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South Asian and East Asian international students' perceived prejudice, acculturation, and frequency of help resource utilization.

Relationships of perceived prejudice and acculturation with frequency of help resource utilization were examined for South Asian and East Asian international students (N = 110). All predictors, including interactions, were significant but showed different relationships for the 2 groups. The mean frequency of help resource utilization was significantly higher for South Asians.

Las relaciones del prejuicio y la aculturacion percibidas con la frecuencia de la utilizacion del recurso de ayuda se examinaron pare el Sur Asiatico y el Este estudiantes internacionales asiaticos (N = 110). Los pronosticadores, incluyendo interacciones, eran significativas pero mostro diferentes relaciones pare los 2 grupos. La frecuencia media de la utilizacion del recurso de ayuda fue apreciablemente mas alta pare Asiaticos del Sur.


Data show that between 2004 and 2005, there were 565,039 postsecondary international students in the United States; 58% of these students were from Asian countries (Open Doors, 2005). Although the majority of international students adapt reasonably well to the demands of the host culture and the academic institution (Church, 1982), these students are likely to experience certain problems. These problems include the pressures of acculturation, racism experiences, and decreased access to their existing support system (Pedersen, 1991; Sandhu & Asrabadi, 1994; Zhang & Dixon, 2003). In addition, in the United States, there is less awareness and availability of help resources that are commonly found in international students' home countries. Thus, the intent of the present study was to investigate the relationship between experiences reported by international students and the frequency of their utilization of help resources.

Arnault (2002) emphasized the complex ways in which culture influences the use of help resources: "Social support models that fail to account for culture are neglecting the ways that the participants understand need and help and the social and contextual rules for seeking and giving help" (p. 305). Accordingly, understanding the relationship between culture and the frequency of utilization of help resources by international students would provide direction to institutions regarding relevant support services for these students (Merta, Ponterotto, & Brown, 1992; Roysircar, 2004).

Most counseling studies on international students have focused on mental health services and university counseling centers (e.g., Bradley, Parr, Lan, Bingi, & Gould, 1995; Kilinc & Granello, 2003; Mori, 2000) rather than on the range of help resources that might be used by students. Given the large percentage of international students in the United States from South Asian and East Asian countries (Open Doors, 2005), a focus on this population would be useful.

perceived prejudice, acculturation, and utilization of help resources

The adaptations that sojourners (i.e., temporary residents) must make to the values, beliefs, practices, and behaviors of a new host society have been explained as acculturation (Chataway & Berry, 1989; Kuo & Roysircar, 2006; Zheng & Berry, 1991). International students are unique in that their temporary residence in the United States is for an educational purpose (Mori, 2000). Consequently, their time-limited stay influences their attempt to accommodate to the host culture and to maintain the beliefs, values, and traditions of their home country, to which they will return.

Klineberg and Hall (1979) found that major stressors for international students were racial or cultural prejudice, discrimination, and their own negative evaluations of the actual university experience. Likewise, Asian international students reported experiencing stress when negotiating the acculturation process (Kuo, Roysircar, & Newby-Clark, 2006; Sodowsky & Lai, 1997). They commonly indicated perceptions of prejudice or feelings of alienation (Rahman & Pollock, 2004; Roysircar, 2004; Sodowsky, Lai, & Plake, 1991). In comparison with Asian Americans and Asian Canadians, Asian international students perceived more prejudice and were less acculturated (Kuo et al., 2006; Sodowsky & Plake, 1992).

Given the pressures of acculturation and the related experience of perceived prejudice, we hypothesized that both would influence Asian international students' frequency of utilization of help resources. Specifically, higher levels of perceived prejudice and the stresses of acculturation could logically be related to increased utilization of resources. However, it also could be argued that when oppression is experienced as uncontrollable, the response can be one of passivity and internalized powerlessness (Sue & Sue, 1999), in which case frequency of utilization might decrease. Outcomes vary in a large cultural group (e.g., Asians) even when the individuals in that group share broadly similar worldviews (e.g., Frey & Roysircar, 2004; Ibrahim, Roysircar-Sodowsky, & Ohnishi, 2001; Kluckhohn, 1956). Therefore, it is probable that acculturation and perceived prejudice would differentially affect help resource utilization depending on one's cultural background and group membership. Chun and Akutsu (2003) argued that significant sociocultural differences between Asian groups likely influence their acculturation, and yet these differences are frequently neglected. Therefore, we hypothesized that relationships of the variables under study (perceived prejudice and acculturation) would differ depending on Asian group membership (i.e., South Asian vs. East Asian).

help resource utilization by south asians and east asians

Studies exploring the utilization of help resources in Asian populations have underscored the complex interplay of cultural factors. Zheng and Berry (1991) reported that Chinese international students in Canada, as compared with non-Chinese Canadian students, participated in information seeking to cope with stress. Similarly, the Commonwealth Fund study (Collins et al., 2002) found that many Vietnamese refugees in the United States turned to friends and family for health information and that Asian Americans turned to books and other printed materials, pharmacists, and health fairs for information on health. Referring to international students overall, Pedersen (1975) stated that these students preferred to seek help from fellow nationals rather than from host nationals. In contrast to this indicated preference, a recent study by Hechanova-Alampay, Beehr, Christiansen, and Van Horn (2002) found that for international students, 55% of whom were from Asian/Pacific countries, increased interaction with U.S. host nationals was related to increased adjustment and decreased strain. Despite this positive trend, the international students reported a minority of American friends (Hechanova-Alampay et al., 2002), although it is unclear whether this low rate in friendship resulted from international students' preference, lack of opportunity, or the apparent low need of host nationals to have international friends (e.g., due to U.S. students' insularity, prejudice, or inadequate cross-cultural communication skills).

Regarding mental health services and university counseling centers, studies have shown low utilization, perhaps because utilization is low in some home countries. For instance, only 3.8% of undergraduate students in Taiwan sought counseling when they encountered mental health problems (Chang & Kuo, 1984). Similarly, 2.2% of undergraduates in Taiwan reported that they would initiate help seeking with the university counseling center if they were to suffer severe psychological problems and had exhausted all informal sources (Cherng, 1989). In the United States, three major reasons have been suggested for underutilization by Asian Americans: lack of trust in helping professionals and their services, lack of knowledge about the availability of services, and the stigma associated with formal help seeking (Leong, Wagner, & Tata, 1995). It is also possible that the lack of mental health professionals of color and professionals who are multiculturally and linguistically competent is related to the underutilization of mental health services (E. Delgado-Romero, personal communication, January 4, 2006).

The literature on Asian culture (e.g., Kim, Atkinson, & Yang, 1999; Sodowsky, Kwan, & Pannu, 1995) has suggested that a collectivistic worldview orientation, which emphasizes maintaining balance and harmony and obtaining guidance and support from one's family and coethnic group, influences choices in the utilization of help resources. For example, a collective identity among, Japanese students was found to predict seeking help from one's family members (Yeh, Inose, Kobori, & Chang, 2001). Luk and Bond (1992) pointed out that college students in Hong Kong primarily used internal attributions (i.e., self-responsibility) for solving their problems, although they also used interpersonal resources. In another study, Japanese participants, as compared with White American participants, agreed more strongly that successful coping depends mostly on luck and that stressful events are brought on by bad luck (Kawanishi, 1995). Sue and Sue (2003) pointed out that Asian worldviews also tend to focus on indirect or deflected approaches to dealing with problems in order to avoid conflict.

Studies examining South Asian populations, especially South Asian international students, are underrepresented in the literature (Sheth, 1995). However, a few relevant South Asian studies were found. Rokach (1999) found that South Asian immigrants (i.e., permanent residents), as compared with West Indian immigrants and native North Americans, reported less social involvement and interaction but also less distancing and denial (i.e., unhealthy behaviors such as isolating and alcohol/drug abuse) in dealing with loneliness. Vohra and Broots (1996) compared South Asian graduate students who were immigrants in North America with South Asian graduate students attending college in their native countries. They found that immigrant participants were higher in perceived control, religion, and superstition, which they used to cope with stressful life experiences. Ahmad et al. (2004) used qualitative methodology to explore stress-related factors and coping strategies of recently immigrated South Asian women. Participants reported experiencing increased stress, tension, loneliness, and depression and indicated that they coped with these experiences primarily by (a) increasing their efforts to socialize, (b) using preventive health practices (e.g., exercise, yoga, ayurvedics), (c) practicing self-awareness through education about health issues and services, (d) using medicines brought from their home countries, and (e) visiting their home countries for treatment. Last, in their instrument development study on coping, which included participants from East Asia and South Asia, Kuo et al. (2006) identified subscales that referred to obtaining guidance and support from one's family and coethnic group and observing cultural norms (labeled Collective Coping), reflected the theme of Asians physically or emotionally separating themselves from a stressor (labeled Avoidance Coping), and invoked direct action and personal adjustments in the face of stress (labeled Engagement Coping). There was considerable variance in these measurements, with East Asians using more collective and avoidance coping and South Asians using more engagement coping. In contrast to Luk and Bond's (1992) finding that Hong Kong students (i.e., East Asian students) relied on internal attributions for alleviating their problems, Ahmad et al. and Kuo et al. noted that the South Asians used coping strategies that focused on actively changing the stressful situation.

Overall, the reviewed studies suggested that there may be similarities (e.g., reliance on education) as well as differences (e.g., internal attributions vs. direct approaches; collective and avoidance coping vs. engagement coping) between Asian groups that may influence the frequency of help resource utilization. Accordingly, the hypothesis for the current study was that perceived prejudice, acculturation, and Asian group membership (i.e., South Asian or East Asian) would be significantly related to frequency of help resource utilization but that this relationship would differ depending on Asian group membership.



Asian international graduate students (N= 110) attending a Midwestern university participated in the study. Students from South Asia (e.g., India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka) accounted for 52% (n=57) of the sample; students from East Asia (e.g., China, Taiwan, Hong Kong) accounted for 48% (n = 53) of the sample. Although it was recognized that participants came from nations that are now distinct politically, each group (i.e., South Asian and East Asian) shares many cultural and religious values. Historically, India, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka formed one country that was separated into nations by British colonists. The majority of the people from these nations practice Hinduism, Islam, or Buddhism, which are Eastern religions. China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong, at different times in their history, were within each other's national borders; thus many people from these nations have a similar cultural heritage.

Each cultural group had lived in the United States for a median of 2 years. The mean ages at arrival in the United States were similar: South Asians, 24 years (range = 19-34 years); East Asians, 27 years (range = 18-36 years). The groups were also similar in terms of mean age (South Asian = 27 years, range = 21-38 years; East Asian = 29 years, range 23-42) and sex (South Asian men = 65%, women = 35%; East Asian men = 72%, women = 28%). The top three majors in each group were the same: Sciences, Business Administration, and Engineering/Technology.

The South Asian and East Asian groups were similar in educational level, income, and marital status. Sixty-one percent of the South Asians and 66% of the East Asians had earned graduate degrees. The median income was $13,000 for South Asians and $12,000 for East Asians. Forty percent of the South Asian and 43% of the East Asian participants were married. Each group, however, indicated different majority religions. The majority of South Asians reported observing Hinduism, Islam, Buddhism, and Jainism (72%); the remaining participants reported Protestant or related faiths (2%) or of participating in no organized religion (26%). The majority of East Asians reported practicing individual forms of worship (i.e., personalized forms of spirituality rather than organized group religions, 85%); the remaining participants reported observing Protestant faiths (10%), Catholicism (4%), and Buddhism (2%).


American-International Relations Survey (AIRS; Sodowsky & Plake, 1991). The AIRS, a 34-item, Likert-type self-report instrument, provides a linear measurement of adaptation to U.S. society. Although four types of acculturation adaptations have been proposed from a bilinear/bidirectional model of acculturation (Berry, 1980), only relative degrees of adaptation by newcomers to the United States were of interest to us for the current study. The AIRS measures adaptation to the United States along a continuum, from more to less. The AIRS has been used extensively with international students and new immigrants (e.g., Kuo et al., 2006; Mehta, 1998; Rahman & Rollock, 2004) and has the advantage of permitting comparisons of different cultural groups (Roysircar-Sodowsky & Maestas, 2000).

The AIRS consists of three subscales--Social Customs, Language Usage, and Perceived Prejudice. Because we did not attempt to investigate the separate contributions of the language and social customs aspects of adaptation and because preliminary analyses indicated that the Language subscale alone demonstrated no predictive value, these subscales were collapsed into one scale labeled Acculturation (14 items), as has been done in previous studies (e.g., Frey & Roysircar, 2004; Kuo & Roysircar, 2004; Sodowsky & Lai, 1997). In these studies, the average Cronbach's alpha was .85 for the combined Acculturation scale, whereas in a recent study (Nilsson & Dodds, 2006), the alphas were .87 for Acculturation (i.e., Social Customs) and .90 for Language Usage, when these two subscales were not combined. For the present study, however, the Cronbach's alpha was lower for Acculturation, .65 for South Asians and .67 for East Asians.

The response format for Acculturation ranges from 5 or 6 (strongly agree--rejection of the White dominant culture's values and behaviors) to 1 (strongly disagree--acceptance of the White dominant culture's values and behaviors). Because of the scoring format (high score = rejection, low score = acceptance), a negative correlation on the Acculturation subscale with help resource utilization indicates that higher acculturation is related to a higher frequency of utilization. An example of an Acculturation item is, "Americans are too assertive and verbal for my liking."

The response format for the Perceived Prejudice subscale (20 items) ranges from 6 (higher perceptions of prejudice) to 1 (lower perceptions of prejudice). An example of a Perceived Prejudice item is, "Americans try to fit me into the stereotypes that they have about my nationality group." The Cronbach's alphas for Perceived Prejudice were .86 for both Asian groups, a finding that is similar to the average Cronbach's alpha reported for this subscale in previous studies (Kuo et al., 2006; Mehta, 1998; Rahman & Rollock, 2004; Sodowsky & Lai, 1997), but higher than the alpha of .76 for Perceived Prejudice reported in a recent study (Nilsson & Dodds, 2006).

Frequency of utilization of help resources. Eighteen items presented in a yes/no response format formed a checklist to determine the frequency of help resources used by Asian international students when feeling troubled or distressed. It should be noted that because the intent was to understand Asian international students' frequency of use of help resources, it was not our purpose to develop a formal instrument. Participants were asked to mark resources for utilization in response to a distressing situation and were directed to check as many resources as they chose. Items were developed on the basis of a literature review and reflected

* Non-Western spirituality (5 items): chanting, prayers, meditation (Finn & Rubin, 2000; Roland, 1988)

* Structured directive approaches (5 items): focusing on objectives or work/school (Kuo et al., 2006; Leong et al., 1995); using relaxation techniques or exercise (Kuo et al., 2006; Sodowsky & Lai, 1997)

* Reliance on social or interpersonal resources (5 items): talking to parents, older or younger siblings, relatives, or family friends (Kuo et al., 2006; Yeh et al., 2001)

* Use of psychiatric or psychological services (3 items): meeting with a physician or counselor, taking medication

The content validity of the items was assessed by a South Asian faculty member who conducts research and clinical work with international students. Two international students from China in a doctoral program in counseling psychology also evaluated the items. The three experts used their knowledge of Asian literature and their personal expertise to judge the content validity of the items. They indicated that the items adequately represented the literature on Asian help resources. The number of items endorsed was totaled as an indicator of overall frequency of utilization of help resources, with higher scores indicating increased frequency of use. The K-R 20 reliability for the dichotomous scoring measure was .73.


South Asian and East Asian graduate students were recruited via mail from two lists provided by the International Students Office of a Midwestern university. An informed consent, a demographic questionnaire, the AIRS (Sodowsky & Plake, 1991), and the Frequency of Utilization of Help Resources checklist were sent to the students' campus addresses. A follow-up mailing was sent to students who did not respond to the first mailing. One hundred and ten students (return rate = 45%) completed the packet.


A hierarchical multiple regression model (Cohen & Cohen, 1983) was developed with "frequency of utilization of help resource" as the criterion variable. The predictors were perceived prejudice, acculturation, and Asian group membership. Perceived prejudice was entered first because, as previously discussed, the literature has indicated that it is a significant experience for international students from developing nations. Next, acculturation was entered because we were interested in studying its unique contribution beyond the amount of variance explained by prejudice. At the third step, Asian group membership was entered as a status variable using effect coding, as is recommended in factorial designs (Pedhazur, 1997). The purpose was to examine whether group membership explained any variance beyond the universal experiences of perceived prejudice and acculturation. After examining main effects, the interaction effects of Asian group membership with prejudice and acculturation were entered.


Means, standard deviations, and intercorrelations for all measured variables are shown for each Asian international group in Table 1. The mean frequency of utilization of help resources was significantly higher for South Asians as compared with East Asians, with the magnitude of the mean difference at the moderate level ([r.sub.pb] = .32). The predictor variables were not highly correlated.

Table 2 reports results for the final step, and results at each step are reported in the text. The [R.sup.2] explained by the full hierarchical regression model (Cohen & Cohen, 1983) was .39, F(5, 94) = 12.24, p < .001), which is a large effect size (Cohen, 1988). All predictors were significant (see Table 2). At the first step, the contribution of prejudice to frequency of utilization of help resources explained significant variance, [R.sup.2] = .05 (adjusted [R.sup.2] = .04), F(1, 98) = 4.87, p < .05. Acculturation explained significant variance in the second step, [DELTA][R.sup.2] = .09, [DELTA]F(1, 97) = 10.65, p < .01, with [R.sup.2] = .14 (adjusted [R.sup.2] = .12). Asian group membership explained significant variance at the third step, [DELTA][R.sup.2] = .10, [DELTA]F(1, 96) = 11.92, p < .001, with [R.sup.2] = .24 (adjusted [R.sup.2] = .21). Because the main effects were mitigated by the presence of interaction effects, it was more appropriate to interpret the interactions (Pedhazur, 1997).

The interaction terms entered as a block at the last step were significant and explained 16% of the variance, [DELTA]F(2, 94) = 12.25, p < .001. Additionally, there were significant individual interactions for group membership: Prejudice and acculturation interacted differently with frequency of utilization of help resources across groups (i.e., as compared with the grand mean of the Asian groups overall; see Table 2).

Of greater interest, however, was not whether each Asian group differed significantly from the grand mean but what was occurring within each group, given the presence of the interaction. Thus, examining the zero-order correlations provided further assistance in understanding and contrasting the relationships within each group. For both the South Asian and the East Asian groups, there was a weak positive (but nonsignificant) zero-order correlation (r = .26 and .24, respectively) between prejudice and frequency of utilization of help resources. Figure 1 illustrates the linear correlation between these variables for each Asian group.


On the other hand, there was a significant, negative zero-order correlation (r=-.35, p < .01) for the South Asian group between acculturation and frequency of utilization of help resources, indicating that as acculturation to U.S. culture increased, frequency of utilization significantly increased. The correlation for the East Asian group was negligible and nonsignificant (r= -.08). Again, Figure 1 illustrates the linear correlation between these variables for each Asian group and suggests that the significant variance explained by the interaction terms is primarily accounted for by the interaction of acculturation with group membership.


As hypothesized, relationships associated with the frequency of utilization of help resources differed for South Asian and East Asian participants. For South Asians, as acculturation to U.S. culture increased, the frequency of utilization of help resources also increased. For East Asians, there was essentially no relationship between acculturation and frequency of utilization of help resources, with frequency of utilization remaining relatively stable across levels of acculturation. Also, although the relationship between perceived prejudice and the frequency of utilization of help resources differed across groups, there was not a significant linear relationship between the two variables within each group. It is important to note that the mean frequency of utilization of help resources was significantly higher for the South Asian group as compared with the East Asian group.

One explanation of the results is that, as South Asian individuals become more acculturated to U.S. culture, increased utilization of help resources to deal with troubles may become more acceptable. However, a deeper understanding of this relationship might be gained through a closer look at South Asian culture. Ibrahim, Ohnishi, and Sandhu (1997) pointed out that, historically, South Asians have managed to retain a strong national identity and cultural belief system despite British colonization. In addition, because diverse languages, religions, and cultural groups exist within most South Asian countries, South Asians have learned to accept the presence of cultural differences (Chandarana & Pellizzari, 2001; Ibrahim et al., 1997). It is also possible that, as a result of British colonization, South Asians are more proficient in English than East Asians. Such characteristics may facilitate the development of biculturalism. South Asian international students' mobilization of multiple help resources to negotiate the acculturation process may be integrative problem solving, fostered by a multicultural heritage and a lengthy history of adaptive changes in response to colonization.

For East Asians, the frequency of utilization of help resources remained stable across levels of acculturation. Sue and Sue (1999) suggested that East Asians may experience shame regarding needing help for psychological problems, resulting in individuals denying the problems (see also Kuo et al., 2006). Kwan and Sodowsky (1997) suggested that denial may be a cultural response to in-group pressures among Chinese people, given that immigrant Chinese individuals reported fear of loss of face. Avoidant behaviors may be inherent in some Asian cultures (Kim et al., 1999) and may serve collective purposes (e.g., preservation of social harmony; Markus & Kitayama, 1991). For instance, East Asians may respond indirectly by waiting, doing nothing, and practicing forbearance (Tweed, White, & Lehman, 2002). Additionally, a history of political and military oppression in some East and Southeast Asian countries (Lee & Lu, 1989; Nicholson, 1997) may have conditioned an acquiescent style. Consequently, these cultural patterns might be related to an overall lower frequency of help resource utilization in East Asian individuals.

counseling implications

The complexity in the utilization of help resources is underscored when one considers the myriad ways that cultural factors interrelate and the potential influence of these interrelationships on acculturation. Understanding the context of an individual's beliefs and behaviors regarding the utilization of help resources would help to ensure effective and culturally congruent interventions. For instance, counseling outreach could focus on educating South Asian students about acculturation and supporting them in negotiating the acculturation process through the increased utilization of their existing help resources. On the other hand, East Asian students may require a direct focus on the expansion of culturally acceptable coping strategies, as well as on the consistent practice of these strategies.

Utilization of help resources can also be conceptualized from a prevention framework. For instance, Cherng (1989) found that Taiwanese undergraduates had a tendency to wait until problems escalated out of control before initiating formal help seeking. This pattern emphasizes the importance of assessing level of distress and of connecting individuals experiencing difficulties with conational peers and a Chinese ethnic community that might provide essential frames of reference. This intervention may be particularly important for East Asian students who remain at lower levels of acculturation for an extended period of time. Hechanova-Alampay et al. (2002) found that international students from a variety of countries showed a relatively stable linear increase in adjustment during the first 6 months after arriving in the United States, suggesting that an effective prevention strategy might be to monitor this trend.

Although counseling centers and mental health professionals are important help resources, there are additional resources that campus personnel can promote. Shin (2002) described a cultural brokering system in which health professionals link community helpers with the population in need. In the case of international students, training in cultural brokering could be provided to residential assistants, who would then connect international students with a variety of community and campus services (e.g., mentoring for language minority students, meditation or yoga groups, places of worship, exercise resources, English tutorial services, U.S./international buddies, host/international families, and cultural associations). Supporting the utilization of a broad array of resources could lead to international students' increased understanding of the purpose of psychological services and openness to using such services.

There were limitations to the study. First, the participant pool consisted of graduate students from one Midwestern university. Also, larger samples of South Asians and East Asians would add stability to the findings. Investigating help resource utilization within specific nationality groups and exploring the relationships between cultural variables and specific categories of resources (e.g., indigenous vs. Western) would further expand the results of this study. Last, although attention was given to maximizing power to detect effects (e.g., equal numbers of participants in each group, absence of multicollinearity, normally distributed residual error), the low reliabilities of the Acculturation scale and the study's correlational design may have resulted in some power reduction (Frazier, Tix, & Barron, 2004).

Editor's Note. The action editor for this article was Edward Delgado-Romero.


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Lisa L. Frey, Counseling Psychology Program, University of Oklahoma; Gargi Roysircar, Multicultural Center for Research and Practice, Antioch University New England Graduate School Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Lisa L. Frey, University of Oklahoma, Department of Educational Psychology, 820 Van Vleet Oval, Room 327, Norman, OK 73019-2041 (e-mail:
Means, Standard Deviations, and Intercorrelations of Prejudice,
Acculturation, and Help Resource Utilization

Variable                M         SD     1      2        3

East Asian
  1. Prejudice        3.51       0.64    --    .38 **    .24
  2. Acculturation    3.93       0.43           --      -.08
  3. Help Resource    4.87 (a)   2.61                     --
South Asian
  1. Prejudice        3.46       0.75    -     .23       .26
  2. Acculturation    3.85       0.47           --      -.35 *
  3. Help Resource    6.98 (a)   3.54                     --

Note. Prejudice: Scoring range 1-6, with higher scores indicating a
higher level of perceived prejudice. Acculturation subscale: Scoring
range 1-6, with lower scores indicating a higher level of
acculturation. Help Resource Utilization: Scoring range 0-18, with
higher scores indicating a greater endorsement frequency of help
resource utilization.

(a) Moderate effect size, [r.sub.pb] = .32.

* p [less than or equal to] .05. ** p [less than or equal to] .01.

Summary of Final Step of the Four-Step Hierarchical Multiple Regression
Analysis for Variables Predicting Help Resource Utilization

Variable                           B         SE B       [beta]

Step 1
  Prejudice                      0.08        0.02       0.35 ***
Step 2
  Acculturation                 -1.75        0.62      -0.24 **
Step 3
  Asian Group Membership         6.37        2.52       1.95 **
Step 4
  Asian Group Membership
    x Prejudice                  0.07        0.02       1.60 ***
  Asian Group Membership
    x Acculturation             -0.19        0.05      -3.22 ***

Variable                       [R.sup.2]   [R.sup.2]

Step 1                          .05 *
Step 2                          .14 ***     .09 **
Step 3                          .24 ***     .10 ***
  Asian Group Membership
Step 4                          .39 ***     .16 ***
  Asian Group Membership
    x Prejudice
  Asian Group Membership
    x Acculturation

Note. Prejudice subscale: Higher scores indicate a higher level of
perceived prejudice. Acculturation subscale: Lower scores indicate a
higher level of acculturation. Asian Group Membership subscale: South
Asian groups effect coded = 1; East Asian groups effect coded = -1.

* p [less than or equal to] .05. ** p [less than or equal to] .01.
*** p [less than or equal to] .001.
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Author:Frey, Lisa L.; Roysircar, Gargi
Publication:Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development
Geographic Code:90ASI
Date:Oct 1, 2006
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