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Some themes in Australian Catholic social welfare history.


The Catholic Church is a significant provider of social welfare across Australia. Less well known is the history of these services and also the individual and collective contribution of Catholics in the wider professionalisation of welfare practices. Traditionally, Australian social welfare history has emphasised the intersection between the British-founded Charity Organisation Society (COS), the appointment of lady almoners to Melbourne hospitals, and the dominance of Protestant women. This article, drawn from a recent PhD study of the origins and development of Australian professional Catholic social welfare in the 20th century, offers a fresh perspective. (1) It will outline the distinctive features of the Catholic welfare sector, which was inspired by lay women who had gained professional qualifications in America. Their gender inevitably raised difficulties in a male dominated and male orientated church. Despite these and other hurdles, lay women succeeded in establishing diocesan-based family agencies (Centacare), which focused on the causes of poverty, rather than simply relief-giving, and which advocated institutionalisation for destitute children as a last resort only. Following on this foundation, tenacious clerics, notably Monsignor J.F. McCosker (Sydney), Bishop E.G. Perkins (Melbourne) and Fr Luke Roberts (Adelaide) consolidated the bureaux and developed a peak national body, which made significant inroads into public social policy and secured state aid with little of the public acrimony that characterised the battles for funding Catholic education.


Professional social work in Australia has often been positioned as the 'transplantation' of hospital almoning from London to Melbourne on the eve of the Great Depression. (2) Protestant women, usually of affluence, dominated the emerging profession in both countries. In terms of historiography, Emeritus Professor John Lawrence recently commented that 'systematic serious historical study of the [Australian] social work profession appears to have been given very little attention'. (3) Lawrence's seminal work four decades ago remains the only national study of Australian social work. (4) In it he emphasised the role of 'powerful men' such as prominent doctors and university professors in sustaining the profession in its initial decades. Several writers, including Helen Marchant and Sue Brown, have criticised Lawrence's account for understating the contribution of women in the profession's development. (5)

In a recent survey of Catholic social services, Peter Camilleri and Gail Winkworth concluded that 'the Church's role as a major provider of human services throughout the last 170 years has not been well documented in the social policy discourse'. (6) Few writers have examined the nexus between Christian churches and social welfare history, and Catholic influences in the fledgling social work profession. (7) This is despite Catholic women and several clerics having a profound impact on the development of professional social welfare practice in Australia. (8) Constance Moffit, Eileen Davidson, Elvira Lyons, Hannah Buckley, and Teresa Wardell, as well as Algy Thomas, Terry Holland, Peter Phibbs, Perkins, McCosker, and Roberts are almost invisible in feminist discourse and church historiography. Norma Parker, regarded as Australia's foremost 20th century social worker, (9) and mentor of a small cohort of Catholic social workers, occupies a solitary position in welfare historiography, and mainly for her contributions outside the Catholic sector. (10) Catholic women did not feature in Marchant and Wearing's otherwise excellent collection of essays on Australian social workers and in Heather Radi's attempt to 'redress' the role of social workers. (11) Similarly, leading Catholic historians, including Patrick O'Farrell, Edmund Campion and Naomi Turner, have overlooked lay Catholic social workers. (12)

Some historians, such as Laurie O'Brien and Cynthia Turner, have claimed that Catholic women in Melbourne pursued a segregated welfare sector in the 1930s. (13) This interpretation warrants further examination. While it is true that the small number of Catholic social workers supported one another through, for example, helping to secure employment, O'Brien and Turner fail to analyse a number of relevant factors. Firstly, there was a scarcity of trained Catholic women for positions, which required church membership. Secondly, elements of sectarianism prevailed. The rivalry and tension between the Royal Melbourne Hospital and St Vincent's Hospital was exacerbated by disputes when several Catholic students studied almoning. Thirdly, primary evidence clearly points to the active participation of Catholic social workers in training and professional bodies in Victoria and NSW. Important contributions to Catholic social welfare were repeated many times over in the government and community welfare sectors, a factor significantly understated in the literature.

American influences

A starting point for exploring Australian Catholic social welfare history is the influence of American social welfare practice. In 1927 Monsignor John McMahon, director of Catholic education in Perth, secured higher degree scholarships at the prestigious National Catholic School of Social Service (NCSSS), for two recent Arts graduates, Norma Parker and Constance Moffit. The two Western Australians thrived in the academic culture, graduating with master's degrees and a diploma in social services. They also gained unprecedented experience working in church and state welfare agencies. The American church, with its diocesan family services, encompassed a social justice paradigm that inspired Parker and Moffit, who hoped strong clerical support for similar agencies would occur in Australia. They returned home and Parker established almoning (medical social work) at St Vincent's Hospital Melbourne (SVHM) in 1932 and a year later Moffit became the first social worker appointed to a specialist children's psychological clinic in Australia.


A third University of Western Australia graduate, Mary Eileen Davidson, also received a NCSSS scholarship, and after graduating in 1935, worked in America, before undertaking further study in England. In 1937 Davidson returned to Australia to develop a social work department at Sydney's Lewisham Hospital. (14) These three women brought a new dimension to Australian welfare services and prepared detailed submissions that convinced the archdioceses of Melbourne (1935), Sydney (1941) and Adelaide (1942) to establish family welfare bureaux (15) (today known as Centacare). (16) Staffed by female professional social workers, the bureaux provided a useful model for other Christian denominations and secular organisations. (17)

In the late 1940s Teresa Wardell worked in America and returned home invigorated to continue the professionalisation of the Melbourne bureau. Other social workers, such as Viva Murphy, Majorie Awbuyn and Monsignor Frank McCosker also turned to America in the 1950s for guidance as to the best ways to respond to pressing social issues. McCosker's exposure to American peak welfare bodies would provide the framework for subsequent developments in Australia. (18)

Lay Women

Catholic lay women formed a minority of the Australian social work profession for several decades, a fact confirmed by archival records of students and professional associations in Melbourne, Adelaide and Sydney. (19) In the case of South Australia, distinguished historian Elaine M.W. Martin concluded that 'the majority [of social workers] had attended girls' private Protestant schools with a minority from either Catholic schools or state high schools'. (20) In 1937, Norma Parker commented that if she accepted an almoner position at Wellington Hospital, New Zealand she would 'be leaving the field clear' to non-Catholic social workers at a time when there were no Catholic qualified social workers in Sydney, except Eileen Davidson. (21) Given sectarianism, it is somewhat ironic that many of the Catholic pioneer social workers had mixed cultural and religious backgrounds. Elvira Lyons, Wardell, Parker, Moffit, Davidson and Murphy, for example, had a sprinkling of Protestant genealogy, which tempered traditional Catholic piety.

First generation Catholic social workers also differed in other respects. They were removed from political parties and the growing women's movement, and did not come from a 'stronghold of Labor Catholicism', an expression used by historian Anne O'Brien in her recent publication, God's Willing Workers. (22) Most Catholic women entering social work came from lower middle class backgrounds, reflected in the ability of their families to support their tertiary education in the 1930s. Nevertheless, the socio-economic backgrounds of Catholic social workers usually contrasted with that of Protestant 'women of education and refinement', the daughters of doctors, solicitors and clergymen. (23) Catholic women also differed from Protestant social workers in terms of being uncomfortable with the title 'Lady Almoner'.

Another characteristic of early Catholic social workers is that many did not marry, which enabled them to devote themselves to social work until the twilight of their lives. In this respect they contrasted with the church's expectation that women should become housewives or perhaps enter the convent. A small number of Catholics, such as Parker, married late in life. The social work profession's high attrition rate, often the result of women's discontinuing employment after marriage, was not nearly as pronounced in the Catholic sector.


As a new profession, social work experienced internal and exogenous hurdles. In Melbourne, the heartland of Protestant almoning, Catholics experienced difficulties while studying. Theresa Wardell and Sr Hedwige of St Vincent's Hospital struck difficulties with the combined force of the Victorian Institute of Hospital Almoners and Royal Melbourne Hospital. Neither woman won her battle. While obstinacy occurred on all sides, the high levels of sectarianism that flourished in Melbourne in the inter-war period contributed to antipathy towards the Catholic women.

Pioneer female social workers also experienced frustrations working for Catholic organisations. In 1934 the Sisters of Charity in Melbourne moved to sack Norma Parker, because the quality service she provided to patients and the community had caused the 'sister in charge [of the outpatients department to] realise that she has been deprived of the work that to her is of obligation'. (24) Strong support from the medical profession and Melbourne Vicar-General, Monsignor John Lonergan, persuaded an otherwise belligerent mother superior of the importance of a professional almoner.

In Sydney, Fr A.R.E. Thomas conceded he did not 'have the necessary knowledge' to lead the Catholic Family Welfare Bureau, yet he dismissed Alice Blackall, the bureau's highly talented first social worker in 1943. (25) Both Constance Moffit and Hannah Buckley resigned from their positions in the Melbourne and Adelaide bureaux respectively, because of inadequate episcopal support and frustration at the barriers created by autonomous religious orders that operated poorly resourced children's homes. (26)

As a result of such experiences other female social workers trod warily before joining Catholic bureaux. The Adelaide and Hobart bureaux in particular had difficulties attracting social workers well into the 1960s. Lay women recognised the centralised power held by the male hierarchy and the independence of religious orders. Suspicion towards their profession and a power imbalance between priests and lay women, led many Catholic social workers to continue their careers outside the church. Buckley, Moffit, Murphy, Parker and Wardell are notable cases in point. Whilst they retained an affinity for the church, possibly less so in the case of Parker, much of their professional lives was spent working for community and government agencies.

Tension between volunteer charity workers and trained, paid staff, is another important theme. Diocesan welfare structures which employed social workers represented a change from the primacy of local welfare service provision, where a parish priest, often in conjunction with St Vincent de Paul Society (SVdP) volunteers, managed the needs of the poor. The SVdP, more so than clerics, resented new models of welfare articulated by social workers. In the 1930s and 1940s, relations were often difficult between lay professionals and volunteers, though by the 1950s some signs of co-operation had emerged. Monsignor McCosker commented that by the mid 1950s the SVdP had become 'more convinced that the food order can be the wrong way of assisting people'. (27) In the following decade, the debate between the SVdP and McCosker about the role of volunteers in adoption processes confirmed the growing influence of professional social workers, notwithstanding the numerical strength of volunteers and the ambivalence of Cardinal Norman Gilroy towards professional welfare.

Challenging traditional welfare practices

A major reform initiated by professional social workers was the fundamental shift from large scale residential care facilities to small group homes and day services. Prior to the advent of professionalisation in the 1930s, the church steadfastly refused to introduce alternatives to institutional care, such as foster-care programs.

Social workers faced entrenched attitudes by traditional charity providers. Efforts to modernise welfare services and to focus on the individual needs of children were often thwarted by the ignorance of religious orders intent on upholding traditions, especially institutional care. Few religious orders were willing to explore new ideas for welfare delivery before the late 1960s. An exception was the Good Samaritan Sisters, who encouraged several of their members to study social work in Sydney in the 1940s.

Notwithstanding the significant role of lay women, clerical leadership was essential for the ongoing development of diocesan bureaux. In the 1940s and 1950s the bureaux made small gains in reforming some practices, such as admission procedures to children's institutions. Fr John Usher observed:
 What was disappointing for McCosker was the neglect of Catholic
 leaders, in diocese and religious congregations, in acknowledging
 the centrality of Catholic social welfare to the life of the
 Australian Catholic Church and the significant role of lay people,
 especially lay women, in Catholic welfare. (28)

Reforms in the 1960s and 1970s in the provision of Catholic care for children occurred neither quickly nor without tensions between religious orders and professionals. While there was no overt showdown between the infusion of new ideas, underlying tensions were evident. Institutions resented, to varying degrees, a new player entering their (once) indisputable domain. Through perseverance, second generation Catholic social workers, such as Mary Lewis and Margaret McHardy (Sydney) and Moira Britten-Jones (Adelaide), overcame suspicion from traditional charity providers. Working within the church, social workers had an advantage over government bureaucrats in bringing about much needed reforms. The diminishing importance of institutions coincided with professionals' attempts to change admission and other policies.

Changing community attitudes, the declining membership of religious orders and the 1960s' cultural revolution also contributed to the decline of children's institutions. The transition to small group homes was arduous, especially for those members of religious orders who had worked for long periods in large institutions. It would not be until the 1970s that many religious orders began to relax a tight control over their homes and to consider welfare models unreliant on large-scale institutional care. Religious orders had come to realise the benefits of alternative models of care, yet the creation of group homes remained an individual domain, with few orders prepared to work with each other before the 1990s.

By this time also, rivalry between volunteers and paid staff, a hallmark of earlier decades, had largely dissipated, but both parties remained a little hesitant towards one another. The church had nevertheless come to rely on a two tier system of welfare, both of which increasingly relied on state aid to help deliver their social services.

State differences

The core role of diocesan bureaux in the professionalisation of Australian Catholic social work affords a comparative assessment. The early decades of the bureaux were turbulent and intense. Difficulties ranged from inadequate finance, lack of tangible episcopal support, and skepticism about a new profession. Finance was a perennial problem for bureaux, both those formed in the early phase (1935-1942) and those established after the advent of state aid for welfare (post-1960). Organised welfare did not rank highly in the priorities of many members of the episcopacy, notwithstanding the supportive efforts of Bishops Thomas McCabe (Wollongong) and John Toohey (Newcastle). Trained lay social workers experienced pressures from within the church, via volunteers and religious women, and, externally, from unsympathetic government bureaucrats.

In Melbourne, Fr (later Bishop) Perkins toiled to bring about much-needed reforms to the children's institutions. Yet, the 1940s and 1950s marked a lost opportunity for Catholic welfare in Victoria due to successive financial difficulties, little support from a rigid hierarchy and the formation of a competitor agency, the Catholic Welfare Organisation. (29) Melbourne's sluggish growth reflected the bureau's low level of visibility within the Catholic community, notwithstanding Perkins's admirable work and the relentless advocacy of Teresa Wardell.

Fr Thomas in Sydney adopted a medical approach to social work, wearing, for example, a white coat when counselling. His observation in 1954 that the bureau had 'to grow by merit of its service rather than by any authoritative decision' described the situation aptly. (30) The bureau's expertise in marriage guidance and family counselling and the dramatic improvement in the coordination and care of children drew external respect well before the church recognised the value of these programs. Thomas may have thought his clerical collar would be sufficient to induce change, but the 'loyal' SVdP rejected efforts to modernise social welfare. In 1970, as a bishop, Thomas continued to struggle to gain acceptance with Catholic welfare, this time from bureau directors, who rejected his plans to re-structure national Catholic social welfare. (31)

Adelaide represents a different story in so far as the bureau's work prior to the 1970s was marked by a very high caseload of migrants and responsibility for British child migrants. At a time when other dioceses, notably Sydney, were seeking to downsize institutions and strongly opposed child migration schemes, Adelaide reinforced the institutional model by accepting increased numbers of local and international children.

Perth--home of Australia's first three trained social workers--also provides a number of important contrasts. By the mid 1960s, when a bureau was contemplated, the children's institutions recognised the value of a central admissions process. Fathers James Perry, Joe Russell and William (later Archbishop) Foley paved the way for a bureau, ably guided by Eileen Davidson and Constance Moffit. Nevertheless the bureau had chronic staff and financial shortages from its foundation in 1970, a situation alleviated through the appointment of Fr (now Archbishop) Barry Hickey as director.

The Hobart-based bureau struggled in the 1960s and 1970s to provide coverage to increasing numbers of families, notwithstanding the conscientious work of its foundation director, Fr Clem Kilby. In Brisbane, professional welfare practices only came to fruition after the appointment of Fr Kevin Caldwell, a trained social worker. In other, non-metropolitan dioceses, religious sisters trained in social work led the development of bureaux in the 1970s and 1980s.

National co-ordination

Monsignor McCosker, Bishop Perkins and Fr Terry Holland (Adelaide) combined to form a National Catholic Welfare Committee (NCWC) in 1956. In an era of testy relationships between the bishops, especially the dominant Melbourne and Sydney groupings, these priests forged a unique church partnership that spread to other states. With minimal episcopal funding, the NCWC made significant inroads in influencing government policy and, significantly, attracted state aid despite opposition from Protestant interests.

State aid helped extend services provided by diocesan bureaux, though they were careful to maintain their autonomy. In the period up to 1985, it could not be said that the Centacare network was 'doing the government's work', a claim sometimes made about contemporary Catholic welfare services in the United States and Australia. Centacare's services continued to be motivated by the church's mission to assist the marginalised. Government funding assisted but was not the main reason for the second spurt in welfare bureaux in the 1960s and 1970s. The credit for that development belongs largely with the NCWC, which cut across traditional diocesan boundaries to present a national--though not always appreciated--approach in its representations to state and federal governments. Perkins and McCosker dominated the NCWC, and only in the 1980s, when its successor, the Australian Catholic Social Welfare Commission had moved away from their vision, did their influence on a national level start to wane.

McCosker deserves recognition as the most prolific 20th century Australian Catholic social worker. His singular and passionate focus for social welfare spanned half a century and his influence resonated across church and state. Through his persuasive networking skills, McCosker mixed freely with clergy, lay people, politicians, welfare workers, and representatives of other denominations. McCosker's insatiable appetite for professionalising the church's welfare services displayed itself in many expressions, and through diverse community and ecumenical organisations.

McCosker's tremendous influence on Catholic social welfare occurred locally and nationally. In NSW, as Director of Catholic Charities for nearly three decades, he wielded enormous influence in church and state policy, and relinquished the title, reluctantly, due to ill health, in March 1987. (32) McCosker's work is all the more significant, given a general lack of enthusiasm from Gilroy. Clever, shrewd, and at times, brusque and undiplomatic, McCosker led the welfare sector's battles on numerous fronts, especially with Gilroy, religious orders, and government bureaucrats. McCosker's political skills usually shone through and he generally got what he wanted, something that would have annoyed the autocratic cardinal.


The innovation of a small group of lay women, supported by a handful of clerics, enabled the development of an Australian Catholic welfare sector in the second and third quarters of the twentieth century. Starting at an individual level, Catholic welfare extended to hospitals and dioceses, and to a national peak body. Female social workers understood the importance of securing and retaining high level clerical support, for without it, their welfare reforms would have been more difficult to achieve.

Professional Catholic welfare had many challenges to overcome. Sectarianism and suspicion of American welfare training created unpleasantness towards most Catholic social workers in the early years. The church, too, unaccustomed to professional lay women, was reluctant to move away from its over-reliance on untrained religious and children's homes.

Financing new welfare activities presented a large problem. The appointment of clerical directors to diocesan bureaux did not bring about any quick resolution in this situation. As a result Catholic welfare grew at a slower pace than Catholic education. State aid partly alleviated the difficulties experienced by the emerging Catholic welfare sector, but it was the tenacity of clerics, such as McCosker, Perkins, Roberts and Holland, which consolidated the bureaux at a juncture when they may have closed, because of inadequate funding and poor support from the episcopacy.

Bureaux such as Adelaide, Hobart and Perth found it difficult to attract qualified social workers prior to the 1980s. Melbourne and Sydney had more success, though even in these larger cities, Catholic social workers represented a relatively small proportion of the profession. Other challenges included the strong demand for social workers in the government and the community sectors, where job security and higher remuneration contrasted with Catholic employment practices.

By the late 1970s and early 1980s Australian Catholic social work had grown to form a major, if still unco-ordinated, non-government sector. State aid underpinned the diversity and extensive range of Catholic welfare services. Co-operation between traditional charities and diocesan bureaux had improved markedly over the half century of professional social work, though a desire for individualism continued to prevail amongst both groupings.

There remains considerable scope for research into the interplay between Catholic charities and diocesan welfare bureaux. An equally important story, yet to be comprehensively examined, is the role and influence of Catholic social workers across the community and public welfare sectors in Australia.

(1.) D.J. Gleeson, The Professionalisation of Australian Catholic Social Welfare, 1920-1985, PhD Thesis, University of New South Wales, November 2006.

(2.) L. O'Brien & C. Turner, Establishing Medical Social Work in Victoria (Melbourne, University of Melbourne, 1979); 'Hospital Almoning: Portrait of the First Decade', Australian Social Work, Vol. 32, No. 4, December 1979.

(3.) R.J. Lawrence, 'In memoriam: A tribute to Norma Parker', Australian Social Work, Vol. 57, No. 3, September 2004, p. 303.

(4.) R.J. Lawrence, Professional Social Work in Australia, Australian National University Press, Canberra, 1965.

(5.) S. Brown, 'A Woman's Profession', in H. Marchant, & B. Wearing, B., (eds.), Gender Reclaimed: Women in Social Work, Hale & Ironmonger, Marrickville NSW, 1986, p. 223.

(6.) P. Camilleri and G. Winkworth, 'Catholic social services in Australia: a short history', Australian Social Work. Vol. 58, No. 1, March 2005, p. 84.

(7.) The churches comprised one third of the founding members of the Council of Social Service of New South Wales in 1935, CSSNSW Annual Reports; Some exceptions include D.J. Gleeson, 'A brief history of the Civil Chaplaincies Advisory Committee (NSW)', MS, March 2005; M. Horsburgh, 'Christianity and Social Work', Interchange. Vol. 36, 1985.

(8.) An exception is P. G. Lewis (comp. & editor), Always begin with a story: memoirs of Mary Lewis, Book House, Glebe NSW, 2001.

(9.) K. Ogilvie, 'Norma Parker's Record of Service', Australian Journal of Social Work, June 1969; J. Lawrence & G. Baldwin, 'Norma Alice Brown, CBE, Social worker, 1906-2004', Sydney Morning Herald, 21 May 2004, p. 28.

(10.) J. Lawrence (ed), Norma Parker's Record of Service, The Australian Association of Social Workers, The Deparlment of Social Work, University of Sydney, The School of Social Work, University of New South Wales, 1969; an exception is D.J. Gleeson, 'Tribute to Norma Parker--first Australian Professional Social Worker', Newsletter, Golding Centre for Women's History, Theology and Spirituality, Vol. 4, No. 2, 2004.

(11.) H. Marchant and B. Wearing, (1986) op. cit., S. De Vries, Strength of purpose: Australian women of achievement from Federation to the mid-20th century, Harper Collins, Sydney, 1998; A. Lofthouse, Who's Who of Australian Women, Methuen Press, Sydney, 1982; A Sense of Purpose: Great Australian Women of the 20th Century, Reed Reference, Melbourne, 1996; H. Radi (ed.), 200 Australian women: a Redress Anthology, Women's Redress Press, Sydney, 1988.

(12.) E. Campion, Great Australian Catholics, Aurora Books, Melbourne, 1997; P. O'Farrell, The Catholic Church and Community: An Australian History, Third Edition, University of New South Wales Press, Sydney, 1992; N. Turner, Catholics in Australia: A Social History, Volumes 1 & 2, Collins Dove, Melbourne, 1992; E. Campion, Australian Catholics: The Contributions of Catholics to the Development of Australian Society, Viking, Melbourne, 1991.

(13.) O'Brien and Turner, Establishing Medical Social Work.

(14.) Eileen Davidson's death in 2007 brought to a close the era of pioneer Catholic social workers. See D.J. Gleeson, 'Eileen Davidson, social welfare trailblazer', Catholic Weekly, 29 July 2007, p. 11.

(15.) Parker says that the availability of Moffit and herself influenced the Catholic Church 'at an early date ahead of other churches and ahead of the time they (Catholics) would otherwise would have been'. N. Parker, 'Early Social Work in Retrospect', Australian Social Work, Vol. 32, No. 4, December 1979, p. 18.

(16.) In some dioceses, such as Perth, spelt Centrecare.

(17.) The Anglican Church established diocesan bureaux in Adelaide and Sydney during the 1940s, which resembled Catholic bureaux.

(18.) Marjorie Awbuyn, an almoner at St Vincent's Hospital Melbourne and also Victorian President of the Australian Association of Social Workers, undertook study through St Vincent's Hospital, New York, in 1957. Box 11/15 H2296, Australian Association of Social Workers (AASW), Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales.

(19.) Gleeson, The Professionalisation of Australian Catholic Social Welfare, 1920-1985, pp: 59-69.

(20.) Wilson, p. 69.

(21.) Norma Parker to Sr Hedwige, 9 April 1937, A522.4/401, Sisters of Charity Congregational Archives, Sydney.

(22.) A. O'Brien, God's Willing Workers: Women and Religion in Australia, University of New South Wales Press, Sydney, 2005, p, 86.

(23.) L.A. Maule, 'The Hospital Almoner', Our Hospitals and Charities, Vol. 1, No. 8, September 1904 MSS.378/ IMSW/A1A: 39 Modern Records Centre University of Warwick.

(24.) Mother O'Doherty to Norma Parker, 15 February 1935, Almoner Department File, St Vincent's Hospital Melbourne Archives; Norma Parker, Speech at 50th Anniversary of Centacare Sydney, 1991, p. 3, Centacare Sydney Archives.

(25.) Bishop A.R.E. Thomas 'Rough Draft: The Catholic Welfare Bureau', MS. undated, reference C19, p. 5, Diocese of Bathurst Archives.

(26.) Hannah Buckley to Archbishop Matthew Beovich, 6 August 1947, Catholic Family Welfare Bureau Files, 1942-1954, Box 175, Archdiocese of Adelaide Archives.

(27.) McCosker, Notes for the Most Rev P. Lyons, p. 4, McCosker Collection, CSA.

(28.) Usher, The McCosker Oration.

(29.) Monsignor Patrick Lyons to Parish Priests, 27 September 1939, Vicar General Files, 96/3/17, Melbourne Diocesan Historical Commission.

(30.) A. Thomas, Report on Catholic Welfare Bureau, ca 1954, Catholic Welfare Bureau files, Centacare Sydney Archives.

(31.) For example, Monsignor McCosker to Bishop Perkins, 21 April 1971, File 570001, NCWC Collection, Catholic Social Services Australia Archives.

(32.) Archdiocese of Sydney, Secular Clergy Personal Information Form, McCusker, James Francis, Copy, McCosker Collection, CSA.

Dr Damian John Gleeson is a graduate in arts and commerce from the University of New South Wales. He is the current President of the Australian Catholic History Society. His research interests include 19th century Irish-Australia and Catholic social welfare.
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Author:Gleeson, D.J.
Publication:Journal of the Australian Catholic Historical Society
Geographic Code:8AUST
Date:Jan 1, 2007
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