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Source-marking resultatives in Estonian/[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII].

0. In Estonian resultative change of state is mostly expressed by means of a prototypical resultative construction where the resultant state is expressed by the subject predicative (1) or the object predicative (2) in the translative (called the predicative adverbial in Estonian linguistics) (cf. Erelt, Metslang 2003), the bearer of the state is expressed by the subject or the direct object, and the source state is optionally expressed by an elative adverbial, e.g.

(1) Mart kujunes (kurjategija-st) kangelase-ks Mart developed criminal-EL hero-TR 'Mart grew (from a criminal) into a hero'

(2) Meedia kujundas Mardi (kurjategija-st) kangelase-ks media developed Mart.GEN criminal-EL hero-TR 'The media turned Mart (from a criminal) into a hero'

In addition, Estonian uses the resultative construction for the expression of the change of state, where the elative marks the bearer of the state. The resultant state remains unmarked--in intransitive clauses it is expressed by subject cases, and in transitive clauses it is expressed by object cases, e.g.

(3) a. Mardi-st kujunes kangelane Mart-EL developed hero.NOM 'Mart grew into a hero'

b. Mardi-stei kujunenud kangelas-t Mart-EL did not developed hero-PRTV 'Mart did not grow into a hero'

(4) a. Meedia kujundas Mardi-st kangelase/kangelas-t media developed Mart-EL hero.GEN / hero-PRTV 'The media turned Mart into a hero'

b. Meedia ei kujundanud Mardi-st kangelas-t media did not developed Mart-EL hero-PRTV 'The media did not turn Mart into a hero'

c. Meedia kujundas poiste-st kangelased media developed boys-EL heroes.NOM 'The media turned the boys into heroes'

Traditional Estonian grammar has treated the elative constituent as an adverbial of result (Mihkla, Rannut, Riikoja, Admann, 1974 : 228). Actually, the syntactic element in the subject or object case has been regarded as the subject or the object. Similarly to the existential sentence, in an intransitive clause the elative adverbial is usually placed as a theme at the beginning of the clause. This clause type reveals also another feature of the existential sentence--in negative clauses the subject is in the partitive case (see section 2). However, such clauses have not been regarded as existential sentences or any other clause types that differ from normal clauses.

The same syntactic pattern can be found in Finnish, too:1

(5) Mei-sta tulee kuuluisi-a ~ tanssijoi-ta we-EL come famous-PRTV ~ dancers-PRTV 'We'll become famous dancers'

(6) Tama tekee mei-sta kuuluisi-a ~ tanssijoi-ta it will do we-EL famous-PRTV ~ dancers-PRTV 'He'll turn us into famous dancers'

Finnish linguists have singled out this clause type as different from the normal clause and termed it as tuloslause. The new academic Finnish grammar (Hakulinen, Vilkuna, Korhonen, Koivisto, Heinonen, Alho 2004) regards the non-elative constituent as the predicative. Previously it had been regarded as something between the predicative and the subject resp. object (e.g. Hakulinen, Karlsson 1979 : 98; Vilkuna 1996 : 158--159; Siro 1964 : 54).

The clause type under discussion has a smooth border with clauses with the elative constituent that denote cause (7) or instrument (8):

(7) Selle-st tekkis suur pahandus it-EL resulted great.NOM trouble.NOM 'It resulted in great trouble'

(8) Laps tegi paberi-st laeva child made paper-EL ship.GEN 'The child made a ship from paper'

The existence of a translative alternative variant serves as a distinctive criterion for the resultative clause (but see also the tulema-verb in p 2).

The author of this article calls the clause with the translative predicative as (1) and(2) the goal-marking resultative clause (GM-clause) andthe clause type with the elative adverbial of result as (3) and(4) the source-marking resultative clause (SM-clause). The article deals with the semantic and syntactic differences between these two clause types.

1. According to some Finnish linguists (e.g. Hakulinen, Karlsson 1979 : 98; Hakulinen, Vilkuna, Korhonen, Koivisto, Heinonen, Alho 2004), the main difference between the GM- and SM-clauses (however, not using these terms) is that a GM-clause reveals the presence of the subject resp. object referent prior to the beginning of the change, which is not so in the case of an SM-clause. The same is true for Estonian, too. A GM-clause like (9a) seems strange because the use of the translative suggests that the book entitled Rehepapp was not good enough in the beginning but became goodsometime later. Sentence (9b) is acceptable because it is only natural that a book does not become popular at the moment of publication. An SM-clause, however, is possible in both cases (10a, b). The main meaning of sentence (10a) is that Rehepapp was completed as a good book, but (10b) implies that Rehepapp had been completed earlier.

(9) a. ?"Rehepapp" sai hea-ks raamatu-ks Rehepapp.NOM became good-TR book-TR 'Rehepapp became a good book'

b. "Rehepapp" sai populaarse-ks raamatu-ks Rehepapp.NOM became popular-TR book-TR 'Rehepapp became a popular book'

(10) a. "Rehepapi-st" sai/tuli hea raamat Rehepapp-EL became good.NOM book.NOM 'Rehepapp became a good book'

b. "Rehepapi-st" sai/tuli populaarne raamat Rehepapp-EL came/became popular.NOM book.NOM 'Rehepapp became a popular book'

The same concerns the transitive resultative clause. Sentence (11) seems as strange as sentence (9a). It implies that the author somehow revised the book after completing it. However, sentence (12) allows an interpretation that it was completed as a good book, though it is perhaps not as self-evident as in (10a).

(11) ?Kirjanik tegi "Rehepapi" hea-ks raamatu-ks writer made Rehepapp.GEN good-TR book-TR 'The writer turned Rehepapp into a good book'

(12) Kirjanik tegi "Rehepapi-st" hea raamatu writer made Rehepapp-EL good.GEN book.GEN 'The writer made a good book out of Rehepapp'

Unlike Finnish an Estonian SM-clause does not allow the use of the adjectival predicative (13). An adjective expressing the resultant state is in the translative (14).

(13) a. *Poisi-st kasvas suur boy-EL grew big.NOM 'Out of the boy grew a big'

b. *Poisi-st kasvatati suur boy-EL was grown big.NOM 'Out of the boy it was grown a big'

(14) a. Poiss kasvas suure-ks boy.NOM grew big-TR 'The boy grew big'

b. Poiss kasvatati suure-ks boy.NOM was grown big-TR 'The boy was grown big'

On the other hand, in Estonian a non-translative adjective occurs in clauses of the following type:

(15) a. Rukis kasvas ilus rye.NOM grew beautiful.NOM 'The rye grew beautiful'

b. Rukis kasvatati ilus rye.NOM was grown beautiful.NOM 'The rye was grown beautiful'

(16) a. See raamat tuli hea this book.NOM come good.NOM 'The book turned out well'

b. See raamat tehti h e a this book.NOM was made good.NOM 'The book was well made'

In these sentences rukis 'rye' and see raamat 'the book' point unambiguously to a referent that emerged only as the final result of the process. Thus, as for their implication these clauses are clearly different from those clauses with the translative adjective where one implies that the referent had been there before and only its character underwent a change. In these clauses the adjective was not treated as a predicative but an attribute separated from its head (EKG II 56). Be that as it may, but it fits in nicely with our interpretation of the clauses.

2. The list of verbs that occur in a GM-clause as the main pattern of expressing the change of state is rather long (see Erelt, Metslang 2003). By contrast, the list of those verbs that can be used in both resultative constructions is rather short. (2) Intransitive verbs are represented by:

1) saama 'become', tulema 'come'

2) kujunema, arenema 'develop'; kasvama, sirguma, vorsuma 'grow', etc.

Saama 'become' and tulema 'come' have grammaticalized into verbs with the broadest meaning of resultative change of state not indicating the nature of change. At this the saama-verb is the most important one.

Differently from Finnish the tulema-verb rarely occurs in this meaning. (3) Tulema is also the only verb where specific SM- and GM-clauses are often transformationally unrelated although the tulema-verb follows both patterns. Verbs of development and especially growing show the nature of the change, too. The most important verb of development is kujunema 'develop'; kasvama 'grow' predominates among verbs of growing.

Some examples follow:

a. Harju tanavast [street-EL] saab Viru tanavale tugev konkurent [competitor.NOM] (NEWS (4)) ([right arrow] Harju tanav [street.NOM] saab Viru tanava tugevaks konkurendiks [competitor-TR]) 'Harju Street will become a strong competitor for Viru Street'--Suure toenaosusega poordub kuberner [governor.NOM] tagasi Portugali ja saab selle riigi jargmiseks presidendiks [president-TR] (NEWS) 'There is strong likelihood that the governor will return to Portugal and will become the next president of this country' ([right arrow] Kubernerist [governor-EL] saab president [president. NOM] 'The governor will become president'); Dustyst [-EL] t u l e b suureparane isa [father.NOM] (FICT) 'Dusty will be an excellent father' ([right arrow] * Dusty [.NOM] t u l e b suureparaseks isaks [father-TR])--1974. aastal tuli Endla Lipre [.NOM] N. Liidu naiskonna koosseisus Euroopa meistriks [champion-TR] (NEWS) 'In 1947 Endla Lipre became the European champion as member of the Soviet team' ([right arrow] Endla Liprest [-EL] tuli Euroopa meister [champion.NOM] 'Endla Lipre became the European champion');

b. Maletatavasti kujunes mullusest Saaremaa biennaalist [biennialEL] suur rahvusvaheline kunstisundmus [art event.NOM] (NEWS) 'As is known, the last year's Saaremaa biennial became a major international art event' ([right arrow] Saaremaa biennaal [biennial.NOM] kujunes kunstisundmuseks [art event:TR] 'The Saaremaa biennial became an art event')--Kohtumine [meeting.NOM] k u j u n e s kuivaks intellektuaalseks sonasojaks [war of words-TR] (NEWS) 'The meeting t u r n e d into a dry intellectual war of words' ([right arrow] Kohtumisest [meeting-EL] kujunes sonasoda [war of words.NOM] 'The meeting turned into a war of words')--... meeldejaavast pogusast kohtumisest [meeting-EL] a reneb pusivam suhe [relationship.NOM] (NEWS) 'A memorable brief meeting will develop into a more permanent relationship' ([right arrow] Kohtumine [meeting.NOM] a reneb pusivamaks suhteks [relationship-TR] 'The meeting will develop into a more permanent relationship')--... ligikaudu kumnel protsendil haiguse [hepatiidi] podejaist [patsient-EL] a r e n e b see maksatsirroosiks [cirrhosis of the liver-TR] (NEWS) 'In about ten per cent of the patients [of hepatitis] the disease will develop into cirrhosis of the liver ([right arrow] Sellest [it-EL] a reneb maksatsirroos [cirrhosis.NOM] 'It will develop into cirrhosis');

c. Aga kui ta on ikka maast-madalast jooksnud, kasvab tast [he-EL] kindlasti tervisesportlane [health nut.NOM] (NEWS) 'But once he has been running since his early age, he will definitely become a health nut' ([right arrow] Ta [he.NOM] k a s v a b tervisesportlaseks [health nut-TR] 'He will become a health nut')--... pahin [rushing sound.NOM] laboratooriumis kasvas sekundiga moirgeks [roar-TR] 'In a second the rushing sound in the laboratory turned into a roar' (NEWS) ([right arrow] Pahinast [rushing sound-EL] kasvas moire [roar.NOM] 'The rushing sound turned into a roar');--Ent Sokust [-EL] sirgus olumpiavoitja [Olympic champion.NOM] (NEWS) 'But Sokk grew into an Olympic champion ([right arrow] Sokk [.NOM] sirgus olumpiavoitjaks [Olympic champion-TR] 'Sokk grew into an Olympic champion')--Noorema generatsiooni esindusgrupiks [bestknown group-TR] sirgus Terminaator [.NOM] (NEWS) 'Terminaator grew into the best-known group of the younger generation' ([right arrow] Terminaatorist [-EL] sirgus esindusgrupp [best-known group.NOM] 'Terminaator grew into the best-known group of the younger generation').

The following transitive verbs in both clause types:

1) tegema 'do; make'

2) kujundama, arendama 'develop'; kasvatama 'grow, raise'; kaanama 'twist', painutama 'bend', rullima 'roll', vormima 'shape', koitma, siduma 'bind', etc.

Some examples follow:

a. Magi oli lohatud puuri ja lohkelaengute abil ja see tegi ronimisest [climbing-EL] lapsemangu [child's play.GEN] (NEWS) 'The hill had been detonated by drilling and explosives, and that turned climbing into child's play' ([right arrow] See tegi ronimise [climbing.GEN] lapsemanguks [child's play-TR] 'It turned climbing into child's play')--Kull meie juba selle ara ootame, millal piilupardi Epp oma Tiiskapa [.GEN] tubliks meheks kasvatab ja paameistriks [grandmaster-TR] teeb (FICT) 'We can wait out the time when Epp the Duck raises her Tiiskapp into a good man and makes him the grandmaster' ([right arrow] Epp teeb Tiiskapast [-EL] paameistri [grandmaster. GEN] Epp will make a grandmaster out of Tiiskapp');

b. Carl-Cristian Rundman kujundas Pasha Selinist [-EL] pigem euroopaliku diktaatori [dictator.GEN] (NEWS) 'Rather, Carl-Cristian Rundman turned Pasha Selin into a European-style dictator' ([right arrow] Rundman kujundas Pasha Selini [.GEN] euroopalikuks diktaatoriks [dictator-TR] 'Rundman turned Pasha Selin into a European-style dictator')--Juba aastaga uletas muugimaht 300 000 dollari piiri, mille peale ta kujundas oma kompanii [company.GEN] kaubanduskonglomeraadiks [trade conglomerate-TR] (NEWS) 'Already in a year the sales volume exceeded 300,000 dollars after which he turned his company into a trade conglomerate ([right arrow] Ta kujundas oma kompaniist [company-EL] kaubanduskonglomeraadi [trade conglomerate.GEN] 'He turned his company into a trade conglomerate');--K a sva tan koerast [dog-EL] medalite valvaja [guard.GEN] (NEWS) 'I'll grow the dog into a guard of the medals' ([right arrow] Kasvatan koera [dog.GEN] medalite valvajaks [guard-TR] 'I'll grow the dog into a guard of the medals')--Ta o n eluaeg ausalt tood ruganud, mehe maha matnud, kaks [two.NOM] last [child-PRTV] koolitanud ja korralikeks inimesteks [people-TR] kasvatanud (NEWS) 'She has been honestly toiling all through her life, buried her husband, educated two children and turned them into decent people' ([right arrow] Ta on kahest [two-EL] lapsest [child-EL] korralikud inimesed [people. NOM] kasvatanud 'She has turned two children into decent people');--Kuid Pipi loikas pika peene puuoksa, sidus selle uhte otsa noori, painutas noopnoelast [pin-EL] konksu [hook.GEN] (FICT) 'But Pipi cut a long thin tree branch, tied a string around one and, benta hook out of a pin' ([right arrow] Pipi painutas noopnoela [pin.GEN] konksuks [hook-TR] 'Pipi bent a pin into a hook').

3. As noted, in Estonian linguistics the NP in a grammatical case of an SM-clause has been treated as the subject of an intransitive clause and the object of a transitive clause. In Finnish linguistics, however, it has been treated as a predicative that shares some of its properties with the subject resp. the object. The argument in favour of the predicative is that in an SM-clause the NP fulfils the same function of characterization as in a normal clause. In Finnish an additional argument for the predicative is that the syntactic element need not be not only a noun but also an adjective as in sentences (5) and (6). In the case of Estonian this kind of support is missing--we could see that an adjective is impossible in an Estonian SMclause. In the case of negation the partitive form serves as a characteristic of the subject and the object of the NP. This is so both in Finnish (17) and in Estonian (18) (see also Hakulinen, Karlsson 1979 : 98; Vilkuna 1996 : 159; Hakulinen, Vilkuna, Korhonen, Koivisto, Heinonen, Alho 2004); additionally, agreement in number occurs in Estonian (19).

(17) a. Kankaa-sta tuli takki fabric-EL came coat.NOM 'A coat was made from the fabric'

b. Kankaa-sta ei tullut takki-a fabric-EL did not come coat-PRTV 'No coat was made from the fabric'

(18) a. Vanemad kasvatasid poja-st tubli mehe parents grew son-EL good.GEN man.GEN 'The parents turned the son into a good man'

b. Vanemad ei kasvatanud poja-st tubli-t mees-t parents did not grow son-EL good-PRTV man-PRTV 'The parents did not turn the son into a good man'

(19) Poiste-st kasvasid mehed boys-EL grew men.NOM 'The boys grew into men'

As for the use of the partitive subject, an intransitive SM-clause is similar to the existential sentence.

4. One can regard the opposition between GM- and SM-resultative clauses as a diathetic one. Diathesis is the correspondence scheme between the semantic roles and the grammatical relations of the arguments in the clause ([TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 1970; Erelt 1979 : 38--40; Paduceva 2002). Primary diathesis is one member of diathetic oppositions, and derived diathesis is the other. Derived diathesis can be morphologically marked or unmarked by the verb.

In the first case one is dealing with voice (Holodovia 1970); in the second case it is non-voice diathesis. The opposition between SM- and GM-resultative clauses is non-voice diathetic opposition. Scheme 1 shows the diathetic opposition between GM- and SM-resultative clauses on the assumption that the patient-source and the result-goal are relevant semantic roles of the resultative clause (this assumption is based on Goldberg 1995 : 188--192).

Because the opposition between SM- and GM-diathesis is not reflected in the morphological form of the verb, at first glance it is difficult to pinpoint the primary diathesis. However, if one defines markedness more broadly than what is manifested by morphology only (see e.g. Croft 2003 : 87--101), then there is no doubt that the primary diathesis is the GM-resultative construction because it is associated with a larger number of verbs. It can be formed not only by means of nouns but also by means of adjectives; its frequency is higher not only in the case of the same verb but generally, too. Also cross-linguistically this construction type is much more common than the SM-construction. (5) Replacement of primary diathesis by derived diathesis is accompanied by demotion of the subject of an intransitive clause and the object of a transitive clause into an adverbial and promotion of the predicative into the subject resp. direct object.

(5) The intransitive SM-clause type seems to be rather rare. One can find, however, occasional examples of this kind. According to Petar Kehayov (personal communication), the intransitive SM-resultative can be found in Bulgarian, too. Similarly to Estonian, it occurs only with the noun, and it is much less frequent than the corresponding GM-resultative, e.g. Ot [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] [PREP/EL he-ACC] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] [come out-AOR.3SG] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] [hoodlum.NOM] 'He became a hoodlum'; [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] [hoodlum. NOM] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] [turn/become-AOR.3SG] [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] [PREP/EL he-ACC] 'He became a hoodlum' (emphatic). In German, too, this construction is possible to a certain degree, e.g. Aus ihm wird ein Arzt 'He will become a doctor'.

In fact, Estonian reveals some other diathetic oppositions of this kind (though rather peripheral), for example, the opposition that has sometimes called locative alternation in language typology (Van Valin 2001 : 61--62), e.g. Ta maaris kreemi [DO] katele [ADVBL] 'She spread some cream on her hands'--Ta maaris kasi [DO] kreemiga [ADVBL] 'She spread some cream on her hands'. Diatheses are first and foremost related to the subject and the direct object, that is, to the circumstance that different semantic roles can take the form of the subject or the direct object. In the transitive GM-resultative construction as the primary diathesis the direct object expresses the patient. Traditionally such an object has been termed as an affected object. In the transitive SM-resultative construction, however, the direct object expresses the result, and traditional syntax has called this kind of object as the resultative object (see Kont 1963 : 10). In intransitive resultative constructions the subject expresses the patient and the result. In the case of the subject linguists have not used similar names to the ones used in the case of the direct object. However, at least the resultative subject would be an appropriate term for treating the resultative constructions in Estonian. Thus, the study of SM-clauses from the perspective of core grammatical relations reveals that the resultative subject is a typological peculiarity of Estonian.

Abbreviations ACC--accusative; ADVBL--adverbial; AOR--aorist; DO--direct object; EL -elative; FUT--future; GEN--genitive; NOM--nominative; PREP--preposition; PRTV--partitive; SG--singular; TR--translative; V--verb.


Croft, W. 2003, Typology and Universals. Second edition, Cambridge.

Erelt, M., Kasik, R., Metslang, H., Rajandi, H., Ross, K., Saari, H., Tael, K., Vare, S. 1993, Eesti keele grammatika II. Suntaks. Lisa: kiri, Tallinn (= EKG II).

Erelt, M. 1979, Eesti keele lihtlause probleeme, Tallinn.

Erelt, M., Metslang, H. 2003, Case Marking of the Predicative in Estonian. --LU XXXIX, 166-173.

Goldberg, A. E. 1995, Constructions: a Construction Grammar Approach to Argument Structure, Chicago--London.

Hakulinen, A., Karlsson, F. 1979, Nykysuomen lauseoppia, Jyvaskyla (SKST 350).

Hakulinen, A., Vilkuna, M., Korhonen, R., Koivisto, V., Heinonen, T.-R., Alho, I. 2004, Iso suomen kielioppi, Helsinki.

Kont, K. 1963, Kaandsonaline objekt laanemeresoome keeltes, Tallinn (Eesti NSV Teaduste Akadeemia Keele ja Kirjanduse Instituudi uurimused IX).

Metslang, H. 1994, Eesti ja soome--futuurumita keeled.--KK, 534--547, 603-616.

Mihkla, K., Rannut, L., Riikoja, E., Admann, A., 1974, Eesti keele lauseopetuse pohijooned I, Tallinn.

Ratsep, H. 1978, Eesti keele lihtlausete tuubid, Tallinn (Eesti NSV Teaduste Akadeemia Emakeele Seltsi Toimetised 12).

Siro, P. 1964, Suomen kielen lauseoppi, Helsinki.

Van Valin, R. D. 2001, An Introduction to Syntax, Cambridge.

Vilkuna, M. 1996, Suomen lauseopin perusteet, Helsinki (Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskuksen julkaisuja 90), 158-159.

[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII.], E. B. 2002, [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII.]--Russian Linguistics 26, 179-215.


* The study was supported partly by the Estonian Science Foundation, grant No. 5202, and partly by the Ministry of Education and Research, targeted research project No. 0182571s03.

(1) This clause type occurs also in some more distant genetically related languages such as Komi (Nikolai Kuznetsov, personal communication), e.g. Me-ysX [I-EL] petas [come out-FUT/SG3] velodysX [teacher.NOM] 'I'll be a teacher'.

(2) The verbs were found on the list of syntactic patterns by Huno Ratsep (see Ratsep 1978).

(3) In Estonian saama has developed into the future auxiliary; in Finnish it is the tulla-verb. A more detailed discussion of the development history can be found in Metslang 1994. Despite the fact that the saama-verb has become the most important verb of change in SM-clauses, the tulema-verb occurs in this sense already in Old Written Estonian (Pille Penjam, personal communication), e.g.... kurbdussest [saddness-EL] room [joy.NOM] jalle [again] tulleb [comes] (Bible 1739 : 569).

(4) The examples labelled NEWS and FICT come from the 1990s subcorpus of the Tartu University Corpus of Standard Estonian; they come from journalistic and fiction texts, respectively.

Scheme 1




TRANS. Too tegi ta
CLAUSE 'Work' 'made' 'him [.PRTV]'



INTRANS. Tema-st

TRANS. Too tegi tema-st
CLAUSE 'Work' 'made' 'him [-EL]'


INTRANS. sai naitleja-ks
CLAUSE 'became' 'an actor [-TR]'

TRANS. naitleja-ks
CLAUSE 'an actor [-TR]'



INTRANS. sai naitleja
CLAUSE 'became' 'an actor [.NOM]'

TRANS. naitleja
CLAUSE 'an actor [.NOM]'
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Author:Erelt, Mati
Publication:Linguistica Uralica
Date:Mar 1, 2005
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