradition, see the text Wenxin diaolong ([phrase omitted]) written by Liu Xie ([phrase omitted], fl. fifth century CE), Chapter 36, in [phrase omitted], Dragon-Carving and the Literary Mind, ed. by Yang Guobin and Zhou Zhenfu (Beijing: Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, 2003), II, 500-09.

(9) Dandin's Kavyadarsa, verse 2.14ac, Sanskrit edition by Rangacharya Raddi Shastri, Kavyadarsa of Dandin edited with an Original Commentary, Government Oriental Series class A no. 4 (Pune: Bhandakar Oriental Research Institute, 1938), pp. 118-19: yatha katham cit sadrsyam yatrodbhutam pratiyate | upama nama sa. The text also exists in a Tibetan translation made between the late 1260s and the early 1270s by the Indian Pandita Laksmimkara (thirteenth century) and the Tibetan translator Lotsawa Shongton Dorje Gyaltsen ([phrase omitted], thirteenth-fourteenth centuries), D4301.322b2-3: [phrase omitted], In the references for canonical Tibetan texts henceforth, D designates the Derge Tengyur, the next four digits indicate the text number, and the remainder marks the folio and line numbers.

(10) See Kavyalamkara, verse 2.30, in Kavyalamkara of Bhamaha, ed. by P. V. Naganatha Sastry, 2nd edn (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1970), pp. 31-32: viruddhenopamanena desakalakriyadibhih | upameyasya yat samyam gunalesena sopama. Bhamaha's text exists only in its Sanskrit original; it was never translated into any other Asian language and was therefore less influential than Dandin's text outside of India.

(11) See K. Patrick Fazioli, The Mirror of the Medieval: An Anthropology of Western Historical Imagination (New York: Berghahn, 2017), pp. 32-34.

(12) The same may be said of some European subcultures, e.g., the Scandinavian and the Western Slavic.

(13) In the theories of relation (Sanskrit sambandha [phrase omitted], Tibetan drelpa [phrase omitted]) of the Indian and Tibetan epistemological traditions (pramana [phrase omitted], tsema [phrase omitted]), sameness is called ekartha [phrase omitted] in Sanskrit and donchik ([phrase omitted]) in Tibetan. See, for example, the attestation of the terms in Erich Frauwallner, 'Dharmaklrtis Sambandhapariksa: Text und Ubersetzung', Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes, 41 (1934), 261-300. These terms differ from the designations for sameness used in Indian and Tibetan classical literary theories, where sameness is called samya ([phrase omitted]) in Sanskrit and tsungpa ([phrase omitted]) in Tibetan. For the literary terms, see the attestation in Dandin's Kavyadarsa verse 2.19 in Shastri, Kavyadarsa, p. 126, and the Tibetan translation at D4301.322b5.

(14) For the European notion of universal or generality (Greek ta katholou [phrase omitted], Latin generalitas), consult the comparable Sanskrit notion of samanya ([phrase omitted]), the Tibetan notion of chi ([phrase omitted]), and more loosely the Chinese neo-Confucian concept of principle ([phrase omitted]).

(15) For the ideal type (Idealtypus), see Max Weber, 'The Methodology of the Social Sciences', in The Methodology of the Social Sciences, trans. and ed. by Edward A. Shils and Henry A. Finch (1904; repr. New York: Free Press, 1949), p. 90.

(16) For the intercultural research on historical thinking led by Rusen, see Jorn Rusen, 'Some Theoretical Approaches to Intercultural Comparative Historiography', History and Theory, 35.4 (1996), 5-22; Historische Sinnbildung: Problemstellungen, Zeitkonzepte, Wahrnehmungshorizonte, Darstellungsstrategien, ed. by Klaus E. Muller and Jorn Rusen (Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt, 1997); Western Historical Thinking: An Intercultural Debate, ed. by Jorn Rusen (New York: Berghahn, 2002); and Jorn Rusen, Evidence and Meaning: A Theory of Historical Studies (New York: Berghahn, 2017), pp. 13-31, 170-77. For the transcultural studies on narrativism carried out by the scholarly network headed by Conermann, see Wozu Geschichte? Historisches Denken in vormodernen historiographischen Texten: Ein transkultureller Vergleich, ed. by Stephan Conermann, Bonner Asienstudien, 18 (Berlin: EB, 2017), pp. 7-8.

(17) See Rusen, Evidence and Meaning, pp. 41-42, 105, 110-11, 207-13.

(18) For a detailed critique along similar lines, see Hayden White, 'The Westernization of World History', in Western Historical Thinking, ed. by Jorn Rusen (New York: Berghahn, 2002), pp. 111-18.

(19) It should be added that there admittedly exists at least one epistemological alternative to the emptying of universal terms, whereby it is possible to maintain that a universal is a singular abstract substance which simultaneously can possess numerous forms of meaning when it is viewed from multiple perspectives. This is the hermeneutics espoused in Leibniz's monadology as well as in the multi-perspectivism of the Indian Jain philosophy of 'optativism' (syadvada [phrase omitted]). For an attempt to bring Leibniz's monadology into modern theory of history, see Frank R. Ankersmit, 'History as the Science of the Individual', Journal of the Philosophy of History, 7 (2013), 396-425.

(20) See Dandin's and Bhamaha's formulations of comparison in notes 9 and 10 above.

(21) From among the numerous publications by these intellectuals, see especially Hayden White, Metahistory: Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973); Paul Ricoeur, Temps et recit, 3 vols (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1983-85); Frank. R. Ankersmit, Narrative Logic: A Semantic Analysis of the Historian's Language (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1983); and Jorn Rusen, Evidence and Meaning.

(22) Spiegel's extensive research on memory and history has not been included in the selection given the contemporary focus of memory studies.

(23) Spiegel has interchangeably used the terms 'organizational framework', 'organizing grid', 'perceptual grid', 'narrative grid', and 'narrative structure', while the related concept of 'narrative mode' is a term employed by the present author. See Gabrielle M. Spiegel, 'Political Utility in Medieval Historiography: A Sketch', History and Theory, 14.3 (1975), 314-25 (p. 324) (reprinted in Spiegel, The Past as Text: The Theory and Practice of Medieval Historiography (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), pp. 83-98); Spiegel, 'Genealogy: Form and Function in Medieval Historical Narrative', History and Theory, 22.1 (1983), 43-53 (pp. 46-47, 52) (reprinted in Spiegel, The Past as Text, pp. 99-110); and Spiegel, 'History as Enlightenment: Suger and the Mos Anagogicus', in Abbot Suger and the Abbey Church of Saint-Denis, ed. by Paula Gerson (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1986), pp. 151-58 (p. 152) (reprinted in Spiegel, The Past as Text, pp. 163-77).

(24) Spiegel, 'Political Utility', pp. 319-23, and 'Genealogy', pp. 46-47.

(25) On Rigord and his Gesta Philippi Augusti, see Spiegel, 'Rigord', in Dictionary of the Middle Ages, ed. by Joseph R. Strayer, 13 vols (New York: Scribner, 1983), X, 399-400; and Spiegel, The Chronicle Tradition of Saint-Denis, Medieval Classics: Texts and Studies, 10 (Leiden: Brill, 1978), pp. 56-63.

(26) Spiegel, 'Political Utility', p. 319, with citation of the original Latin text: 'Tanti principis commendabiles actus quasi speculum pie oculis semper habeatis in exemplar virtutis'.

(27) Spiegel, 'Political Utility', pp. 319-20.

(28) Spiegel, 'Political Utility', pp. 321-22.

(29) Spiegel, 'Genealogy', p. 46.

(30) Spiegel, 'Political Utility', pp. 321-23.

(31) Erich Auerbach, 'Figura', Archivum Romanicum, 22 (1938), 436-89; English translation by Ralph Manheim, 'Figura', in Scenes from the Drama of European Literature (1959; repr. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1984), pp. 11-76; and Auerbach, Mimesis: Dargestellte Wirklichkeit in der abendlandischen Literatur (Bern: A. Francke, 1946), trans. by Willard R. Trask, Mimesis: The Representation of Reality in Western Literature (1953; repr. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003). See Spiegel, 'Genealogy', p. 51.

(32) Tom F. Driver, The Sense of History in Greek and Shakespearean Drama (New York: Columbia University Press, 1960). See Spiegel, 'Political Utility', p. 321.

(33) Auerbach, 'Figura', trans. by Manheim, p. 53.

(34) Spiegel, 'Foucault and the Problem of Genealogy', The Medieval History Journal, 4.1 (2001), 1-14 (p. 2).

(35) Michel Foucault, 'Nietzsche, Genealogy, History', in Language, Counter-Memory, Practice: Selected Essays and Interviews, ed. by Donald F. Bouchard (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1977), reprinted in The Foucault Reader, ed. by Paul Rabinow (New York: Pantheon Books, 1984), pp. 76-100. For an analysis of Auerbach's figural fulfilment combined with the Foucauldian sense of genealogy, see Hayden White, 'Auerbach's Literary History: Figural Causation and Modernist Historicism', in Literary History and the Challenge of Philology, ed. by Seth Lerer (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), pp. 123-43; reprinted in Hayden White, Figural Realism: Studies in the Mimesis Effect (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999), pp. 87-100. However, compare also Herman Paul, Hayden White: The Historical Imagination (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2011), p. 171 n. 33.

(36) M. M. Bakhtin, 'Forms of Time and of the Chronotope in the Novel: Notes toward a Historical Poetics', in The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays, ed. by Michael Holquist (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1981), p. 147.

(37) Spiegel, 'Political Utility', p. 323.

(38) Spiegel, 'Political Utility', p. 324.

(39) Spiegel, 'The Reditus Regni ad Stirpem Karoli Magni: A New Look', French Historical Studies, 7.2 (1971), 145-74 (reprinted in Spiegel, The Past as Text, pp. 111-37). On the wider textual history of Les Grandes Chroniques and associated texts, see Spiegel, The Chronicle Tradition, especially pp. 72-89, 117-26.

(40) Spiegel, 'The Reditus', p. 148.

(41) Spiegel, 'The Reditus', pp. 146, 148.

(42) Spiegel, 'The Reditus', p. 147. On a hypothesis of genealogy and a possible depiction of the seven kings preceding the reditus in manuscript miniature painting, see Sandra Hindman and Gabrielle M. Spiegel, 'The Fleur-de-Lis Frontispieces to Guillaume de Nangi's Chronique Abregee: Political Iconography in Late Fifteenth-Century France', Viator, 12 (1981), 381-407 (pp. 397-98).

(43) Spiegel, 'Political Utility', pp. 324-25.

(44) See, for example, Hans-Jorg Uther, The Types of International Folktales: A Classification and Bibliography. Based on the System of Antti Aarne and Stith Thompson, FF Communications, 284, 3 vols (Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, 2004).

(45) For the term 'chronotope' (xronotop [phrase omitted]) and its use in folklore, see Bakhtin, 'Forms of Time', pp. 149-51.

(46) Spiegel, 'Social Change and Literary Language: The Textualization of the Past in Thirteenth-Century French Historiography', Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 17.2 (1987), 129-48 (p. 140) (reprinted in Spiegel, The Past as Text, pp. 178-94).

(47) On the adventure-time (avantyurnoye vremya [phrase omitted]) of epics, see Bakhtin, 'Forms of Time', p. 154.

(48) For the figure-allegory distinction, see Auerbach, 'Figura'.

(49) For Auerbach's own analysis of French medieval epics, see Auerbach, 'Mimesis', Chapter 5, pp. 111-12, wherein he sets the epic paratactic typology against Christian [figural] typology.

(50) Spiegel, 'Social Change', pp. 140-41.

(51) For Suger and the Vita Ludovici Grossi, see Spiegel, 'Suger of St. Denis', in Dictionary of the Middle Ages, ed. by Strayer, XI, 502-04; and Spiegel, 'The Chronicle Tradition', pp. 44-52.

(52) Spiegel, 'History as Enlightenment', pp. 154-56.

(53) See Charles Hartman, 'Chinese Historiography in the Age of Maturity, 960-1368', in The Oxford History of Historical Writing, vol. 2, ed. by Sarah Foot and Chase F. Robinson (Oxford: Oxford University Press), pp. 37-57 (pp. 38-40 and 46-54); and John K. Whitmore, 'Kingship, Time, and Space: Historiography in Southeast Asia', in Oxford History of Historical Writing, II, pp. 102-18 (pp. 111-12).

(54) See Daud Ali, 'Indian Historical Writing, c. 600-c. 1400', in Oxford History of Historical Writing, II, 80-101 (pp. 88-90) and Shonaleekha Kaul, The Making of Early Kashmir: Landscape and Identity in the Rajatarangini (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2018).

(55) See Mark Strange, 'A Reading of Hou Jing's Rebellion in Zizhi tongjian (Comprehensive Mirror to Aid Government): The Construction of Sima Guang's Imperial Vision', in Reading China: Fiction, History and the Dynamics of Discourse: Essays in Honour of Professor Glen Dudbridge, ed. by Daria Berg, China Studies, 10 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), pp. 200-37 (pp. 219-26).

(56) See Ronald C. Egan, 'Narratives in Tso Chuan', Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 37.2 (1977), 323-52 (pp. 326-28).

(57) Strange, 'A Reading', pp. 220-21.

(58) The translations for 'typology' into other Asian languages include, inter alia, Japanese ruikei gaku ([phrase omitted]) or the Japanese English loan word taiporoji ([phrase omitted]), Hindi vargikaran ([phrase omitted]), and Tibetan petson tsanrik ([phrase omitted]).

(59) For a study on dreams in medieval Japan, see Hayao Kawai, Dreams, Myths & Fairy Tales in Japan (Einsiedeln: Daimon, 1995). Moreover, for some examples of foreshadowing dreams in medieval Tibetan biographical writings, see Ulrich Timme Kragh, Tibetan Yoga and Mysticism: A Textual Study of the Yogas of Naropa and Mahamudra Meditation in the Medieval Tradition of Dags po, Studia Philologica Buddhica Monograph Series, 32 (Tokyo: International Institute for Buddhist Studies, 2015), pp. 100-02.

(60) On Auerbach, see note 31 above. Moreover, see Northrop Frye, The Great Code: The Bible and Literature (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1982); and J. Frank Kermode, The Sense of an Ending: Studies in the Theory of Fiction, 2nd edn (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000).

(61) For the anthropological distinction of 'etic' and 'emic' perspectives and its use in comparative literature, see Literary History: Towards a Global Perspective, vol. 2, ed. by Gunilla Lindberg-Wada, Literary Genres: An Intercultural Approach (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2006), pp. 2-3.

(62) For a study of the akhyayika genre and its defining features, see Sushil Kumar De, 'The Akhyayika and the Katha in Classical Sanskrit', Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, 3.3 (1924), 507-17; and Lidia Sudyka, 'Ucchvasa, Sarga and Lambha: Text Divisions in Sanskrit Poems (Mahakavyas)', Cracow Indological Studies, 13 (2011), 15-39.

(63) See Bhamaha's Kavyalamkara, verse 1.26, in Shastri, Kavyalamkara, pp. 9-10.

(64) See Dandin's Kavyadarsa, verses 2.97-115, in Shastri, Kavyadarsa, pp. 174-81, Tibetan translation D4301.125a6-126a1; and Bhamaha's Kavyalamkara, verses 2.25-29, in Sastry, Kavyalamkara, pp. 30-31.

(65) See Kavyadarsa, verse 2.97, in Shastri, Kavyadarsa, p. 174.

(66) For further comparison of European and Chinese interests in genealogy, see Peter Lorge, 'Institutional Histories', in Oxford History of Historical Writing, II, 476-516 (pp. 508-14).

(67) Sanskrit parampara ([phrase omitted]), Chinese chuantong ([phrase omitted]), Tibetan gyu ([phrase omitted]).

(68) See the Tibetan edition by Chabpel Tseten Phuntsok ([phrase omitted]) et al., Chojung metok nyingpo drangtsii chu ([phrase omitted]) (Lhasa: Bod yig dpe snying dpe skrun khang, Bod ljongs mi mangs dpe skrun khang, 1988), pp. 482-98.

(69) See the English translation by Richard B. Mather, Shih-shuo Hsin-yu: A New Account of Tales of the World, Michigan Monographs in Chinese Studies, 95 (Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan Press, 2002).

(70) On medieval Chinese Buddhist biography and its structural principles, see John Kieschnick, 'Buddhism: Biographies of Buddhist Monks', in Oxford History of Historical Writing, vol. 1, ed. by Andrew Feldherr and Grant Hardy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), pp. 535-52 (pp. 544-45).

(71) For the Sanskrit text, see Jinavijaya Muni, Srirajasekharasurikrta Prabandhakosa, Simghi Jain Granthamala series, 6 (Santiniketan: Simghi Jain Jnanapith, 1935).

(72) See note 52 above.

(73) For a brief introduction to the concept of principle and historical writing according to the neo-Confucian philosopher and historian Zhu XI (1130-1200), see Huang Chun-Chieh, 'Historical Discourses in Traditional Chinese Historical Writings: Historiography as Philosophy', in Huang and Rusen, Chinese Historical Thinking, pp. 25-39 (pp. 27-29).

(74) For nidarsana, see Bhamaha, Kavyalamkara, verses 3.33-34, in Sastry, Kavyalamkara, p. 66, and Dandin, Kavyadarsa, verse 2.348, in Shastri, Kavyadarsa, p. 302; Tibetan translation D4301.333b6-7.

(75) See especially Spiegel, 'History, Historicism and the Social Logic of the Text in the Middle Ages', Speculum, 65 (1990), 59-86; Spiegel, 'History and Post-Modernism', Past and Present, 135 (1992), 194-208; and Spiegel, 'Theory into Practice: Reading Medieval Chronicles', in The Medieval Chronicle: Proceedings of the First International Conference on the Medieval Chronicle, ed. by Erik Kooper (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1999), pp. 1-12.

(76) See, for example, Johann Gustav Droysen, Grundriss der Historik, 3rd edn (Leipzig: Veit, 1882), p. 8, and Ernst Bernheim, Lehrbuch der historischen Methode und der Geschichtsphilosophie, 4th edn, (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1903), pp. 163-64.

(77) For a general introduction to the linguistic turn, see Francois Dosse, History of Structuralism, trans. by Deborah Glassman, 2 vols (Minneapolis: University of Minneapolis Press, 1997).

(78) Spiegel, 'History, Historicism', p. 64.

(79) Spiegel, 'History and Post-Modernism', p. 200.

(80) For the problems involved, see Spiegel, 'Theory into Practice', pp. 8-11.

(81) Spiegel, 'History and Post-Modernism', p. 199.

(82) Spiegel, 'History and Post-Modernism', p. 199 n. 14.

(83) Spiegel, 'Theory into Practice', p. 6.

(84) See Spiegel, 'Forging the Past: The Language of Historical Truth in the Middle Ages', The History Teacher, 17 (1984), 267-88; Spiegel, 'Pseudo-Turpin, the Crisis of the Aristocracy and the Beginnings of Vernacular Historiography in Thirteenth-Century France', Journal of Medieval History, 12 (1986), 207-23; Spiegel, 'Social Change and Literary Language: The Textualization of the Past in Thirteenth-Century French Historiography', Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 17 (1987), 129-48; Spiegel, 'Old French Prose Historiography', in A New History of French Literature, ed. by Denis Hollier (Cambridge, MA.: Harvard University Press, 1989), pp. 61-65; and Spiegel, Romancing the Past: The Rise of Vernacular Prose Historiography in Thirteenth-Century France (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).

(85) Spiegel, 'Forging the Past', pp. 269-71; 'Pseudo-Turpin', pp. 208-10; 'Social Change', pp. 131-32; and Romancing the Past, pp. 69-72.

(86) For the textual details, see Spiegel, 'Social Change', pp. 132-35, 140; and Romancing the Past, pp. 232-42.

(87) Spiegel, 'Forging the Past', p. 268.

(88) Spiegel, The Chronicle Tradition, p. 72; 'Forging the Past', pp. 268-69; and 'Pseudo-Turpin', p. 207.

(89) Spiegel, 'Forging the Past', p. 268.

(90) Spiegel, 'Forging the Past', p. 269; and 'Pseudo-Turpin', p. 208.

(91) Spiegel, 'Social Change', p. 139.

(92) Spiegel, 'Forging the Past', p. 272.

(93) Spiegel, The Chronicle Tradition, pp. 121-22.

(94) Spiegel, The Chronicle Tradition, p. 122.

(95) Spiegel, 'Forging the Past', pp. 267-68.

(96) Spiegel, 'Forging the Past', pp. 271-73; 'Pseudo-Turpin', p. 217; and 'Social Change', p. 146.

(97) Spiegel, Romancing the Past, p. 57.

(98) Spiegel, 'Forging the Past', p. 274; and 'Pseudo-Turpin', pp. 211-12.

(99) Spiegel, 'Forging the Past', p. 274; and 'Pseudo-Turpin', pp. 211-12.

(100) Spiegel, 'Forging the Past', p. 276; and 'Pseudo-Turpin', p. 213.

(101) Spiegel, 'Pseudo-Turpin', pp. 214-17.

(102) Spiegel, Romancing the Past, p. 215.

(103) Spiegel, 'Forging the Past', pp. 271-73; 'Pseudo-Turpin', pp. 217-18; and 'Social Change', pp. 146-47.

(104) Spiegel, 'Forging the Past', p. 274; 'Pseudo-Turpin', p. 218; and 'Social Change', pp. 140-41.

(105) Spiegel, 'Forging the Past', p. 277.

(106) Spiegel, 'Forging the Past', p. 278.

(107) Spiegel, 'Social Change', p. 136.

(108) Lars Boje Mortensen, 'The Sudden Success of Prose: A Comparative View of Greek, Latin, Old French and Old Norse', Medieval Worlds, 5 (2017), 3-45. Specifically on the use of prose in classical Greek historiography, see also Jonas Grethlein, 'The Rise of Greek Historiography and the Invention of Prose', in Oxford History of Historical Writing, I, 148-70.

(109) For a brief survey of Chinese prose with further bibliographical references, see William H. Nienhauser, 'Traditional Prose', in Oxford Bibliographies, doi: 10.1093/obo/9780199920082-0040.

(110) Compare the broader question of a possible link between prose and silent reading in the European Middles Ages, in Paul Saenger, Space between Words: The Origins of Silent Reading, Figurae: Reading Medieval Culture (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997), pp. 14-15.

(111) For the story of King Asoka in the Divyavadana, see John S. Strong, The Legend of King Asoka: A Study and Translation of the Asokavadana (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983).

(112) For the Harsacarita as a historical discourse and its characterization as belonging to the akhyayika prose genre of quasi-historical narrative, see Ali, 'Indian Historical Writing', p. 87. For an English translation of the text, see E. B. Cowell and F. W. Thomas, The Harsa-Carita of Bana (London: Royal Asiatic Society, 1897). For the akhyayika genre, see note 62 above.

(113) Ali, 'Indian Historical Writing', p. 88.

(114) Ali, 'Indian Historical Writing', pp. 91-92; Ulrich Timme Kragh, 'Personal Biography in Jaina Literature', Sramana, 62.1 (2011), 103-27 (p. 113); and Toshikazu Arai ([phrase omitted]), Structural Analysis of the Prabandhacintamani with Special Attention to the Jaina Ideal of Kingship (unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Hawai'i, 1979).

(115) Ali, 'Indian Historical Writing', p. 92.

(116) Sheldon Pollock, The Language of the Gods in the World of Men: Sanskrit, Culture, and Power in Premodern India (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006). For subsequent studies of vernacular cultures in Inner and East Asia inspired by Pollock's book, see especially Rethinking East Asian Languages, Vernaculars, and Literacies, 1000-1919, ed. by Benjamin A. Elman (Leiden: Brill, 2014). The author is indebted to John D. Phan for the latter reference.

(117) For the terms literization, literarization, superposition, culture, and power, see Pollock, The Language of the Gods, pp. 2-29.

(118) For Pollock's own comparison of South Asian and European cosmopolitan and vernacular cultures, see The Language of the Gods, chapters 11-12, pp. 437-94. For comparison, see Leezenberg's study of the later rise of vernacular cultures in South Eastern Europe and the Near East; Michiel Leezenberg, 'The Vernacular Revolution: Reclaiming Early Modern Grammatical Traditions in the Ottoman Empire', History of Humanities, 1.2 (2016), 251-75.

(119) Pollock, The Language of the Gods, pp. 293 n. 19, 306, 312-17.

(120) For some brief reflections from this perspective regarding the vernacular Kannada adaptation of the Mahabharata epic entitled Vikramarjunavijaya by the poet Pampa, see Pollock, The Language of the Gods, p. 27.

(121) There are, of course, also various historical layers and dialects in Tibetan; see Philip Denwood, 'The Language History of Tibetan', in Linguistics of the Himalayas and Beyond, ed. by Roland Bielmeier and Felix Haller (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2007), pp. 47-69. Since the different dialects were subject to neither literization nor to substantial literarization (see note 117 above), the dialectical aspect is not significant in the present discussion of Tibetan vernacular historiography.

(122) The picture is further confounded by Pollock's rhetorical decision to include a group of antique and medieval vernacular languages known as Prakrit ([phrase omitted]) and Apabhramsa ([phrase omitted]) within his category of cosmopolitan languages, thereby stripping them of their vernacularity.

(123) For example, W. D. Shakabpa ([phrase omitted]), A Political History of Tibet (Bo kyi sidon Gyalrab, [phrase omitted]), 3rd edn (Dharamsala: Tibetan Cultural Printing Press, 1986).

(124) For examples of medieval historiographical works in the terma genre employing the mentioned ter tsek punctuation signs along with some other special typographical features such as occasional red ink, see the handwritten [phrase omitted] manuscript of Nyang ral Nyima Ozer's Padmasambhava biography Katang Sanglingma ([phrase omitted], TBRC W4CZ42596) with the punctuation signs also reproduced in the modern 1989 edition from [phrase omitted] (TBRC W7956-4698); or the Derge woodblock print of Orgyan Lingpa's ([phrase omitted], 1323-1360) Katang De Nga ([phrase omitted], TBRC W1AC11). The abbreviation TBRC stands for 'Tibetan Buddhist Resource Center', available at

(125) Compare the relation between mystic literature and institutions in medieval Europe described in Geert Warnar's socio-religious study of the rise of medieval vernacular Dutch writings by Christian mystics seeking greater freedom of expression in the vernacular language, unbounded by the established religious terminology of Latin: Geert Warnar, 'Men of Letters: Medieval Dutch Literature and Learning', in University, Council, City: Intellectual Culture on the Rhine (1300-1550), ed. by M. J. F. M. Hoenen, L. Cesalli, and N. Germann, Societe Internationale pour l'Etude de la Philosophie Medievale--Rencontres de philosophie medievale, 13 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), pp. 221-46.

(126) Shang Wei, 'Writing and Speech: Rethinking the Issue of Vernaculars in Early Modern China', in Rethinking East Asian Languages, Vernaculars, and Literacies, 1000-1919, ed. by Benjamin A. Elman (Leiden: Brill, 2014), pp. 254-301 (p. 256). See also Andrew Chittick, 'Vernacular Languages in the Medieval Jiankang Empire', Sino-Platonic Papers, 250 (July 2014), 1-25 (pp. 4-5). The author is indebted to John D. Phan for both references.

(127) On the East Asian Sinographic reading strategies, the developments of the East Asian phonetic scripts, and vernacularization, see Zev Handel, 'Towards a Comparative Study of Sinographic Writing Strategies in Korean, Japanese, and Vietnamese', Scripta, 1 (2009), 89-125; John Whitman, 'The Ubiquity of the Gloss', Scripta, 3 (2011), 95-121; Keith W. Taylor, 'Literacy in Early Seventeenth-Century Northern Vietnam', in New Perspectives on the History and Historiography of Southeast Asia: Continuing Explorations, ed. by Michael A. Aung-Thwin and Kenneth R. Hall (London: Routledge, 2011), pp. 183-98; David B. Lurie, Realms of Literacy: Early Japan and the History of Writing, Harvard East Asian Monographs, 335 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011); John D. Phan, 'Chu Nom and the Taming of the South: A Bilingual Defense for Vernacular Writing in the Chi Nam Ngoc Am Giai Nghia', Journal of Vietnamese Studies, 8.1 (2013), 1-33; and Wang Sixiang, 'The Sounds of Our Country: Interpreters, Linguistic Knowledge, and the Politics of Language in Early Choson Korea', in Rethinking East Asian Languages, ed. by Elman, pp. 58-95. The author is indebted to John D. Phan for these references.

(128) For a study of neo-Confucian vernacular writing in the thirteenth century, see the essay by Esther S. Klein in the present journal issue.

(129) Christoph Anderl, 'Studies in the Language of Zu-tang ji', 2 vols (unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Oslo, 2004), pp. xxiv, 4 <> [accessed 1 August 2018].

(130) Anderl, 'Studies', p. xxvi. For more detailed remarks on the vernacular features of the text, see Anderl, 'Studies', pp. 48-52.

(131) Herbert Grabes, The Mutable Glass: Mirror-Imagery in Titles and Texts of the Middle Ages and the English Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), p. 4.

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Title Annotation:Gabrielle M. Spiegel
Author:Kragh, Ulrich Timme
Article Type:Critical essay
Geographic Code:4EUFR
Date:Jul 1, 2018
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