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Some proposed emendations to the text of the Koran.

In this article, eleven difficult passages in the Koran which have defied the efforts of both Muslim commentators and orientalists to explain them are interpreted as corruptions resulting from faulty copying by scribes. Emendations of the text are proposed to bring it as close as possible to the form it had when first spoken by the prophet Muhammad. At the end, a few changes are made in the author's old hypothesis that the Mysterious Letters at the head of some of the surahs are old abbreviations of the basmalah.

A curious feature of studies on the Koran in the West over the last 150 years is the scant attention paid by scholars to the Koranic text as such. Orientalism has many excellent works on the Koran to its credit, but one seeks in vain for a systematic application of the techniques of textual criticism to the textual problems of the Koran, although classicists and Biblical scholars have for centuries made continuous efforts to improve the quality of the texts that are the bases of their disciplines. It is difficult to see why this should be so. Early Koran scholars such as Fleischer, Noldeke, and Goldziher were good textual critics; they were all well educated in classical and Biblical studies, and they made good editions of later Arabic texts that are still in use today.

Whatever the reasons, Western scholarship, with very few exceptions,(1) has chosen to follow the Muslim commentators in not emending the text. When faced with a problem, the Westerners have resorted to etymologizing and hunting for foreign words and foreign influences. They have produced a great deal of valuable scholarship important for our study of the Koran and the origins of Islam, but where they exercised their skill on corrupt texts, they, of course, produced only fantasies.

The Arabs, on the other hand, tend to paraphrase, stating in different terms what they think the passage must mean. However, their Arabic was very good, so we findhe most important clue that an error may have been made is the lack of good sense in the word or passage and the resulting variety of opinion among scholars as to what it means. Another clue is when the word is transmitted in more than one form. In general, different views about the meaning and/or form of a particular word make it likely that the word is wrong. Still another clue is when the word in question is said by the lexicographers to be dialectal or foreign. Some such claims may be the result of academic pretentiousness, but others indicate that the word was not known to the Meccans and the Medinese and hence is probably a mistake.

In proposing emendations, I shall follow rules laid down by classicists. In order to be acceptable, an emendation must make good sense, better than the received text; it must be in harmony with the style of the Koran; it must also be palaeographically justifiable; and finally, it must show how the corruption occurred in the first place.

The cases examined below share a common feature; each occurs in a context of simple, everyday words, which makes it most unlikely that the difficult word represents something mysterious, arcane, or foreign. Indeed, in some cases, as noted above, the meaning required is obvious, or nearly so, so all we have to do is search for a simple, everyday word that will fill the slot and, at the same time, meet the requirements for emendation listed above. The results are likely to be dull and commonplace, since they will lack the ambiguity of the mistakes which allows the imagination of scholars to soar.

1. HASAB : FUEL

We shall begin with a case in which, by a lucky accident, both the original and the error have been preserved. In 21:98 we read: innakum wa-ma tabuduna min duni llahi hasabu jahannama, "You and what you worship other than God shall be the fuel of hell." However, Ubayy read hatab instead of hasab, as did Ali and Aishah.(5) Bell, p. 313, translates, "coals," but in a note says it literally means "pebbles"; Paret, p. 269, has "Brennstoff" with a query.

Hasab, in the meaning of fuel, is found only here. The basic meaning of the verb hasaba is "to pelt with pebbles" or "to scatter pebbles." From this sense the lexicographers redefine it to mean "to throw pebbles (i.e., fuel) on a fire"; others limit it to fuel which is thrown into an oven, or used as kindling, but they offer no shawahid in support of any of these meanings. In order to explain its strangeness they hold that hasab is Ethiopic, or in the dialect of Nejd or the Yemen;(6) the word is also said to mean "the fuel of hell" in Zanjiyah.(7) All this only goes to show that it was not known to the Meccans and Medinese. Rabin, p. 26, apparently takes the Yemeni ascription seriously, but does not mention Nejd or Ethiopia. He relates it to the Hebrew hasabh, the agent noun of which, hosebh, occurs in Isaiah 10:15, as the hewer or chopper with an ax. However this is the only occasion on which the word "apparently" refers to cutting wood; the other instances refer to hewing stone.(8) We note too that the regular Old Testament verb for cutting or gathering firewood is hatabh = Arabic hataba.

Obviously correct is hatab; it is the regular word in Arabic for firewood and occurs elsewhere in the Koran (111:4 and 72:15) in that meaning. Closely parallel to 21:98 is 72:15: wa-amma l-qasituna fa-kanu li-jahannama hataban, "As for the unrighteous, they shall be fuel for hell." It is easy to see how the mistake occurred; in copying hatab, the scribe forgot to write the vertical stroke of the t, turning it into a s. This is much like our forgetting to cross a t or dot an i, something that everyone does from time to time.

2. UMMAH : TIME, WHILE

The word ummah appears twice in the Koran in the apparent meaning of "while, time": 11:8 reads wa-la-in akhkharna anhumu l-adhaba ila ummatin madudatin la-yaqulunna ma yahbisuhu, "And if we postpone for them the punishment for a reckoned (amount of) time, they will she most important clue that an error may have been made is the lack of good sense in the word or passage and the resulting variety of opinion among scholars as to what it means. Another clue is when the word is transmitted in more than one form. In general, different views about the meaning and/or form of a particular word make it likely that the word is wrong. Still another clue is when the word in question is said by the lexicographers to be dialectal or foreign. Some such claims may be the result of academic pretentiousness, but others indicate that the word was not known to the Meccans and the Medinese and hence is probably a mistake.

In proposing emendations, I shall follow rules laid down by classicists. In order to be acceptable, an emendation must make good sense, better than the received text; it must be in harmony with the style of the Koran; it must also be palaeographically justifiable; and finally, it must show how the corruption occurred in the first place.

The cases examined below share a common feature; each occurs in a context of simple, everyday words, which makes it most unlikely that the difficult word represents something mysterious, arcane, or foreign. Indeed, in some cases, as noted above, the meaning required is obvious, or nearly so, so all we have to do is search for a simple, everyday word that will fill the slot and, at the same time, meet the requirements for emendation listed above. The results are likely to be dull and commonplace, since they will lack the ambiguity of the mistakes which allows the imagination of scholars to soar.

1. HASAB : FUEL

We shall begin with a case in which, by a lucky accident, both the original and the error have been preserved. In 21:98 we read: innakum wa-ma tabuduna min duni llahi hasabu jahannama, "You and what you worship other than God shall be the fuel of hell." However, Ubayy read hatab instead of hasab, as did Ali and Aishah.(5) Bell, p. 313, translates, "coals," but in a note says it literally means "pebbles"; Paret, p. 269, has "Brennstoff" with a query.

Hasab, in the meaning of fuel, is found only here. The basic meaning of the verb hasaba is "to pelt with pebbles" or "to scatter pebbles." From this sense the lexicographers redefine it to mean "to throw pebbles (i.e., fuel) on a fire"; others limit it to fuel which is thrown into an oven, or used as kindling, but they offer no shawahid in support of any of these meanings. In order to explain its strangeness they hold that hasab is Ethiopic, or in the dialect of Nejd or the Yemen;(6) the word is also said to mean "the fuel of hell" in Zanjiyah.(7) All this only goes to show that it was not known to the Meccans and Medinese. Rabin, p. 26, apparently takes the Yemeni ascription seriously, but does not mention Nejd or Ethiopia. He relates it to the Hebrew hasabh, the agent noun of which, hosebh, occurs in Isaiah 10:15, as the hewer or chopper with an ax. However this is the only occasion on which the word "apparently" refers to cutting wood; the other instances refer to hewing stone.(8) We note too that the regular Old Testament verb for cutting or gathering firewood is hatabh = Arabic hataba.

Obviously correct is hatab; it is the regular word in Arabic for firewood and occurs elsewhere in the Koran (111:4 and 72:15) in that meaning. Closely parallel to 21:98 is 72:15: wa-amma l-qasituna fa-kanu li-jahannama hataban, "As for the unrighteous, they shall be fuel for hell." It is easy to see how the mistake occurred; in copying hatab, the scribe forgot to write the vertical stroke of the t, turning it into a s. This is much like our forgetting to cross a t or dot an i, something that everyone does from time to time.

2. UMMAH : TIME, WHILE

The word ummah appears twice in the Koran in the apparent meaning of "while, time": 11:8 reads wa-la-in akhkharna anhumu l-adhaba ila ummatin madudatin la-yaqulunna ma yahbisuhu, "And if we postpone for them the punishment for a reckoned (amount of) time, they will she People of the West (ahl al-gharb), presumably the Berbers!(16)

Among commonplace words such as grain, olives, and date-palms, abb was very cryptic, so scholars felt obliged to work hard to give it similar currency. In addition to redefining the word, they invented shawahid, both prose and verse, trying to show that abb meant pasturage. An anonymous poet is quoted as saying: "Our tribe is Qays and our home is Najd; we have there pasture (abb) and a watering place."(17) In the list of poetic shawahid falsely ascribed to Ibn Abbas we find another anonymous verse: "You see in it pasturage (abb) and gourds mingled together, on a way to water beneath which willows run."(18) Zamakhshari, p. 9, cites the following expression: Fulanun raa lahu l-habbu wa-taa lahu l-abbu, which Lane, 3f., translates: "Such a one's seed-produce [or grain] increased and his pasture became ample." Another statement is ascribed to the legendary Quss b. Saidah: Fa-jaala yartau abban wa-asidu dabban, "And he proceeded to graze on abb while I hunted for lizards."(19) The prose expressions may not have been invented to deceive, but may have been coined after abb as pasture had been absorbed into the vocabulary of educated people. One should not underestimate the power of the Koran to generate new expressions such as these.

A. Jeffery, following earlier scholars, relates abb ultimately to Hebrew bb "to be green," but assumes that it came into Arabic directly from Syriac b,(20) which means "fruit" = fakihah.

Despite these attempts at redefinition and etymologizing, the fact remains that abb was not understood by the first commentators on the Koran. The word is not found in Arabic literature before or after its occurrence here (except the spurious verses and the proverbial expressions cited above) and it stands in the midst of common words that everyone could understand. Stylistically it is disturbing. What could be the purpose of reminding people of God's blessings using a word that not even the experts could understand? Everything points toward its being a word as commonplace as grain, olives, fruit, and so forth. In short, abb has to be a mistake.

We can restore the text with a very simple emendation, by reading lubban instead of abban. The copyist's pen as it turned to the left after the lam, for a split second ceased to flow, thus breaking the connection with the following ba and converting the lam into alif. Lubb is a common word meaning "kernel" or, according to the dictionaries, anything of which the outside is thrown away and the inside eaten; specifically mentioned are pistachio nuts and almonds. Today, if one buys libb from a street vendor in the Near East, he gets sunflower seeds or pumpkin seeds. Stylistically, fruit and nuts go together much better than fruit and pasturage.

4. SIJILL : WRITER OF A DOCUMENT

In 21:104 God describes how He is going to proceed on the last day: yawma natwi l-sama a ka-tayyi l-sijilli lil-kutubi, "The day on which we shall fold up the heavens as the sijill folds up the writings."

The meaning of sijill, a well-known word in Arabic, is "document," consequently the "document" could not do any folding or rolling up of other documents. This problem has been approached from two directions. Some of the commentators realized that sijill had to be the subject of the masdar tayy, so they interpreted it as the name of an angel, a man's name, or the name of the prophet's scribe. Others, however, held that sijill was a sheet of vellum or papyrus (sahifah) and redefine the phrase to mean: ka-tayyi l-sijilli ala ma fihi mina l-kitab, "as the sijill is folded over the writing that is on it." Tabari prefers the latter explanation since he says sijill is well known, and that there is no angel or scribe known by this name.(21) The redefinition of the function of the prep. li-, however, is too drastic to be credible.

The Westerners generally follow Th. Noldeke's opinion that Muhammad mistakenly took the name of the document for the he People of the West (ahl al-gharb), presumably the Berbers!(16)

Among commonplace words such as grain, olives, and date-palms, abb was very cryptic, so scholars felt obliged to work hard to give it similar currency. In addition to redefining the word, they invented shawahid, both prose and verse, trying to show that abb meant pasturage. An anonymous poet is quoted as saying: "Our tribe is Qays and our home is Najd; we have there pasture (abb) and a watering place."(17) In the list of poetic shawahid falsely ascribed to Ibn Abbas we find another anonymous verse: "You see in it pasturage (abb) and gourds mingled together, on a way to water beneath which willows run."(18) Zamakhshari, p. 9, cites the following expression: Fulanun raa lahu l-habbu wa-taa lahu l-abbu, which Lane, 3f., translates: "Such a one's seed-produce [or grain] increased and his pasture became ample." Another statement is ascribed to the legendary Quss b. Saidah: Fa-jaala yartau abban wa-asidu dabban, "And he proceeded to graze on abb while I hunted for lizards."(19) The prose expressions may not have been invented to deceive, but may have been coined after abb as pasture had been absorbed into the vocabulary of educated people. One should not underestimate the power of the Koran to generate new expressions such as these.

A. Jeffery, following earlier scholars, relates abb ultimately to Hebrew bb "to be green," but assumes that it came into Arabic directly from Syriac b,(20) which means "fruit" = fakihah.

Despite these attempts at redefinition and etymologizing, the fact remains that abb was not understood by the first commentators on the Koran. The word is not found in Arabic literature before or after its occurrence here (except the spurious verses and the proverbial expressions cited above) and it stands in the midst of common words that everyone could understand. Stylistically it is disturbing. What could be the purpose of reminding people of God's blessings using a word that not even the experts could understand? Everything points toward its being a word as commonplace as grain, olives, fruit, and so forth. In short, abb has to be a mistake.

We can restore the text with a very simple emendation, by reading lubban instead of abban. The copyist's pen as it turned to the left after the lam, for a split second ceased to flow, thus breaking the connection with the following ba and converting the lam into alif. Lubb is a common word meaning "kernel" or, according to the dictionaries, anything of which the outside is thrown away and the inside eaten; specifically mentioned are pistachio nuts and almonds. Today, if one buys libb from a street vendor in the Near East, he gets sunflower seeds or pumpkin seeds. Stylistically, fruit and nuts go together much better than fruit and pasturage.

4. SIJILL : WRITER OF A DOCUMENT

In 21:104 God describes how He is going to proceed on the last day: yawma natwi l-sama a ka-tayyi l-sijilli lil-kutubi, "The day on which we shall fold up the heavens as the sijill folds up the writings."

The meaning of sijill, a well-known word in Arabic, is "document," consequently the "document" could not do any folding or rolling up of other documents. This problem has been approached from two directions. Some of the commentators realized that sijill had to be the subject of the masdar tayy, so they interpreted it as the name of an angel, a man's name, or the name of the prophet's scribe. Others, however, held that sijill was a sheet of vellum or papyrus (sahifah) and redefine the phrase to mean: ka-tayyi l-sijilli ala ma fihi mina l-kitab, "as the sijill is folded over the writing that is on it." Tabari prefers the latter explanation since he says sijill is well known, and that there is no angel or scribe known by this name.(21) The redefinition of the function of the prep. li-, however, is too drastic to be credible.

The Westerners generally follow Th. Noldeke's opinion that Muhammad mistakenly took the name of the document for the n mina l-tayri fasurhunna ilayka thumma jal ala kulli jabalin minhunna juzan thumma duhunna yatinaka sayan, "Take four birds and incline them towards yourself, then put a part of them on each mountain, then call them, and they will come to you flying."

The crux lies in the words fa-surhunna ilayka, which is the reading of the seven canonical readers without exception, but one finds also sir; rare and late seem to be surrahunna "tie them," and sirrahunna "shout at them."(26)

Blachere, p. 309, translates: "et serre-les contre toi (pour les broyer)," and says that he translates by intuition. Bell, p. 39, has "incline them to thyself," noting that the sense is uncertain. Paret, p. 39: "richte sie (mit dem Kopf?) auf dich zu (und schlachte sie?)." In Komm., p. 56, he notes that the commentators either read "incline them," which is not understandable, or "cut them up," with which the following "to yourself" does not fit. In short, neither of the accepted readings makes good sense. The meaning "cut up" is said to be Nabataean; others take it to be Greek.(27)

Tabari, 3:36f., devotes several pages to these words. He cites the two major views on the meaning of sur, "incline" and "cut up," and decides emphatically for the latter, because the overwhelming majority of the exegetes hold this opinion, and he takes issue with a few Kufan lexicographers who insist that sa-ra, yasuru never means "cut up" in the language of the Arabs.

Both these groups are right, each in its own way. The lexicographers are right in denying that sara means "cut up"; the shawahid are late or suspicious, so it looks as if the exegetes had redefined the word in the way we have noted before. However, the context clearly demands that the phrase read "cut to pieces," s the exegetes are "right" as well. One of them even goes so far as to insist that the pieces of the birds are all mixed up: "The wing of this one is with the head of that one, and the head of that one is with the wing of this one."(28) Others say that the flesh and feathers are mingled.(29)

Since the meaning must be: "Cut them to pieces and mix them up," we can restore the text as follows: fajazzihinna <wa->lbuk, which, not surprisingly, means, "Make them into pieces and mix (them) up." The emendation of sad to jim is no problem since the two letters resemble each other closely enough for such a misreading to occur. Jazzi, of course, is the Classical jazzi; the change of final-hamzated verbs to final-ya verbs is well known, and was doubtless universal in the Hijazi dialect, where, as noted above, all the hamzahs had been lost. The meaningless ilayka is removed by reading ulbuk without any change in the rasm at all; the wa- was dropped when the word was misread as ilayka. Another possibility is that this phrase originally read wa-labbik, which has the same meaning, on the assumption that the waw was mistaken for an alif. This is not impossible if the handwriting was small.

7. SABAN MINA L-MATHANI: SEVEN MATHANI(?)

This and the following two emendations are of especial interest since, in addition to correcting the text, they depend on assuming the same mistake. One could argue from this that all three were copied by a single scribe with a certain peculiarity in his handwriting.

The mysterious word mathani occurs twice in the Koran, first in 15:87: wa-la-qad ataynaka saban mina l-mathani wal-qurana l-azim, "We have given you seven mathani and the mighty Koran." It is found in a group of verses (86-97) in which God comforts the prophet in his disappointment at the doings of those who pay no attention to his message. The verse seems to be a reminder that God has favored him above all others with these special gifts.

Mathani is also found in 39:23: Allahu nazzala ahsana l-hadithi kitaban mutashabihan mathaniya taqshairru minhu juludu lladhina yakhshawna rabbahum thumma talinu juluduhum wa-qulubuhum ila dhikri llah, "God has sent down the best account, a book alike (in its parts), mathani, at which the skn mina l-tayri fasurhunna ilayka thumma jal ala kulli jabalin minhunna juzan thumma duhunna yatinaka sayan, "Take four birds and incline them towards yourself, then put a part of them on each mountain, then call them, and they will come to you flying."

The crux lies in the words fa-surhunna ilayka, which is the reading of the seven canonical readers without exception, but one finds also sir; rare and late seem to be surrahunna "tie them," and sirrahunna "shout at them."(26)

Blachere, p. 309, translates: "et serre-les contre toi (pour les broyer)," and says that he translates by intuition. Bell, p. 39, has "incline them to thyself," noting that the sense is uncertain. Paret, p. 39: "richte sie (mit dem Kopf?) auf dich zu (und schlachte sie?)." In Komm., p. 56, he notes that the commentators either read "incline them," which is not understandable, or "cut them up," with which the following "to yourself" does not fit. In short, neither of the accepted readings makes good sense. The meaning "cut up" is said to be Nabataean; others take it to be Greek.(27)

Tabari, 3:36f., devotes several pages to these words. He cites the two major views on the meaning of sur, "incline" and "cut up," and decides emphatically for the latter, because the overwhelming majority of the exegetes hold this opinion, and he takes issue with a few Kufan lexicographers who insist that sa-ra, yasuru never means "cut up" in the language of the Arabs.

Both these groups are right, each in its own way. The lexicographers are right in denying that sara means "cut up"; the shawahid are late or suspicious, so it looks as if the exegetes had redefined the word in the way we have noted before. However, the context clearly demands that the phrase read "cut to pieces," s the exegetes are "right" as well. One of them even goes so far as to insist that the pieces of the birds are all mixed up: "The wing of this one is with the head of that one, and the head of that one is with the wing of this one."(28) Others say that the flesh and feathers are mingled.(29)

Since the meaning must be: "Cut them to pieces and mix them up," we can restore the text as follows: fajazzihinna <wa->lbuk, which, not surprisingly, means, "Make them into pieces and mix (them) up." The emendation of sad to jim is no problem since the two letters resemble each other closely enough for such a misreading to occur. Jazzi, of course, is the Classical jazzi; the change of final-hamzated verbs to final-ya verbs is well known, and was doubtless universal in the Hijazi dialect, where, as noted above, all the hamzahs had been lost. The meaningless ilayka is removed by reading ulbuk without any change in the rasm at all; the wa- was dropped when the word was misread as ilayka. Another possibility is that this phrase originally read wa-labbik, which has the same meaning, on the assumption that the waw was mistaken for an alif. This is not impossible if the handwriting was small.

7. SABAN MINA L-MATHANI: SEVEN MATHANI(?)

This and the following two emendations are of especial interest since, in addition to correcting the text, they depend on assuming the same mistake. One could argue from this that all three were copied by a single scribe with a certain peculiarity in his handwriting.

The mysterious word mathani occurs twice in the Koran, first in 15:87: wa-la-qad ataynaka saban mina l-mathani wal-qurana l-azim, "We have given you seven mathani and the mighty Koran." It is found in a group of verses (86-97) in which God comforts the prophet in his disappointment at the doings of those who pay no attention to his message. The verse seems to be a reminder that God has favored him above all others with these special gifts.

Mathani is also found in 39:23: Allahu nazzala ahsana l-hadithi kitaban mutashabihan mathaniya taqshairru minhu juludu lladhina yakhshawna rabbahum thumma talinu juluduhum wa-qulubuhum ila dhikri llah, "God has sent down the best account, a book alike (in its parts), mathani, at which the sk believe should be read shayan. The mistake occurred when the scribe carelessly wrote a small loop resembling an ayn instead of the minim of the ya. This is comparable to our writing a small e when we intend to make the shaft of an i. The next copyist, seeing s, could hardly do anything other than add the ba. Seven was also doubtless congenial to him; it is virtually a sacred number in the Near East, and many things come in sevens. Since he did not know what mathani meant, he must have felt that the number seven was appropriate for such a mystery.

So 15:97 should read: wa-laqad ataynaka shayan mina l-mataliyi wal-qurana l-azim, "We have given you some recitations and the mighty Koran."

8. TAMANNA; FI UMNIYATIHI : TO DESIRE; IN HIS DESIRE

In 22:52 God points out that Satan distorts the message brought by messengers and prophets: wa-ma arsalna min qablika min rasulin wa-la nabiyin illa idha tamanna alqa l-shaytanu fi umniyatihi fa-yansakhu lIahu ma yulqi l-shaytanu thumma yuhkimu llahu ayatihi, "We have not sent down before you any messenger or prophet but that when he desired, Satan injected (something) into his desire, but God cancels what Satan injects, then God makes his signs strong."

Tamanna and umniyatihi in the meaning "desire" (verb and noun) have caused problems for the translators. Bell, p. 322, has "but when he formed his desire Satan threw (something) into his formulation," with a note saying that the meaning is doubtful. Paret, p. 276, has "ohne dass ihm, wenn er etwas wunschte, der Satan (von sich aus etwas) in seinen Wunsch unterschoben hatte." Blachere, p. 1043, has "sans que le Demon jetat [I'impurite (?)] dans leur souhait, quand ils (le) formulaient." All three rely on the dictionary definition of tamanna, but none of them annotates the passage.

Tabari, 17: 131-34, devotes most of his commentary on this verse to the reason for its revelation; it was sent down as a comfort to the prophet for having inadvertently, because of Satanic interference, spoken favorably of the pagan goddesses Allat, Uzza, and Manat. But on p. 113f. he quotes from exegetes who hold that tamanna here means qara'a, tala, and haddatha. Ibn Hisham, pp. 370f., reports on the authority of Abu `Ubaydah that the Arabs used tamanna in the meaning of qara'a, and cites two shawahid, obviously spurious since both refer to the recitation of the book of God.

This is another example of the redefinition by the exegetes and/or lexicographers of the crucial word in a problematical passage in which the redefinition is correct. One should emend tamanna to read yumli "dictates" and fi umniyatihi to fi imlaihi, "in his dictation"; the latter was originally written mlyh, with no alif for the long a, a common feature of Koranic spelling. The nun was written for lam because the latter was too short, as in mathani, and one of the minims was lost. The word was probably pronounced imlayihu or imlayhu.(32) After reading tamanna, umniyatihi was, of course, inevitable. The copyist may have felt more comfortable with the perfect tamanna, since idha yumli does not appear in the Koran; idha tutla, however, is found a number of times, and the two words mean much the same thing.

9. ILLA AMANIYA : EXCEPT DESIRES

Surah 2:74-79 is a polemic against the Jews but directed to Muslim listeners. The Jews are denounced for perverting the true scriptures and for pretending to believe when they really do not. In v. 78 we read: waminhum ummiyuna Ia ya'lamuna l-kitaba illa- amaniya wa-in hum illa yazunnuna, "And among them are ummiyuna who do not know the book except desires and they can only guess." The passage then ends with an imprecation against those who write a book with their own hands and say that it is from God just to make a small profit.

The meaning of ummiyuna has been much discussed by scholars and need not delay us here, since in this context it must mean ignorant people who do not know the scriptures. The problem for us is the meaning of illa amaniya. B believe should be read shayan. The mistake occurred when the scribe carelessly wrote a small loop resembling an ayn instead of the minim of the ya. This is comparable to our writing a small e when we intend to make the shaft of an i. The next copyist, seeing s, could hardly do anything other than add the ba. Seven was also doubtless congenial to him; it is virtually a sacred number in the Near East, and many things come in sevens. Since he did not know what mathani meant, he must have felt that the number seven was appropriate for such a mystery.

So 15:97 should read: wa-laqad ataynaka shayan mina l-mataliyi wal-qurana l-azim, "We have given you some recitations and the mighty Koran."

8. TAMANNA; FI UMNIYATIHI : TO DESIRE; IN HIS DESIRE

In 22:52 God points out that Satan distorts the message brought by messengers and prophets: wa-ma arsalna min qablika min rasulin wa-la nabiyin illa idha tamanna alqa l-shaytanu fi umniyatihi fa-yansakhu lIahu ma yulqi l-shaytanu thumma yuhkimu llahu ayatihi, "We have not sent down before you any messenger or prophet but that when he desired, Satan injected (something) into his desire, but God cancels what Satan injects, then God makes his signs strong."

Tamanna and umniyatihi in the meaning "desire" (verb and noun) have caused problems for the translators. Bell, p. 322, has "but when he formed his desire Satan threw (something) into his formulation," with a note saying that the meaning is doubtful. Paret, p. 276, has "ohne dass ihm, wenn er etwas wunschte, der Satan (von sich aus etwas) in seinen Wunsch unterschoben hatte." Blachere, p. 1043, has "sans que le Demon jetat [I'impurite (?)] dans leur souhait, quand ils (le) formulaient." All three rely on the dictionary definition of tamanna, but none of them annotates the passage.

Tabari, 17: 131-34, devotes most of his commentary on this verse to the reason for its revelation; it was sent down as a comfort to the prophet for having inadvertently, because of Satanic interference, spoken favorably of the pagan goddesses Allat, Uzza, and Manat. But on p. 113f. he quotes from exegetes who hold that tamanna here means qara'a, tala, and haddatha. Ibn Hisham, pp. 370f., reports on the authority of Abu `Ubaydah that the Arabs used tamanna in the meaning of qara'a, and cites two shawahid, obviously spurious since both refer to the recitation of the book of God.

This is another example of the redefinition by the exegetes and/or lexicographers of the crucial word in a problematical passage in which the redefinition is correct. One should emend tamanna to read yumli "dictates" and fi umniyatihi to fi imlaihi, "in his dictation"; the latter was originally written mlyh, with no alif for the long a, a common feature of Koranic spelling. The nun was written for lam because the latter was too short, as in mathani, and one of the minims was lost. The word was probably pronounced imlayihu or imlayhu.(32) After reading tamanna, umniyatihi was, of course, inevitable. The copyist may have felt more comfortable with the perfect tamanna, since idha yumli does not appear in the Koran; idha tutla, however, is found a number of times, and the two words mean much the same thing.

9. ILLA AMANIYA : EXCEPT DESIRES

Surah 2:74-79 is a polemic against the Jews but directed to Muslim listeners. The Jews are denounced for perverting the true scriptures and for pretending to believe when they really do not. In v. 78 we read: waminhum ummiyuna Ia ya'lamuna l-kitaba illa- amaniya wa-in hum illa yazunnuna, "And among them are ummiyuna who do not know the book except desires and they can only guess." The passage then ends with an imprecation against those who write a book with their own hands and say that it is from God just to make a small profit.

The meaning of ummiyuna has been much discussed by scholars and need not delay us here, since in this context it must mean ignorant people who do not know the scriptures. The problem for us is the meaning of illa amaniya. B note he rejects the explanations offered by the exegetes (see below), but admits that "onction" is not satisfactory, and suggests it might mean: "L'allure procuree par Dieu h I'homme converti au Monotheisme d'Abraham." Paret, p. 21, translates: "Das baptisma (? sibga)"; in Komm., p. 34, he cites the commonly held views, and adds the opinion of E. Beck (from Le Museon 65 [1952]: 92) that the word, which means baptism (Taufe) is used here in a more general sense for religion, which agrees with the exegetes' views. Jeffery, Foreign Vocab., 192, derives it from the Syriac but does not discuss its meaning in the Koran.

The word gave considerable trouble to the exegetes. They knew it meant the Christian baptism, but because in the passage the Jews are referred to as well, some of them expanded its meaning to include circumcision.(35) However, it is the Muslims who receive the sibghah of God and so neither baptism or circumcision can apply - the Jews and the pagan Arabs already practiced circumcision. The exegetes therefore redefine the word as fitrah, din "religion," iman "faith," or they equate it with the millata Ibrahim in v. 135, which they take to mean Islam. Thus Tabari paraphrases: bali ttabi`u millata Ibrahima sibghata Ilah; and Qatadah says: wa-inna sibghata llahi l-Islam.(36) With this interpretation, however, the comparison at the end makes little sense; can one really ask, "Who is better at lslam or iman than God?" Other redefinitions of sibghah are shariah "law" and khilqah "constitution, make-up."(37) Grammatically most of the commentators take sibghah to be in apposition with millah, even though the two are rather far apart. Those who take sibghah to mean iman take it as the acc. internal object of amanna in v. 136.

In this case I believe that the exegetes were far off track. It is to me inconceivable that one should find in the Koran the name of a Christian sacrament used - even metaphorically - for lslam or iman. The whole idea runs counter to the general attitude toward Christianity and Judaism in the Koran, and is so disturbing that the word practically announces itself as a mistake.

Neither the exegetes nor the orientalists have considered that sibghata llah might refer simply to the words immediately preceding: fa-sa-yakfikahumu llah. Taken thus, sibghah is an exclamatory acc., used in praise of God's action in sparing the prophet the trouble of dealing with his own enemies. There are two emendations that would give this sense. The first is to read saniah, "favor." This emendation can be effected without altering the rasm at all if we assume that the original sad did not have the little nub on the left - this is often omitted in mss - but that the next copyist took the nun to be the nub. Otherwise we can add a minim to the rasm, a minor change which is easily acceptable.

The second possibility is to read kifayah, the masdar of kafa, which would have been spelled kfyh, the long a without alif. In older mss and inscriptions the initial kaf is often written without the diagonal stroke that we add separately. The line of the letter runs parallel to the line of writing so that it sometimes closely resembles sad and dal. The copyist first misread kaf as sad, and then carelessly took the loop of the fa as a minim. Kifayah is what we should most likely expect grammatically, given fa-sa-yakfikuhum above, but on the whole I prefer saniah since fewer changes are required to bring it into line. Both "favor" and "sufficiency" are stylistically better in this position than any of the other meanings proposed, and the comparison at the end of v. 138 makes good sense with either of them.

11. ASHAB AL-ARAF : THE PEOPLE OF THE HEIGHTS

Surah 7:46 and 48 speak of a group of men who are situated in some coign of vantage from which they can observe both the blessed in heaven and the damned in hell: wa-baynahuma hijabun wa-ala l-arafi rijalun yarifu-na kullan bi-simahum wa-nadaw ashaba l-jannati an salamun alaykum lam yadkhuluha wa-hum note he rejects the explanations offered by the exegetes (see below), but admits that "onction" is not satisfactory, and suggests it might mean: "L'allure procuree par Dieu h I'homme converti au Monotheisme d'Abraham." Paret, p. 21, translates: "Das baptisma (? sibga)"; in Komm., p. 34, he cites the commonly held views, and adds the opinion of E. Beck (from Le Museon 65 [1952]: 92) that the word, which means baptism (Taufe) is used here in a more general sense for religion, which agrees with the exegetes' views. Jeffery, Foreign Vocab., 192, derives it from the Syriac but does not discuss its meaning in the Koran.

The word gave considerable trouble to the exegetes. They knew it meant the Christian baptism, but because in the passage the Jews are referred to as well, some of them expanded its meaning to include circumcision.(35) However, it is the Muslims who receive the sibghah of God and so neither baptism or circumcision can apply - the Jews and the pagan Arabs already practiced circumcision. The exegetes therefore redefine the word as fitrah, din "religion," iman "faith," or they equate it with the millata Ibrahim in v. 135, which they take to mean Islam. Thus Tabari paraphrases: bali ttabi`u millata Ibrahima sibghata Ilah; and Qatadah says: wa-inna sibghata llahi l-Islam.(36) With this interpretation, however, the comparison at the end makes little sense; can one really ask, "Who is better at lslam or iman than God?" Other redefinitions of sibghah are shariah "law" and khilqah "constitution, make-up."(37) Grammatically most of the commentators take sibghah to be in apposition with millah, even though the two are rather far apart. Those who take sibghah to mean iman take it as the acc. internal object of amanna in v. 136.

In this case I believe that the exegetes were far off track. It is to me inconceivable that one should find in the Koran the name of a Christian sacrament used - even metaphorically - for lslam or iman. The whole idea runs counter to the general attitude toward Christianity and Judaism in the Koran, and is so disturbing that the word practically announces itself as a mistake.

Neither the exegetes nor the orientalists have considered that sibghata llah might refer simply to the words immediately preceding: fa-sa-yakfikahumu llah. Taken thus, sibghah is an exclamatory acc., used in praise of God's action in sparing the prophet the trouble of dealing with his own enemies. There are two emendations that would give this sense. The first is to read saniah, "favor." This emendation can be effected without altering the rasm at all if we assume that the original sad did not have the little nub on the left - this is often omitted in mss - but that the next copyist took the nun to be the nub. Otherwise we can add a minim to the rasm, a minor change which is easily acceptable.

The second possibility is to read kifayah, the masdar of kafa, which would have been spelled kfyh, the long a without alif. In older mss and inscriptions the initial kaf is often written without the diagonal stroke that we add separately. The line of the letter runs parallel to the line of writing so that it sometimes closely resembles sad and dal. The copyist first misread kaf as sad, and then carelessly took the loop of the fa as a minim. Kifayah is what we should most likely expect grammatically, given fa-sa-yakfikuhum above, but on the whole I prefer saniah since fewer changes are required to bring it into line. Both "favor" and "sufficiency" are stylistically better in this position than any of the other meanings proposed, and the comparison at the end of v. 138 makes good sense with either of them.

11. ASHAB AL-ARAF : THE PEOPLE OF THE HEIGHTS

Surah 7:46 and 48 speak of a group of men who are situated in some coign of vantage from which they can observe both the blessed in heaven and the damned in hell: wa-baynahuma hijabun wa-ala l-arafi rijalun yarifu-na kullan bi-simahum wa-nadaw ashaba l-jannati an salamun alaykum lam yadkhuluha wa-hum , and if good comes to them they are at ease with it, but if trouble comes to them, they turn back to their (old) ways. They lose both this world and the next." These people who serve God "on a ridge" are fence-sitters and summer soldiers who are not sure which way they will jump, since circumstances can vary. The same is true of the ashab al-araf, who are not sure whether they will end up in heaven or hell, since it depends on God's will, which they do not yet know. The two usages are not exactly parallel since al-araf is pl. and def. and harf is sg. and indef.; nevertheless, the similarity is striking. In general, I prefer the reading ahruf, but would suspend judgment on whether it should be taken metaphorically or not.

12. AGAIN THE MYSTERIOUS LETTERS

Some years ago I wrote an article42 in which I argued that the Mysterious Letters (the fawatih al-suwar or al-huruf al-muqattaah) of the Koran were old abbreviations of the basmalah. The argument was based on the assumption that these abbreviations, like the words studied above, had been corrupted through copyists' errors, so it is not inappropriate here to add a few additional observations on the fawatih, and, in particular, to record a change of opinion with regard to some of them.

At that time I was anxious to avoid any suggestion that the emendations proposed might be arbitrary, so I left out of account those groups of letters that might, as they stood, be considered abbreviations of the basmalah. In so doing I relegated HM to a footnote (no. 72, p. 280), although I was convinced that it derived from an original BM or BSM. I think now that I was somewhat overcautious, since HM - to be read BSM and not BM - is the best evidence in favor of the hypothesis.

The derivation is well supported palaeographically. The ba of the basmalah often begins with a flourish, which in some cases, especially in carelessly written MSS and papyri, starts above the line to the left, proceeds to the right and then turns under to form the rest of the letter, giving it a form that can easily be mistaken for ha. Today in printed texts the ba is written taller than usual and bends slightly to the left. This practice probably descends from the ancient practice, which in handwriting could be exaggerated.

The sin of the basmalah is often flattened out to such an extent that it appears to be omitted altogether. Tradition tells us that Zayd b. Thabit disapproved of writing the bsm of the basmalah without the sin, and Ibn Sirin did not like people to stretch the ba' to the mim until the sin had been written. The caliph Umar is said to have beaten a scribe for omitting the sin from the basmalah.(43)

These anecdotes date from a time when interest was growing in how the Koran should be written, and in which the Kufic hand was in the course of development. In fact, Ibn Sirin (d. 110/728) might well have taken an interest in such matters.

Tables 3 and 4 (p. 282) can now be largely ignored since they make the process of corruption much more complicated than it really was. In HM SQ, I would now keep the two "words" separate as they regularly appear in the Koran. Both segments I believe represent an original BSM. The first to be written was the second segment, which was eventually corrupted to read SQ; this was not understood by a subsequent copyist or editor who added at the beginning another BSM, which was later misread as HM. The copyist may have been the same one who wrote BSM (> HM) in all the surahs where the latter appears.

The original BS was misread as S by the Uthmanic editors and as simple S by Ibn Masud because of uncertainty as to the number of minims. The first two were probably badly written as well since they resembled an initial ayn. Ibn Masud's SQ is closer to the original than the Uthmanic SQ.

KHYS turns out to be less of a problem than I had originally thought. The real crux is in the ha, but this can be solved by dividing the letters into two segments, KH and YS, following the example, and if good comes to them they are at ease with it, but if trouble comes to them, they turn back to their (old) ways. They lose both this world and the next." These people who serve God "on a ridge" are fence-sitters and summer soldiers who are not sure which way they will jump, since circumstances can vary. The same is true of the ashab al-araf, who are not sure whether they will end up in heaven or hell, since it depends on God's will, which they do not yet know. The two usages are not exactly parallel since al-araf is pl. and def. and harf is sg. and indef.; nevertheless, the similarity is striking. In general, I prefer the reading ahruf, but would suspend judgment on whether it should be taken metaphorically or not.

12. AGAIN THE MYSTERIOUS LETTERS

Some years ago I wrote an article42 in which I argued that the Mysterious Letters (the fawatih al-suwar or al-huruf al-muqattaah) of the Koran were old abbreviations of the basmalah. The argument was based on the assumption that these abbreviations, like the words studied above, had been corrupted through copyists' errors, so it is not inappropriate here to add a few additional observations on the fawatih, and, in particular, to record a change of opinion with regard to some of them.

At that time I was anxious to avoid any suggestion that the emendations proposed might be arbitrary, so I left out of account those groups of letters that might, as they stood, be considered abbreviations of the basmalah. In so doing I relegated HM to a footnote (no. 72, p. 280), although I was convinced that it derived from an original BM or BSM. I think now that I was somewhat overcautious, since HM - to be read BSM and not BM - is the best evidence in favor of the hypothesis.

The derivation is well supported palaeographically. The ba of the basmalah often begins with a flourish, which in some cases, especially in carelessly written MSS and papyri, starts above the line to the left, proceeds to the right and then turns under to form the rest of the letter, giving it a form that can easily be mistaken for ha. Today in printed texts the ba is written taller than usual and bends slightly to the left. This practice probably descends from the ancient practice, which in handwriting could be exaggerated.

The sin of the basmalah is often flattened out to such an extent that it appears to be omitted altogether. Tradition tells us that Zayd b. Thabit disapproved of writing the bsm of the basmalah without the sin, and Ibn Sirin did not like people to stretch the ba' to the mim until the sin had been written. The caliph Umar is said to have beaten a scribe for omitting the sin from the basmalah.(43)

These anecdotes date from a time when interest was growing in how the Koran should be written, and in which the Kufic hand was in the course of development. In fact, Ibn Sirin (d. 110/728) might well have taken an interest in such matters.

Tables 3 and 4 (p. 282) can now be largely ignored since they make the process of corruption much more complicated than it really was. In HM SQ, I would now keep the two "words" separate as they regularly appear in the Koran. Both segments I believe represent an original BSM. The first to be written was the second segment, which was eventually corrupted to read SQ; this was not understood by a subsequent copyist or editor who added at the beginning another BSM, which was later misread as HM. The copyist may have been the same one who wrote BSM (> HM) in all the surahs where the latter appears.

The original BS was misread as S by the Uthmanic editors and as simple S by Ibn Masud because of uncertainty as to the number of minims. The first two were probably badly written as well since they resembled an initial ayn. Ibn Masud's SQ is closer to the original than the Uthmanic SQ.

KHYS turns out to be less of a problem than I had originally thought. The real crux is in the ha, but this can be solved by dividing the letters into two segments, KH and YS, following the exampletingen edition, 1858). Ibn Manzur al-Ifriqi. Lisan al-Arab [ = Lisan]. Beirut: Dar Sadir. 1374-1376/1955-1956. Jeffery, A. The Foreign Vocabulary of the Quran. Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1938. _____Materials for the History of the Text of the Quran. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1937. Lane, E. W. Arabic-English Lexicon. London: Williams and Norgate, 1863-1893. Noldeke, Th. Neue Beitrage zur semitischen Sprachwissenschaft. Amsterdam: APA Philo Press, 1982 (reprint). Noldeke, Th., F. Schwally, et al. Geschichte des Qorans [= GdQ]. Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1961 (reprint). Paret, R. Der Koran: Ubersetzung. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1962. _____.Der Koran: Kommentar und Konkordanz. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1971. Rabin, Ch. Ancient West Arabian. London: Taylor's Foreign Press, 1951. al-Suyuti, Abd al-Rahman. Al-Itqan fiulum al-Quran [= Itqan]. Ed. Muh. Abu 1-fadl Ibrahim. Cairo: Maktabat al-Mashhad al-Husayni, 1387/1967. al-Tabari, Muh. b. Jarir. Jamial-bayan fi tafsir al-Quran. Beirut: Dar al-Marifah, 1409/1989 (reprint of the edition of Bulaq 1323). al-Zabidi, Muh. Murtada al-Husayni. Taj al-arus min jawahir al-Qamus [= Taj]. Ed. Abd al-Sattar Ahmad Farraj. Kuwayt: Matbaat Hukumat Kuwayt, 1385/1965. al-Zamakhshari, Mahmud b. Umar. Asas al-balaghah. Beirut: Dar Sadir, 1399/1979. (1) In the cruces discussed below I have found only one proposed emendation, that of R. Bell, who wanted to read iraf for araf; see section 11; this does not effect the rasm. (2) See GdQ, 3:2f., for a much fuller discussion of these errors. (3) Goldziher, 36. (4) Itqan, 2:275, where other mistakes are noted. The scribe who wrote yayas was probably not slee[y but confused by similar consonantal outlines. The words yayas and yatabayyan are so differrent that such a mistake could not have occurred in the oral tradition, so we have to look to the written tradition for an explanzation. However, the Uthmanic rasm of yayas is yys, so it is equally difficult to seee how it could be a mistake for yatabayyan, or vice versa. My guess is that yayas was originally written yys, and so the two words are virtuallyy identical. Each has four minims: yys (probably pronounced yayyas) with the two yas and the first two teeth of the sin, and yatabayyan with its ytby. The final flourish of the sin was mistaken for a nun, or vice versa. For the loss of hamzah in the Hijazi dialect and compensatory lengthening of a preceding waw or ya with sukun, seee section 5 below.

A minim - the term is borrowed from medieval Latin palaeography - is the shortest vertical stroke in any given hand. The word is not wholly suited to Arabic, since in good Arabic MSS adjacent minims are often written with slightly differing heights to show that they belong to different letters. It is convenient, howeever, since it can be used of the teeth of the sin, the nub of the ba, ta, etc., and also of those nubs that are mistakes, eeven those that are omitted. Next to the omission or misplacement of dots, minim errors, that is, copying more or fewer minims than are in the original, are the most common mistakes in Arabic MSS. (5) Jeffery, Materials, 147. (6) Taj, 2:283; Lane, 581. (7) Itqan, 2:111. (8) F. Brown, et al., Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford: Clarendon Press, n.d.), 345. (9) Baydawi, 1:462. (10) Tabari, 11:135. (11) Itqan, 2:97, 101. (12) Taj, 4:49-52; Lane, 2538. (13) Taj, 2:5f.; Lane, 3f. (14) Itqan, 2:4. (15) Tabari, 30:38. (16) Itqan, 2:108. (17) Taj, 2:5. (18) Itqan, 2:84. (19) Taj, 2:6. (20) Jeffery, Foreign Vocab., 43. (21) Tabari, 17:78f. (22) Noldeke, 27; cf. Jeffery, Foreign Vocab., 164. (23) This feature of Hijazi Arabic is discussed at length by Rabin, 130ff. (24) Itqan, 2:111. (25) Rabin, 134. (26) Taj, 12:361f. (27) Itqan, 2:114. (28) Tabari, 3:37ult. (29) Tabari, 3:38. (30) Lane, 360. (31) Abu Ghalib b. Maymun, Muntaha l-talab, MS Laleli 1941, facsim. ed. by F. Sezgin. (Frankfurt am Main, 1986) 23. (32) For the Hijazi suffix -hu, where Classical Arabic has -hi,tingen edition, 1858). Ibn Manzur al-Ifriqi. Lisan al-Arab [ = Lisan]. Beirut: Dar Sadir. 1374-1376/1955-1956. Jeffery, A. The Foreign Vocabulary of the Quran. Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1938. _____Materials for the History of the Text of the Quran. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1937. Lane, E. W. Arabic-English Lexicon. London: Williams and Norgate, 1863-1893. Noldeke, Th. Neue Beitrage zur semitischen Sprachwissenschaft. Amsterdam: APA Philo Press, 1982 (reprint). Noldeke, Th., F. Schwally, et al. Geschichte des Qorans [= GdQ]. Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1961 (reprint). Paret, R. Der Koran: Ubersetzung. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1962. _____.Der Koran: Kommentar und Konkordanz. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1971. Rabin, Ch. Ancient West Arabian. London: Taylor's Foreign Press, 1951. al-Suyuti, Abd al-Rahman. Al-Itqan fiulum al-Quran [= Itqan]. Ed. Muh. Abu 1-fadl Ibrahim. Cairo: Maktabat al-Mashhad al-Husayni, 1387/1967. al-Tabari, Muh. b. Jarir. Jamial-bayan fi tafsir al-Quran. Beirut: Dar al-Marifah, 1409/1989 (reprint of the edition of Bulaq 1323). al-Zabidi, Muh. Murtada al-Husayni. Taj al-arus min jawahir al-Qamus [= Taj]. Ed. Abd al-Sattar Ahmad Farraj. Kuwayt: Matbaat Hukumat Kuwayt, 1385/1965. al-Zamakhshari, Mahmud b. Umar. Asas al-balaghah. Beirut: Dar Sadir, 1399/1979. (1) In the cruces discussed below I have found only one proposed emendation, that of R. Bell, who wanted to read iraf for araf; see section 11; this does not effect the rasm. (2) See GdQ, 3:2f., for a much fuller discussion of these errors. (3) Goldziher, 36. (4) Itqan, 2:275, where other mistakes are noted. The scribe who wrote yayas was probably not slee[y but confused by similar consonantal outlines. The words yayas and yatabayyan are so differrent that such a mistake could not have occurred in the oral tradition, so we have to look to the written tradition for an explanzation. However, the Uthmanic rasm of yayas is yys, so it is equally difficult to seee how it could be a mistake for yatabayyan, or vice versa. My guess is that yayas was originally written yys, and so the two words are virtuallyy identical. Each has four minims: yys (probably pronounced yayyas) with the two yas and the first two teeth of the sin, and yatabayyan with its ytby. The final flourish of the sin was mistaken for a nun, or vice versa. For the loss of hamzah in the Hijazi dialect and compensatory lengthening of a preceding waw or ya with sukun, seee section 5 below.

A minim - the term is borrowed from medieval Latin palaeography - is the shortest vertical stroke in any given hand. The word is not wholly suited to Arabic, since in good Arabic MSS adjacent minims are often written with slightly differing heights to show that they belong to different letters. It is convenient, howeever, since it can be used of the teeth of the sin, the nub of the ba, ta, etc., and also of those nubs that are mistakes, eeven those that are omitted. Next to the omission or misplacement of dots, minim errors, that is, copying more or fewer minims than are in the original, are the most common mistakes in Arabic MSS. (5) Jeffery, Materials, 147. (6) Taj, 2:283; Lane, 581. (7) Itqan, 2:111. (8) F. Brown, et al., Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford: Clarendon Press, n.d.), 345. (9) Baydawi, 1:462. (10) Tabari, 11:135. (11) Itqan, 2:97, 101. (12) Taj, 4:49-52; Lane, 2538. (13) Taj, 2:5f.; Lane, 3f. (14) Itqan, 2:4. (15) Tabari, 30:38. (16) Itqan, 2:108. (17) Taj, 2:5. (18) Itqan, 2:84. (19) Taj, 2:6. (20) Jeffery, Foreign Vocab., 43. (21) Tabari, 17:78f. (22) Noldeke, 27; cf. Jeffery, Foreign Vocab., 164. (23) This feature of Hijazi Arabic is discussed at length by Rabin, 130ff. (24) Itqan, 2:111. (25) Rabin, 134. (26) Taj, 12:361f. (27) Itqan, 2:114. (28) Tabari, 3:37ult. (29) Tabari, 3:38. (30) Lane, 360. (31) Abu Ghalib b. Maymun, Muntaha l-talab, MS Laleli 1941, facsim. ed. by F. Sezgin. (Frankfurt am Main, 1986) 23. (32) For the Hijazi suffix -hu, where Classical Arabic has -hi,an understanding of reclusion in traditional China: caveat lector, this is not so.

My point is not merely semantical. The study does not disambiguate reclusion per se from virtuous withdrawal on an occasional or purely noetic basis, its consanguineous counterparts, and thus does not differentiate between: a) practitioners of reclusion, and b) scholar-officials who at particular junctures in their careers might be envisaged within one or more of the many abstract topoi of reclusion. If this is a study of reclusion (this ostensibly is its raison d'etre), it has a major flaw; for it fails to perceive that the practice of reclusion in traditional China is a phenomenon unto itself, that it has a real and essential nature, that it is distinct from, even antithetical to, the taking up of office.

This study has blurred the distinction; men in reclusion and men who take up office are commingled in the "eremitic tradition." In so doing, the study undermines the very raison d'etre of reclusion and its practicing individuals. It was conduct and personal integrity manifest in the unflinching eschewal of official capacity which constituted the cause for public acclaim: men in reclusion did not surrender their integrity, nor did they compromise their resolve. Approbation of men in reclusion led many of the scholar-official class to assume, simulate, or affect the conduct and rationale of such exemplars, and led to the recognition of "exemplary eremitism" (see below) within the official recommendatory system; the sanctioning of "exemplary eremitism" in turn fostered the entrenchment of topoi of reclusion in the scholar-official ethos. Vervoorn's homogenizing of reclusion and officialdom in the "eremitic tradition" is the most subtle problem with Men of the Cliffs and Caves, but not the most visible problem. There are several, though of lesser consequence. Vervoorn refers to reclusion (yin ?? or yinyi [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] as "eremitism" and men in reclusion (yinshi [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED]as "hermits," and devotes several pages justifying his choice of words, in order to "mollify those terminological watchdogs" (p. 7). Still, while China certainly has had its hermits, and while there is a considerable amount of poetry portraying the eremitic life, these are profoundly misleading terms when applied to the general phenomenon of reclusion in China, especially so when applied to occasional withdrawal. Even qualified usage cannot but reinforce misapprehensions of the stereotypical relationship between reclusion and the idyllic life. Yet it is evident from Vervoorn's reasoning and from his focus on the philosophical and political bases of reclusion that the terms "hermits" and "eremitism" are being used as expedients, even while being faux-amis.

Early and medieval sources are rather discriminating in the use of the terms yinyi and yinshi: these terms virtually never were applied to situations other than substantive reclusion. (On the other hand, even while usually referring to men in reclusion, the terms "men of the mountains and forests" [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] and "men of the cliffs and caves" [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED], and to a degree chushi [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] as well, were also often applied to soon-to-be scholar-officials of lofty mien, including both the temporarily withdrawn and the aspiring candidate.) While the word "reclusion" also is in many senses a misnomer, I would suggest rendering yinyi as "reclusion"(1) and yinshi as "men-in-reclusion," or, when referring to an individual for whom reclusion was a way of life, "practitioner of reclusion." Yinshi in earlier times usually stood for yin de zhi shi [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED], as in the Zhuangzi [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED], implying that the virtuous worthiness of such a man was not overtly manifest in worldly conduct within the public, political sphere - hidden, as it were, from appropriation by temporal authority: these were men in reclusion. Vervoorn has opted for the terms "disengaged scholar" and "men in rean understanding of reclusion in traditional China: caveat lector, this is not so.

My point is not merely semantical. The study does not disambiguate reclusion per se from virtuous withdrawal on an occasional or purely noetic basis, its consanguineous counterparts, and thus does not differentiate between: a) practitioners of reclusion, and b) scholar-officials who at particular junctures in their careers might be envisaged within one or more of the many abstract topoi of reclusion. If this is a study of reclusion (this ostensibly is its raison d'etre), it has a major flaw; for it fails to perceive that the practice of reclusion in traditional China is a phenomenon unto itself, that it has a real and essential nature, that it is distinct from, even antithetical to, the taking up of office.

This study has blurred the distinction; men in reclusion and men who take up office are commingled in the "eremitic tradition." In so doing, the study undermines the very raison d'etre of reclusion and its practicing individuals. It was conduct and personal integrity manifest in the unflinching eschewal of official capacity which constituted the cause for public acclaim: men in reclusion did not surrender their integrity, nor did they compromise their resolve. Approbation of men in reclusion led many of the scholar-official class to assume, simulate, or affect the conduct and rationale of such exemplars, and led to the recognition of "exemplary eremitism" (see below) within the official recommendatory system; the sanctioning of "exemplary eremitism" in turn fostered the entrenchment of topoi of reclusion in the scholar-official ethos. Vervoorn's homogenizing of reclusion and officialdom in the "eremitic tradition" is the most subtle problem with Men of the Cliffs and Caves, but not the most visible problem. There are several, though of lesser consequence. Vervoorn refers to reclusion (yin ?? or yinyi [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] as "eremitism" and men in reclusion (yinshi [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED]as "hermits," and devotes several pages justifying his choice of words, in order to "mollify those terminological watchdogs" (p. 7). Still, while China certainly has had its hermits, and while there is a considerable amount of poetry portraying the eremitic life, these are profoundly misleading terms when applied to the general phenomenon of reclusion in China, especially so when applied to occasional withdrawal. Even qualified usage cannot but reinforce misapprehensions of the stereotypical relationship between reclusion and the idyllic life. Yet it is evident from Vervoorn's reasoning and from his focus on the philosophical and political bases of reclusion that the terms "hermits" and "eremitism" are being used as expedients, even while being faux-amis.

Early and medieval sources are rather discriminating in the use of the terms yinyi and yinshi: these terms virtually never were applied to situations other than substantive reclusion. (On the other hand, even while usually referring to men in reclusion, the terms "men of the mountains and forests" [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] and "men of the cliffs and caves" [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED], and to a degree chushi [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] as well, were also often applied to soon-to-be scholar-officials of lofty mien, including both the temporarily withdrawn and the aspiring candidate.) While the word "reclusion" also is in many senses a misnomer, I would suggest rendering yinyi as "reclusion"(1) and yinshi as "men-in-reclusion," or, when referring to an individual for whom reclusion was a way of life, "practitioner of reclusion." Yinshi in earlier times usually stood for yin de zhi shi [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED], as in the Zhuangzi [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED], implying that the virtuous worthiness of such a man was not overtly manifest in worldly conduct within the public, political sphere - hidden, as it were, from appropriation by temporal authority: these were men in reclusion. Vervoorn has opted for the terms "disengaged scholar" and "men in rehere are indices for names (exhaustive, and complete with dates!) and subjects (the subject index, while serviceable with a number of subheadings, is rather too restricted at merely two pages in length). The helpful "Chronology of Dynasties and Reign Periods" (from the Shang Dynasty through the Wei Dynasty) will be a quick and accurate reference for students of the period, as well as for non-specialist readers, for it contains exact dates, when available, for the rule of emperors from the Qin through the Wei, with succinct historical notes on the advent and/or demise of a number of rulers.(5) Readers will also appreciate the Chinese University Press' production of the book: Chinese characters are used liberally throughout, thus eliminating romanized ambiguities, and there are few proofreading errors.

As a guidepost for his study, Vervoorn cogently defines eremitism as involving

the realization of particular ideals of personal character and conduct derived from the highest moral authorities of a culture,

and entailing

psychologically, a lack of regard for those things of the world which are the common objects of human action, such as wealth, power and fame, with correspondingly greater importance being attached to goals which in a philosophical or moral sense are conceived to be `higher', for example, personal integrity and unwavering devotion to what is right, or the eradication of desire and complete identification of the self with the principle of order in the cosmos; behaviourally, this is manifested in a tendency to withdraw, either physically or mentally, from the types of social involvement likely to result in the violation of those higher goals - in particular, involvement in the realm of politics and state affairs (pp. 3-4).

Further,

[w]e can go some way towards understanding eremitism by considering it as a series of strategies for reconciling conflicting ideals in such a way as to make those ideals attainable. But more important still for an understanding of Chinese eremitism is the conflict, not between the various ideals themselves, but between those ideals and social reality.... Eremitism represents the greatest achievement possible for a man of principle in adverse circumstances; it represents the accommodation of high moral ideals to a harsh, refractory reality (p. 73).

In a number of places Vervoorn astutely points out parallels between reclusion in China and reclusion in the Western tradition; Chinese eremitism, however, is predominantly non-religious in character. In pre-Buddhist Chinese society,

religion played a relatively minor role in providing norms and ideas to guide the conduct of individuals.... [and] the highest principles and ideals of educated Chinese tended to have a secular rather than a religious foundation .... The characteristic feature of Chinese eremitism ... is that from earliest times it was primarily a secular affair, like the ideals of individual perfection the hermits embodied (pp. 2-3).

As a universally moral response, even those hermits of the modern world "will find that their actions have been fully prefigured by the Chinese hermits of long ago" (pp. vii-viii).

The book is a chronological, developmental study of the evolution of the "eremitic tradition" in China, and Vervoorn believes that while the Wei-Jin period (220-420) might be called "the golden age of Chinese eremitism," "most of the essential developments in Chinese eremitism occurred before the end of the Han dynasty" (p. viii). In fact, according to Vervoorn,

by the end of the Han dynasty most of the major aspects of the Chinese eremitic tradition had already taken shape: the varieties of eremitism and their philosophical rationales, the place of eremitism in the scholarly culture and its integration in the imperial system, as well as the high social standing of hermits and their political influence, were all well established before the Han dynasty came to a close (pp. 236-37).(6)

Most of Vervoorn's ihere are indices for names (exhaustive, and complete with dates!) and subjects (the subject index, while serviceable with a number of subheadings, is rather too restricted at merely two pages in length). The helpful "Chronology of Dynasties and Reign Periods" (from the Shang Dynasty through the Wei Dynasty) will be a quick and accurate reference for students of the period, as well as for non-specialist readers, for it contains exact dates, when available, for the rule of emperors from the Qin through the Wei, with succinct historical notes on the advent and/or demise of a number of rulers.(5) Readers will also appreciate the Chinese University Press' production of the book: Chinese characters are used liberally throughout, thus eliminating romanized ambiguities, and there are few proofreading errors.

As a guidepost for his study, Vervoorn cogently defines eremitism as involving

the realization of particular ideals of personal character and conduct derived from the highest moral authorities of a culture,

and entailing

psychologically, a lack of regard for those things of the world which are the common objects of human action, such as wealth, power and fame, with correspondingly greater importance being attached to goals which in a philosophical or moral sense are conceived to be `higher', for example, personal integrity and unwavering devotion to what is right, or the eradication of desire and complete identification of the self with the principle of order in the cosmos; behaviourally, this is manifested in a tendency to withdraw, either physically or mentally, from the types of social involvement likely to result in the violation of those higher goals - in particular, involvement in the realm of politics and state affairs (pp. 3-4).

Further,

[w]e can go some way towards understanding eremitism by considering it as a series of strategies for reconciling conflicting ideals in such a way as to make those ideals attainable. But more important still for an understanding of Chinese eremitism is the conflict, not between the various ideals themselves, but between those ideals and social reality.... Eremitism represents the greatest achievement possible for a man of principle in adverse circumstances; it represents the accommodation of high moral ideals to a harsh, refractory reality (p. 73).

In a number of places Vervoorn astutely points out parallels between reclusion in China and reclusion in the Western tradition; Chinese eremitism, however, is predominantly non-religious in character. In pre-Buddhist Chinese society,

religion played a relatively minor role in providing norms and ideas to guide the conduct of individuals.... [and] the highest principles and ideals of educated Chinese tended to have a secular rather than a religious foundation .... The characteristic feature of Chinese eremitism ... is that from earliest times it was primarily a secular affair, like the ideals of individual perfection the hermits embodied (pp. 2-3).

As a universally moral response, even those hermits of the modern world "will find that their actions have been fully prefigured by the Chinese hermits of long ago" (pp. vii-viii).

The book is a chronological, developmental study of the evolution of the "eremitic tradition" in China, and Vervoorn believes that while the Wei-Jin period (220-420) might be called "the golden age of Chinese eremitism," "most of the essential developments in Chinese eremitism occurred before the end of the Han dynasty" (p. viii). In fact, according to Vervoorn,

by the end of the Han dynasty most of the major aspects of the Chinese eremitic tradition had already taken shape: the varieties of eremitism and their philosophical rationales, the place of eremitism in the scholarly culture and its integration in the imperial system, as well as the high social standing of hermits and their political influence, were all well established before the Han dynasty came to a close (pp. 236-37).(6)

Most of Vervoorn's is for the increase in the amount of information recorded about hermits from this time on, as well as the apparent increase in the number of hermits themselves" (p. 233). Thus exemplary eremitism was functional as well as abstract, and became a prevailing ideal of model conduct among most of the educated community. As a recognized route to officialdom (and thus no longer "reclusion" per se), however, exemplary eremitism often was no more than "an elaborate demonstration of lofty personal ideals designed to attract the world's attention" (p. 139). During the Six Dynasties, due to applicability and expedience in gaining official recognition and recommendation, we see many examples of the deterioration of exemplary eremitism into self-conscious, goal-oriented exhibitionism.

Textual authority derived from non-Confucian attitudes, in particular as expressed in the works attributed to Laozi and Zhuangzi, also provided some potential officials with justification for not serving any ruler at any time. "Zhuangzi ... aside from Confucius is the single most important figure in the history of Chinese eremitism." For Zhuangzi, "eremitism, properly understood, was the highest ideal to which a man can aspire" (pp. 55-56). Yet Vervoorn's treatment of the writings of Zhuangzi is somewhat perplexing. He expounds the ostensibly true purport of the (original) "Inner Chapters," which in his view do not advocate physical withdrawal: "hiding ... takes place within society rather than outside it .... The best way to hide ... is to be completely anonymous.... To be a hermit in Zhuangzi's sense is to be completely unknown.... Unfettered wandering ... is to be understood above all as an affair of the mind" (pp. 58-63). This may be true, and certainly contributed to the rationale behind "hiding at court" [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (see below), but Vervoorn cuts his discussion short, saying, "The outer and miscellaneous chapters of Zhuangzi ... contain a considerable amount of material relating to eremitism which cannot be examined in detail here" (p. 64). But it is precisely these chapters that contribute substantively to the portrayal of reclusion in later centuries, and Vervoorn's scant reference to them in his following discussions does not give them their due. He credits to the Laozi the influence during the Han and later times of the doctrines of selflessness and desirelessness, simplicity and quietude ("developed in the Laozi in relation to the ruler only"), but it is hard to accept his claim that "it was the Laozi rather than the Zhuangzi that became the most important source of such doctrines for any would-be hermits of later periods" (p. 67). Writings dealing with the topic of reclusion in later periods, and especially accounts of men in reclusion, do not seem to bear this out.

In treating the Han period, Vervoorn mentions Daoism all too briefly. He states that Huang-Lao Daoism ("the Daoism of the Han period") "did not necessarily lead to withdrawal from public life, but ... neither did Confucianism necessarily lead to political participation" (p. 88; see also p. 236). This is absolutely true, but he tells us virtually nothing about the influence of Daoism on reclusion (except briefly in terms of a few examples of the Later Han; see pp. 184-89). Daoism's influence on reclusion during the Han would seem to be a good topic for further reflection.(7) Vervoorn has a lengthy note on Daoism (pp. 268-69, n. 31), replete with bibliographic references and containing a reference list to twenty-four "figures from the Former Han referred to as students of the teachings of Huang-Lao or described in ways which indicate they were advocates of those teachings." It may be significant that five of these figures merited accounts in the Gaoshi zhuan of either Huangfu Mi [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (215-82) or Xi Kang [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (223-62). Vervoorn later briefly discusses two of these five figures, in the context of being "eremitic advisors" (p. 102).

Vervoorn devotes a lengthy ds for the increase in the amount of information recorded about hermits from this time on, as well as the apparent increase in the number of hermits themselves" (p. 233). Thus exemplary eremitism was functional as well as abstract, and became a prevailing ideal of model conduct among most of the educated community. As a recognized route to officialdom (and thus no longer "reclusion" per se), however, exemplary eremitism often was no more than "an elaborate demonstration of lofty personal ideals designed to attract the world's attention" (p. 139). During the Six Dynasties, due to applicability and expedience in gaining official recognition and recommendation, we see many examples of the deterioration of exemplary eremitism into self-conscious, goal-oriented exhibitionism.

Textual authority derived from non-Confucian attitudes, in particular as expressed in the works attributed to Laozi and Zhuangzi, also provided some potential officials with justification for not serving any ruler at any time. "Zhuangzi ... aside from Confucius is the single most important figure in the history of Chinese eremitism." For Zhuangzi, "eremitism, properly understood, was the highest ideal to which a man can aspire" (pp. 55-56). Yet Vervoorn's treatment of the writings of Zhuangzi is somewhat perplexing. He expounds the ostensibly true purport of the (original) "Inner Chapters," which in his view do not advocate physical withdrawal: "hiding ... takes place within society rather than outside it .... The best way to hide ... is to be completely anonymous.... To be a hermit in Zhuangzi's sense is to be completely unknown.... Unfettered wandering ... is to be understood above all as an affair of the mind" (pp. 58-63). This may be true, and certainly contributed to the rationale behind "hiding at court" [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (see below), but Vervoorn cuts his discussion short, saying, "The outer and miscellaneous chapters of Zhuangzi ... contain a considerable amount of material relating to eremitism which cannot be examined in detail here" (p. 64). But it is precisely these chapters that contribute substantively to the portrayal of reclusion in later centuries, and Vervoorn's scant reference to them in his following discussions does not give them their due. He credits to the Laozi the influence during the Han and later times of the doctrines of selflessness and desirelessness, simplicity and quietude ("developed in the Laozi in relation to the ruler only"), but it is hard to accept his claim that "it was the Laozi rather than the Zhuangzi that became the most important source of such doctrines for any would-be hermits of later periods" (p. 67). Writings dealing with the topic of reclusion in later periods, and especially accounts of men in reclusion, do not seem to bear this out.

In treating the Han period, Vervoorn mentions Daoism all too briefly. He states that Huang-Lao Daoism ("the Daoism of the Han period") "did not necessarily lead to withdrawal from public life, but ... neither did Confucianism necessarily lead to political participation" (p. 88; see also p. 236). This is absolutely true, but he tells us virtually nothing about the influence of Daoism on reclusion (except briefly in terms of a few examples of the Later Han; see pp. 184-89). Daoism's influence on reclusion during the Han would seem to be a good topic for further reflection.(7) Vervoorn has a lengthy note on Daoism (pp. 268-69, n. 31), replete with bibliographic references and containing a reference list to twenty-four "figures from the Former Han referred to as students of the teachings of Huang-Lao or described in ways which indicate they were advocates of those teachings." It may be significant that five of these figures merited accounts in the Gaoshi zhuan of either Huangfu Mi [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (215-82) or Xi Kang [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (223-62). Vervoorn later briefly discusses two of these five figures, in the context of being "eremitic advisors" (p. 102).

Vervoorn devotes a lengthy dting only fifty years after Wang Mang's "usurpation" and his subsequent overthrow resulting in the reinstitution of "legitimate" rule. Centuries later, some scholar-officials also saw Gong Sheng's retirement in terms of professedly "Confucian" loyalty to a fallen dynasty: righteous adherence to ethical principles in refusing to serve - and thus sanction - a new dynasty.

Gong Sheng was a retiring official, his moral resolve notwithstanding, but his conduct has had a role in the "eremitic tradition." According to Vervoorn, Gong Sheng "actually embodies [the] shift from the exemplary but rather theoretical Confucian eremitism of the last part of the Former Han to the equally exemplary but deadly serious Confucian eremitism of the Wang Mang period and its aftermath" (p. 125). This may be true, but Gong Sheng was not by any means a "hermit."

Wang Mang enticed and pressured Gong Sheng to acquiesce to an official summons to the capital for the formalities of imperial audience and public acceptance of office under the new rule, but he did not threaten or coerce him. This seems to be characteristic of Wang Mang's general treatment of recalcitrant former civil officials. Rao Zongyi [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] has compiled notices of 131 persons who denied Wang Mang their cooperation, and an examination of these accounts shows that, with few exceptions, only those who opposed Wang by force were dealt with by force."(11)

Vervoorn's discussion of persons known to have refused office under Wang Mang (pp. 131-36) is based almost entirely on one category of Rao's compilation (i.e., "those pure and principled scholars who did not serve Wang Mang"). Vervoorn astutely divides the names into "those who refused to take office under Guangwu as well as under Wang Mang" (seventeen in all); those "who refused to have anything to do with the latter but eagerly took office under the former" (twenty-five names); and "those about whom little more is known than that they refused to serve under Wang Mang" (thirty-seven names, including those who died before Guangwu gained control of the empire). He excludes three of the names from Rao's list, reasoning that they had died before Wang Mang took the throne, and raises doubts about two more for lack of explicit references to their refusal to Wang Mang; and he adds two others.(12) inexplicably he leaves out Peng Xuan [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED!, whose retirement did not please Wang Mang even while he sanctioned it, and Wang Chong [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] who replaced Peng for a short time before retiring himself; both Peng and Wang were included in Rao's study. To the lists of Rao and Vervoorn can be added at least another seventeen names, and the brief notices of these men bear out the generalization that under Wang Mang, civil servants who withdrew but did not oppose Wang with force were not met with by force.(13)

While Wang Mang sought sanction of his rule by calling back withdrawn and retired former officials, he also gave imperial sanction to bona fide men in reclusion. Wang was approving of Xue Fang's [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] reasoning not to take office: "Yao and Shun occupied the high position, Chaofu and Xuyou the low. Now that our brilliant sovereign's virtue exceeds that of Tang (Yao) and Yu (Shun), this paltry subject wishes to retain his purity in the manner of [Xuyou of] Jishan."(14) Reasoning such as that of Xue Fang was later brought forward equally by men in reclusion and by their rulers (especially by the first Later Han emperor, Guangwu). The former found in it a patent justification from great antiquity, the latter a demonstration of their imperial virtue. The account of Xue Fang is central to the development of the practice of reclusion and its sanction by imperial authority. The account of Gong Sheng is important in the development of scholar-official attitudes about principled retirement and occasional withdrawal.

Vervoorn's treatment of the Later Han is less theoretical than that of earlier periods, correspondinting only fifty years after Wang Mang's "usurpation" and his subsequent overthrow resulting in the reinstitution of "legitimate" rule. Centuries later, some scholar-officials also saw Gong Sheng's retirement in terms of professedly "Confucian" loyalty to a fallen dynasty: righteous adherence to ethical principles in refusing to serve - and thus sanction - a new dynasty.

Gong Sheng was a retiring official, his moral resolve notwithstanding, but his conduct has had a role in the "eremitic tradition." According to Vervoorn, Gong Sheng "actually embodies [the] shift from the exemplary but rather theoretical Confucian eremitism of the last part of the Former Han to the equally exemplary but deadly serious Confucian eremitism of the Wang Mang period and its aftermath" (p. 125). This may be true, but Gong Sheng was not by any means a "hermit."

Wang Mang enticed and pressured Gong Sheng to acquiesce to an official summons to the capital for the formalities of imperial audience and public acceptance of office under the new rule, but he did not threaten or coerce him. This seems to be characteristic of Wang Mang's general treatment of recalcitrant former civil officials. Rao Zongyi [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] has compiled notices of 131 persons who denied Wang Mang their cooperation, and an examination of these accounts shows that, with few exceptions, only those who opposed Wang by force were dealt with by force."(11)

Vervoorn's discussion of persons known to have refused office under Wang Mang (pp. 131-36) is based almost entirely on one category of Rao's compilation (i.e., "those pure and principled scholars who did not serve Wang Mang"). Vervoorn astutely divides the names into "those who refused to take office under Guangwu as well as under Wang Mang" (seventeen in all); those "who refused to have anything to do with the latter but eagerly took office under the former" (twenty-five names); and "those about whom little more is known than that they refused to serve under Wang Mang" (thirty-seven names, including those who died before Guangwu gained control of the empire). He excludes three of the names from Rao's list, reasoning that they had died before Wang Mang took the throne, and raises doubts about two more for lack of explicit references to their refusal to Wang Mang; and he adds two others.(12) inexplicably he leaves out Peng Xuan [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED!, whose retirement did not please Wang Mang even while he sanctioned it, and Wang Chong [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] who replaced Peng for a short time before retiring himself; both Peng and Wang were included in Rao's study. To the lists of Rao and Vervoorn can be added at least another seventeen names, and the brief notices of these men bear out the generalization that under Wang Mang, civil servants who withdrew but did not oppose Wang with force were not met with by force.(13)

While Wang Mang sought sanction of his rule by calling back withdrawn and retired former officials, he also gave imperial sanction to bona fide men in reclusion. Wang was approving of Xue Fang's [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] reasoning not to take office: "Yao and Shun occupied the high position, Chaofu and Xuyou the low. Now that our brilliant sovereign's virtue exceeds that of Tang (Yao) and Yu (Shun), this paltry subject wishes to retain his purity in the manner of [Xuyou of] Jishan."(14) Reasoning such as that of Xue Fang was later brought forward equally by men in reclusion and by their rulers (especially by the first Later Han emperor, Guangwu). The former found in it a patent justification from great antiquity, the latter a demonstration of their imperial virtue. The account of Xue Fang is central to the development of the practice of reclusion and its sanction by imperial authority. The account of Gong Sheng is important in the development of scholar-official attitudes about principled retirement and occasional withdrawal.

Vervoorn's treatment of the Later Han is less theoretical than that of earlier periods, correspondins, especially of the Later Han, espoused and practiced the role of the "salaried hermit," where one might remain true to one's "eremitic" ideals (such as inconspicuousness and/or detachment from worldly things) without the renunciation of a role in officialdom which those ideals ordinarily precluded.

Donfang Shuo may not have taken the idea seriously, but, according to Vervoorn, others did. Vervoorn discusses Yang Xiong at length, for Yang's example was the most influential: "It was in no small measure due to the deep respect leading intellectuals of the Later Han felt for Yang Xiong that the idea of eremitism at court gained some currency during that period" (p. 216). According to Vervoorn, "Yang Xiong marries the ideas of Confucius and Zhuangzi. In adverse times the sage does not retire ostentatiously to the wilderness; he remains inconspicuously among the people, where through his teaching and personal example he continues to work for the transformation of the world" (p. 21 1). Yang may have interpreted his own position in the light of these principles, but he did not publicly acknowledge himself as a "hermit at court"; indeed, "he criticized the idea of being a salaried hermit precisely because that was how he regarded himself " (p. 21 1, Vervoorn's italics).

As evinced in Vervoorn's discussion, one sign of being a "hermit at court" would seem to be contentment with, or at least offering a justification of, a rather lowly position; Yang Xiong, as Dongfang Shuo before him and a number of scholar-officials after him, wrote a composition on this theme. Yang's composition, as well as his intellectual achievements and his lifestyle, influenced among others Zhang Heng ulm 78-139) who, while "undoubtedly the most important example of a Later Han scholar taking up the idea of eremitism at court," was "not as serious as Yang Xiong about being a hermit at court" (p. 216).(20) In fact, it would seem that many of the men in this section do not exemplify the ideal of "eremitism at court," at least for long; many voiced or acted the role only as long as it was convenient. "Eremitism at court" was eremitism in the mind, so, as might be expected, the resolve characteristic of substantive reclusion is everywhere lacking. The so-called "eremitism" of the "hermits at court" Zhang Heng, Ma Rong, and their circle can be contrasted with that of Wang Fu T n (ca. 80-ca. 165). Wang Fu was anything but a "hermit at court," for he was a man in reclusion: he firmly adopted the position with which his friends merely flirted" (p. 218).

While "eremitism at court" is not properly within the realm of reclusion, its fitting investigation is perfectly within the scope of "the Chinese eremitic tradition," in Vervoorn's terminology. Vervoorn's treatments of this rationale and of "exemplary eremitism," as well as of many other topics, clearly show the true scope of his work: a comprehensive study through the end of the Han dynasty of the development of intellectual and political views of the scholar-official class concerning the issue of service vis-a-vis reclusion, retirement, and withdrawal. (1) While yinyi usually is used as a blanket term for reclusion, Shen Yue [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (441-513) carefully distinguishes men in reclusion as being either yin ("in reclusion") or yi ("disengaged"); see his discriminating essay which prefaces his "Accounts of Reclusion and Disengagement" [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED], ed. Shen Yue, Song shu [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), 93.2275-76. See also Kaguraoka Masatoshi [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED], "In to itsu: Rongo o toshite" [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED], in Mori Mikisaburo hakushi shoju kinen: Toyogaku ronshu [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED! (Kyoto: Hoyu shoten, 1979), 145-60. (2) Without too much quibbling, I would suggest that "disengaged persons" might be appropriate for yimin, because of the breadth of connotations in both Chinese and English (see also Shen Yue's discussion referred to above), while "scholar-at-home" might be a sus, especially of the Later Han, espoused and practiced the role of the "salaried hermit," where one might remain true to one's "eremitic" ideals (such as inconspicuousness and/or detachment from worldly things) without the renunciation of a role in officialdom which those ideals ordinarily precluded.

Donfang Shuo may not have taken the idea seriously, but, according to Vervoorn, others did. Vervoorn discusses Yang Xiong at length, for Yang's example was the most influential: "It was in no small measure due to the deep respect leading intellectuals of the Later Han felt for Yang Xiong that the idea of eremitism at court gained some currency during that period" (p. 216). According to Vervoorn, "Yang Xiong marries the ideas of Confucius and Zhuangzi. In adverse times the sage does not retire ostentatiously to the wilderness; he remains inconspicuously among the people, where through his teaching and personal example he continues to work for the transformation of the world" (p. 21 1). Yang may have interpreted his own position in the light of these principles, but he did not publicly acknowledge himself as a "hermit at court"; indeed, "he criticized the idea of being a salaried hermit precisely because that was how he regarded himself " (p. 21 1, Vervoorn's italics).

As evinced in Vervoorn's discussion, one sign of being a "hermit at court" would seem to be contentment with, or at least offering a justification of, a rather lowly position; Yang Xiong, as Dongfang Shuo before him and a number of scholar-officials after him, wrote a composition on this theme. Yang's composition, as well as his intellectual achievements and his lifestyle, influenced among others Zhang Heng ulm 78-139) who, while "undoubtedly the most important example of a Later Han scholar taking up the idea of eremitism at court," was "not as serious as Yang Xiong about being a hermit at court" (p. 216).(20) In fact, it would seem that many of the men in this section do not exemplify the ideal of "eremitism at court," at least for long; many voiced or acted the role only as long as it was convenient. "Eremitism at court" was eremitism in the mind, so, as might be expected, the resolve characteristic of substantive reclusion is everywhere lacking. The so-called "eremitism" of the "hermits at court" Zhang Heng, Ma Rong, and their circle can be contrasted with that of Wang Fu T n (ca. 80-ca. 165). Wang Fu was anything but a "hermit at court," for he was a man in reclusion: he firmly adopted the position with which his friends merely flirted" (p. 218).

While "eremitism at court" is not properly within the realm of reclusion, its fitting investigation is perfectly within the scope of "the Chinese eremitic tradition," in Vervoorn's terminology. Vervoorn's treatments of this rationale and of "exemplary eremitism," as well as of many other topics, clearly show the true scope of his work: a comprehensive study through the end of the Han dynasty of the development of intellectual and political views of the scholar-official class concerning the issue of service vis-a-vis reclusion, retirement, and withdrawal. (1) While yinyi usually is used as a blanket term for reclusion, Shen Yue [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (441-513) carefully distinguishes men in reclusion as being either yin ("in reclusion") or yi ("disengaged"); see his discriminating essay which prefaces his "Accounts of Reclusion and Disengagement" [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED], ed. Shen Yue, Song shu [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), 93.2275-76. See also Kaguraoka Masatoshi [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED], "In to itsu: Rongo o toshite" [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED], in Mori Mikisaburo hakushi shoju kinen: Toyogaku ronshu [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED! (Kyoto: Hoyu shoten, 1979), 145-60. (2) Without too much quibbling, I would suggest that "disengaged persons" might be appropriate for yimin, because of the breadth of connotations in both Chinese and English (see also Shen Yue's discussion referred to above), while "scholar-at-home" might be a sutellectuals of that period" (p. 236). In a note to his chapter on the Warring States period (p. 257, n. 96), he mentions a theory that Daoist teachings of that period are owed to "hermits as a group," which he discounts. (8) Ban Gu [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (32-92), comp., Han shu [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED! (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962), 72.3084-85. (9) Gong Sheng's extraordinary act was presaged by a similar act on the part of a certain Yu Jun [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] not mentioned by Vervoorn. After holding high offices during the reign of Emperor Ai (reg. 7-1 B.C.E.), when appointed Minister of Education under Wang Mang's regency, "Jun looked up to heaven and sighed, `it is my wish to be a Han ghost; I am unable to serve two different patronymics (i.e., two rulers).' He drank poison and died. When Guangwu ascended the throne, he decorated Jun's grave." See Zhang Shu [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (jinshi 1799), " Shu Quan Xieshan `Xi Han jieyi zhuan tici' hou" [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] in Yangsutang wenji [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (Wuwei: Zaohua shuwu cangban, n.d.; preface dated 1837), 21.6a. The account of Yu Jun comes originally from the Hou Han shu [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] of Xie Cheng [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (fl. early 3rd c.), but no longer is found in remnants of that work. See also Liao Yongxian [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (fl. 1617-1666) et al., eds., Shangyou lu [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED! (n.p., preface dated 1666), 2.17b, where the account appears without attribution. (10) Han shu 72.3097, referring to Lun yu 8.13. (11)See "Xi Han jieyi zhuan" [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED], Xin Ya xuebao [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] 1.1 (1955): 157-208. This is a supplement to the "Xi Han jieyi zhuan" of Li Yesi [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (1622-80), himself a Ming loyalist who declined service to a new dynasty, and some additions to that work by Quan Zuwang [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (1705-55). Rao divides the notices into four categories: "loyal and forthright shi [+ or -] who were dissatisfied with Wang Mang's grasping of power" (five names); "those punished or executed by Wang Mang" (twenty names); "those who raised forces against Wang Mang and died for their convictions" (twenty-six names); and "those pure and principled scholars who did not serve Wang Mang" (two divisions, eighty names). (12) See especially Vervoorn's helpful finding lists on pp. 280-83, nn. 165, 169, and 180. The three excluded names are Zhuang Zun, Zheng Pu, and Gong She. The two uncertain entries are Zhang Zhongwei and Han Shun. The additions are Kong Fen and Yan (Zhuang) Guang. Vervoorn's lists contain several errors: 1: Guo Xianbo [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] should be corrected to Guo Jian [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] see Chang Qu [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (4th c.), Huayang guo zhi [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (Liu Lin [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] ed., Huayang guo zhi jiaozhu [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] a [Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1984!), 12.936 and 939, n. 5. Hou Han shu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962), 26.908 mispunctuates the relevant passage; it should read: [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED], 2: Li Rong [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] should be corrected to [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED!. 3: Man Rong [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] should be corrected to Bing [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED! Manrong (correct the Name Index as well), being Bing Dan [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED!, whose fame exceeded even that of his famous uncle Bing Han; see Han shu 88.3598. Vervoorn later mentions Man Rong (sic) again as a "rather obscure figure" (p. 215). (13) Fourteen notices appear in another supplement to Li Yesi's compilation, apparently unknown to either Rao or Vervoorn: the "Shu Quan Xieshan `Xi Han jieyi zhuan tici' hou" of Zhang Shu (noted above), 21.3a-9b. The names are: Yao Meng [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] Li Shaogong [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED]; Peng Zhen [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (or [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED], also known as Wang [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] Zhen); Yu Jun [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED!; Wang Tan [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] Liu Xiong [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED]; Ying Yuli [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED!; Qian Rang [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED]; Qian Lin [tellectuals of that period" (p. 236). In a note to his chapter on the Warring States period (p. 257, n. 96), he mentions a theory that Daoist teachings of that period are owed to "hermits as a group," which he discounts. (8) Ban Gu [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (32-92), comp., Han shu [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED! (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962), 72.3084-85. (9) Gong Sheng's extraordinary act was presaged by a similar act on the part of a certain Yu Jun [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] not mentioned by Vervoorn. After holding high offices during the reign of Emperor Ai (reg. 7-1 B.C.E.), when appointed Minister of Education under Wang Mang's regency, "Jun looked up to heaven and sighed, `it is my wish to be a Han ghost; I am unable to serve two different patronymics (i.e., two rulers).' He drank poison and died. When Guangwu ascended the throne, he decorated Jun's grave." See Zhang Shu [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (jinshi 1799), " Shu Quan Xieshan `Xi Han jieyi zhuan tici' hou" [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] in Yangsutang wenji [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (Wuwei: Zaohua shuwu cangban, n.d.; preface dated 1837), 21.6a. The account of Yu Jun comes originally from the Hou Han shu [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] of Xie Cheng [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (fl. early 3rd c.), but no longer is found in remnants of that work. See also Liao Yongxian [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (fl. 1617-1666) et al., eds., Shangyou lu [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED! (n.p., preface dated 1666), 2.17b, where the account appears without attribution. (10) Han shu 72.3097, referring to Lun yu 8.13. (11)See "Xi Han jieyi zhuan" [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED], Xin Ya xuebao [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] 1.1 (1955): 157-208. This is a supplement to the "Xi Han jieyi zhuan" of Li Yesi [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (1622-80), himself a Ming loyalist who declined service to a new dynasty, and some additions to that work by Quan Zuwang [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (1705-55). Rao divides the notices into four categories: "loyal and forthright shi [+ or -] who were dissatisfied with Wang Mang's grasping of power" (five names); "those punished or executed by Wang Mang" (twenty names); "those who raised forces against Wang Mang and died for their convictions" (twenty-six names); and "those pure and principled scholars who did not serve Wang Mang" (two divisions, eighty names). (12) See especially Vervoorn's helpful finding lists on pp. 280-83, nn. 165, 169, and 180. The three excluded names are Zhuang Zun, Zheng Pu, and Gong She. The two uncertain entries are Zhang Zhongwei and Han Shun. The additions are Kong Fen and Yan (Zhuang) Guang. Vervoorn's lists contain several errors: 1: Guo Xianbo [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] should be corrected to Guo Jian [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] see Chang Qu [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (4th c.), Huayang guo zhi [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (Liu Lin [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] ed., Huayang guo zhi jiaozhu [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] a [Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1984!), 12.936 and 939, n. 5. Hou Han shu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962), 26.908 mispunctuates the relevant passage; it should read: [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED], 2: Li Rong [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] should be corrected to [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED!. 3: Man Rong [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] should be corrected to Bing [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED! Manrong (correct the Name Index as well), being Bing Dan [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED!, whose fame exceeded even that of his famous uncle Bing Han; see Han shu 88.3598. Vervoorn later mentions Man Rong (sic) again as a "rather obscure figure" (p. 215). (13) Fourteen notices appear in another supplement to Li Yesi's compilation, apparently unknown to either Rao or Vervoorn: the "Shu Quan Xieshan `Xi Han jieyi zhuan tici' hou" of Zhang Shu (noted above), 21.3a-9b. The names are: Yao Meng [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] Li Shaogong [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED]; Peng Zhen [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] (or [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED], also known as Wang [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] Zhen); Yu Jun [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED!; Wang Tan [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED] Liu Xiong [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED]; Ying Yuli [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED!; Qian Rang [UNKNOWN TEXT OMITTED]; Qian Lin [421 2132LUZ585LCG1

In 1926 L. Carrington Goodrich began at Columbia University his graduate studies in Chinese history and soon joined the American Oriental Society. For the next sixty years he was a member of the Society and he promoted the study of Chinese history and the scholarly profession in a variety of ways.(1) This article is but an indication of one of the ways, concentrating on his research and publications spanning six decades.(2)

His interests in Chinese history were widespread, and it is difficult to note areas in which he did not involve himself, either directly or through his colleagues and students. While he did no research in the very early eras, for example, he was fascinated with archaeology in China. I recall my personal pleasure in pulling the paper tab to open the weekly Illustrated London News, which he received at home and which provided him the most recent reports of much in the field of archaeology. (We probably received it at home so that his wife could review news of Biblical archaeology, the kids could look at the pictures, and he could keep up with cricket, which he had played at his British boarding school in Cheefoo, Shantung Province.) For about thirty years after the Communist assumption of power, he was not interested in returning to China, but when in 1981 a tour of the new digs of old archaeological sites was announced, aged 86, he signed up right away, and he and his wife went off for his final trip to the land of his birth and the burial place of his parents and other members of his family. It was a very successful trip.

His three best known works(3) span his career and are indicative of his interests and abilities in that they are so different in purpose and type. The Literary Inquisition of Ch'ien-lung (1935) resulted from his dissertation, and John Fairbank wrote that it "alone made him the risen star of American China studies, and there was much more to come over the next forty years"(4) (actually over fifty years). A Short History of the Chinese People (1943) originally was conceived to be one of a set of three short histories: India, Japan, and China. His was the only one completed, and it is dedicated to Robert K. Reischauer - "first American casualty in the Second World War" - who was to have written the book on Japan but was killed in Shanghai during a Japanese air raid. At its publication Hu Shih called it "the best history of China ever published in any European language."(5) For many students and other readers in the United States and elsewhere it was their first introduction to Chinese history, and it remained in print for about a quarter of a century. The third major work, The Ming Biographical Dictionary, will be a primary reference for much longer than a quarter century. Goodrich not only helped to initiate this project and raised money for it, he also edited the work meticulously and wrote many of the articles himself (and also rewrote many of the other contributions). The Institut de France's Academie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres granted the book the Stanislas Julien Award as the best publication in Sinology for 1976; this pleased him very much.(6)

Gathering and sharing information were important to Prof. Goodrich. Research and the ensuing articles and books were one approach, another was writing reviews in which he would put forth information not otherwise easily available, and yet another was writing letters to authors, students, and friends raising issues, adding or correcting specifics, even correcting spelling.(7) During the Depression of the 1930s with its very tight budget restraints, he was able to help make the East Asian Library at Columbia University one of the leading sinological collections in the United States, and it was fitting that his office as chairman of the Department of Chinese and Japanese Studies, shared with C. C. Wang, was connected to the wonderful space in Low Library that then housed the library. In addition he had a small study high in Butler Lib421 2132LUZ585LCG1

In 1926 L. Carrington Goodrich began at Columbia University his graduate studies in Chinese history and soon joined the American Oriental Society. For the next sixty years he was a member of the Society and he promoted the study of Chinese history and the scholarly profession in a variety of ways.(1) This article is but an indication of one of the ways, concentrating on his research and publications spanning six decades.(2)

His interests in Chinese history were widespread, and it is difficult to note areas in which he did not involve himself, either directly or through his colleagues and students. While he did no research in the very early eras, for example, he was fascinated with archaeology in China. I recall my personal pleasure in pulling the paper tab to open the weekly Illustrated London News, which he received at home and which provided him the most recent reports of much in the field of archaeology. (We probably received it at home so that his wife could review news of Biblical archaeology, the kids could look at the pictures, and he could keep up with cricket, which he had played at his British boarding school in Cheefoo, Shantung Province.) For about thirty years after the Communist assumption of power, he was not interested in returning to China, but when in 1981 a tour of the new digs of old archaeological sites was announced, aged 86, he signed up right away, and he and his wife went off for his final trip to the land of his birth and the burial place of his parents and other members of his family. It was a very successful trip.

His three best known works(3) span his career and are indicative of his interests and abilities in that they are so different in purpose and type. The Literary Inquisition of Ch'ien-lung (1935) resulted from his dissertation, and John Fairbank wrote that it "alone made him the risen star of American China studies, and there was much more to come over the next forty years"(4) (actually over fifty years). A Short History of the Chinese People (1943) originally was conceived to be one of a set of three short histories: India, Japan, and China. His was the only one completed, and it is dedicated to Robert K. Reischauer - "first American casualty in the Second World War" - who was to have written the book on Japan but was killed in Shanghai during a Japanese air raid. At its publication Hu Shih called it "the best history of China ever published in any European language."(5) For many students and other readers in the United States and elsewhere it was their first introduction to Chinese history, and it remained in print for about a quarter of a century. The third major work, The Ming Biographical Dictionary, will be a primary reference for much longer than a quarter century. Goodrich not only helped to initiate this project and raised money for it, he also edited the work meticulously and wrote many of the articles himself (and also rewrote many of the other contributions). The Institut de France's Academie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres granted the book the Stanislas Julien Award as the best publication in Sinology for 1976; this pleased him very much.(6)

Gathering and sharing information were important to Prof. Goodrich. Research and the ensuing articles and books were one approach, another was writing reviews in which he would put forth information not otherwise easily available, and yet another was writing letters to authors, students, and friends raising issues, adding or correcting specifics, even correcting spelling.(7) During the Depression of the 1930s with its very tight budget restraints, he was able to help make the East Asian Library at Columbia University one of the leading sinological collections in the United States, and it was fitting that his office as chairman of the Department of Chinese and Japanese Studies, shared with C. C. Wang, was connected to the wonderful space in Low Library that then housed the library. In addition he had a small study high in Butler Liby cited is his revision of Thomas F. Carter, The Invention of Printing and Its Spread Westward (1955), that he did in memory of his mentor at Columbia. I recall him saying how he had altered his own writing style to blend in with that of Carter. There is so much revision and additional material that it is usually considered a joint effort. (4) John King Fairbank, Chinabound: A Fifty-year Memoir (New York: Harper & Row, 1984), 135. (5) Pacific Affairs 17 (1944): 225. Hu Shih, in another context, declared that the work of Goodrich's father, Chauncy Goodrich (1836-1925), was influential in increasing the prestige of vernacular Chinese. In the latter's pocket dictionary, translation of the Bible, and hymnology he consistently emphasized the spoken over the "classical" language. (6) One project that did not come to pass was a study of the chin shih of the Ming Dynasty. During his two years in Beijing (1930-32) working on his dissertation, Goodrich collected a great deal of material on the subject, which he put aside to work on during his retirement thirty years later at 65. Actually, he did not return to it till he was 82. For about three years he carefully sorted and studied the records, developing generalizations, assuming from his knowledge of the bibliography on the Ming period that no one else was working on the subject. Then, unexpectedly, a two-volume study on the subject appeared in China. I can remember Dad getting a package containing a copy of this work, taking it up to his third-floor study, and slowly descending an hour later to report that it was a fine monograph. See his review of Chu Pao-chiung and Hsieh P'ei-lin, Ming-ch'ing chin-shih t'i-ming pei-lu so-yin, Ming Studies 11 (1980): 46-47. (7) How I remember the correction of my letters home from camp, the army, Turkey, and elsewhere! I most remember the correction of the word "millennium." Leaving out one "n" changes the meaning, he said, to "a thousand anus, a creature even more awesome than the hydraheaded monster faced by Hercules." (8) When the children had grown up, he went farther afield and attended a number of the triennial gatherings of the International Congress of Orientalists and left home longer on Fulbright scholarships in Santiniketan, India (1953-54) and in Australia (1960-61), and also as the first Danforth Professor at International Christian University in Tokyo (1961-62). BIBLIOGRAPHY OF L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH

Abbreviations

FEQ Far Eastern Quarterly HJAS Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies JAOS

Journal of the American Oriental

Society JAS Journal of Asian Studies JHKBRAS Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of

the Royal Asiatic Society PA Pacific Affairs

I. Books and Monographs

(1.) American Catholic Missions in China. M.A. thesis Columbia University. Peking: Express Press, 1927. Pp. 46. (2.) China's First Knowledge of the Americas. Peking: College of Chinese Studies, 1938. Pp. 18. (3.) A Syllabus of the History of Chinese Civilization and Culture (with H. C. Fenn). New York: China Society of America, 1929. Pp. 51. (2nd ed., 1934; 3rd ed., 1941; 4th ed., 1947; 5th ed., 1950; 6th ed., 1958.) (4.) The Literary Inquisition of Ch'ien-lung. American Council of Learned Societies: Studies in Chinese and Related Civilizations, no. 1. Baltimore: Waverly Press, 1935. Pp. 275. (2nd ed., with addenda and corrigenda, New York: Paragon Book Reprint Corp., 1966.) (5.) A Short History of the Chinese People. New York: Harper, 1943. Pp. 260 (rev. ed., 1951; 3rd ed., 1959; 4th ed., 1969); London: George Allen & Unwin, 1948; 2nd ed., 1957; 3rd revised ed., with final chapter by W. A. C. Adie, 1969. (Spanish translation, Historia del Pueblo Chino, 1950; 2nd ed., 1954; 3rd ed., 1966; Swedish translation by Sven Mogard, Kinas Historia, 1961; 2nd ed., 1968; Thai translation by Sulak Sivarakso, Prawattis at Chin, 2511/1968.) (6.) History of China: A Self-teaching Course, Based on "A Short History of the Chinese People. " The United Sty cited is his revision of Thomas F. Carter, The Invention of Printing and Its Spread Westward (1955), that he did in memory of his mentor at Columbia. I recall him saying how he had altered his own writing style to blend in with that of Carter. There is so much revision and additional material that it is usually considered a joint effort. (4) John King Fairbank, Chinabound: A Fifty-year Memoir (New York: Harper & Row, 1984), 135. (5) Pacific Affairs 17 (1944): 225. Hu Shih, in another context, declared that the work of Goodrich's father, Chauncy Goodrich (1836-1925), was influential in increasing the prestige of vernacular Chinese. In the latter's pocket dictionary, translation of the Bible, and hymnology he consistently emphasized the spoken over the "classical" language. (6) One project that did not come to pass was a study of the chin shih of the Ming Dynasty. During his two years in Beijing (1930-32) working on his dissertation, Goodrich collected a great deal of material on the subject, which he put aside to work on during his retirement thirty years later at 65. Actually, he did not return to it till he was 82. For about three years he carefully sorted and studied the records, developing generalizations, assuming from his knowledge of the bibliography on the Ming period that no one else was working on the subject. Then, unexpectedly, a two-volume study on the subject appeared in China. I can remember Dad getting a package containing a copy of this work, taking it up to his third-floor study, and slowly descending an hour later to report that it was a fine monograph. See his review of Chu Pao-chiung and Hsieh P'ei-lin, Ming-ch'ing chin-shih t'i-ming pei-lu so-yin, Ming Studies 11 (1980): 46-47. (7) How I remember the correction of my letters home from camp, the army, Turkey, and elsewhere! I most remember the correction of the word "millennium." Leaving out one "n" changes the meaning, he said, to "a thousand anus, a creature even more awesome than the hydraheaded monster faced by Hercules." (8) When the children had grown up, he went farther afield and attended a number of the triennial gatherings of the International Congress of Orientalists and left home longer on Fulbright scholarships in Santiniketan, India (1953-54) and in Australia (1960-61), and also as the first Danforth Professor at International Christian University in Tokyo (1961-62). BIBLIOGRAPHY OF L. CARRINGTON GOODRICH

Abbreviations

FEQ Far Eastern Quarterly HJAS Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies JAOS

Journal of the American Oriental

Society JAS Journal of Asian Studies JHKBRAS Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of

the Royal Asiatic Society PA Pacific Affairs

I. Books and Monographs

(1.) American Catholic Missions in China. M.A. thesis Columbia University. Peking: Express Press, 1927. Pp. 46. (2.) China's First Knowledge of the Americas. Peking: College of Chinese Studies, 1938. Pp. 18. (3.) A Syllabus of the History of Chinese Civilization and Culture (with H. C. Fenn). New York: China Society of America, 1929. Pp. 51. (2nd ed., 1934; 3rd ed., 1941; 4th ed., 1947; 5th ed., 1950; 6th ed., 1958.) (4.) The Literary Inquisition of Ch'ien-lung. American Council of Learned Societies: Studies in Chinese and Related Civilizations, no. 1. Baltimore: Waverly Press, 1935. Pp. 275. (2nd ed., with addenda and corrigenda, New York: Paragon Book Reprint Corp., 1966.) (5.) A Short History of the Chinese People. New York: Harper, 1943. Pp. 260 (rev. ed., 1951; 3rd ed., 1959; 4th ed., 1969); London: George Allen & Unwin, 1948; 2nd ed., 1957; 3rd revised ed., with final chapter by W. A. C. Adie, 1969. (Spanish translation, Historia del Pueblo Chino, 1950; 2nd ed., 1954; 3rd ed., 1966; Swedish translation by Sven Mogard, Kinas Historia, 1961; 2nd ed., 1968; Thai translation by Sulak Sivarakso, Prawattis at Chin, 2511/1968.) (6.) History of China: A Self-teaching Course, Based on "A Short History of the Chinese People. " The United Stf Firearms in China" (with Feng Chia-sheng). ISIS 36 (1945-46): 114-23; addenda and corrigenda, 250-51. (35.) "Antiquity to the Fall of Shang." In China, ed. Harley Farnsworth McNair, pp. 41-53. Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univ. of California Press, 1946. (36.) "The Cultural Opportunity in China" (Presidential address). JAOS 67 (1947): 75-80. (37.) "Some of China's Cultural Resources." National Reconstruction Journal 8 (1947): 51-61. (38.) "Some Publications in 'Occupied' China." PA 20 (1947): 432-35. (39.) "Firearms Among the Chinese: A Supplementary Note." ISIS 39 (1948): 63-64. (40.) "Measurements of the Circle in Ancient China." ISIS 39 (1948): 64-65. (41.) "The Abacus in China." ISIS 39 (1948): 239. (42.) "Foreign Music at the Court of Sui Wen-ti" (with Ch'u T'ung-tsu). JAOS 69 (1949): 148-49. (43.) "Maternal Influence: A Note." HJAS 12 (1949): 226-30. (44.) "China's Discovery of Africa." Artibus Asiae 13 (1950): 113-14. (45.) "A Bronze Block for the Printing of Chinese Paper Currency (ca. 1287)." American Numismatic Society Museum Notes 4 (1950): 127-30. (46.) "Trade Routes to China from Ancient Times to the Age of European Expansion." In Highway in Our National Life: A Symposium, ed. Jean Labatut and Wheaton J. Lanes, pp. 16-32. Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press., 1950. (47.) "Note on the Pei-t'ang Library in Peking." ISIS 41 (1950): 195. (48.) "Paper: A Note on its Origin." ISIS 42 (1951): 145. (49.) "A Note on Professor Duyvendak's Lectures on China's Discovery of Africa." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 14 (1952): 384-87. (50.) "The Connection between the Nautical Charts of the Arabs and Those of the Chinese before the Days of the Portuguese Navigators?" ISIS 44 (1953): 99-100. (51.) "More on Paper." ISIS 44 (1953): 277. (52.) "Earliest Printed Editions of the Tripitaka." Visvabharati Quarterly 19 (1953-54): 215-20. (53.) "Introduction to Chinese History." In Introduction to Chinese History and Scientific Developments in China, Sino-Indian Pamphlet, no. 21, pp. 1-10. Santiniketan: Sino-Indian Cultural Society, 1954. (54.) "Scientific Developments in China: A Question of Independence." In Introduction to Chinese History and Scientific Developments in China, Sino-Indian Pamphlet, no. 21, pp. 11-20. Santiniketan: Sino-Indian Cultural Society, 1954. (55.) "Two Notes on Early Printing in China." In P. K. Gode Commemoration Volume, pp. 1-4. 1954. (56.) "China's Acquaintance With the West." Columbia Library Columns 5 (1955): 4-17. (57.) "Ennin's Travels." Artibus Asiae 18 (1955): 87-89. (58.) "Suspension Bridges in China: A Preliminary Inquiry." Sino-Indian Studies 5 (Liebenthal Festschrift) (1956): 53-61. (59.) "Geographical Additions of the 14th and 15th Centuries: A Bibliographical Note." Monumenta Serica 15 (1956): 203-12. (60.) "The Department of Chinese and Japanese." In A History of the Faculty of Philosophy, Columbia University, pp. 245-51. New York: Columbia University Press, 1957. (61.) "Recent Discoveries at Zayton." JAOS 77 (1957): 161-65. (62.) "Westerners and Central Asians in Yuan China." In Oriente Poliana, pp. 1-22. Rome: Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 1957. (63.) "Archaeology in China: The First Decade" (Presidential Address). JAS 17 (1958): 5-15. (64.) "Recent Discoveries at Zayton: An Additional Note." JAOS 78 (1958): 118. (65.) "Chinese Oracle Bones." Columbia Library Columns 7 (May 1959): 11-14. (66.) "Two Notes on Early Printing in China." In P. K. Gode Commemoration Volume, p. 117. 1960. (67.) "Early Connections between China and Other Parts of Asia." Journal of the Oriental Society of Australia 2 (1961): 7-9. (68.) "The Origin of Printing." JAOS 82 (1962): 556-57. (69.) "Western Regions Writers of Chinese Lyrics During the Yuan." Transactions, International Conference of Orientalists in Japan 7 (1962): 17-21. (70.) "The Development of Printing in China and its Effects on the Renaissance under the Sung Dynasty." JHKBRAS 3 (1963): 36-43. (71.) "On Certain Books Suppressedf Firearms in China" (with Feng Chia-sheng). ISIS 36 (1945-46): 114-23; addenda and corrigenda, 250-51. (35.) "Antiquity to the Fall of Shang." In China, ed. Harley Farnsworth McNair, pp. 41-53. Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univ. of California Press, 1946. (36.) "The Cultural Opportunity in China" (Presidential address). JAOS 67 (1947): 75-80. (37.) "Some of China's Cultural Resources." National Reconstruction Journal 8 (1947): 51-61. (38.) "Some Publications in 'Occupied' China." PA 20 (1947): 432-35. (39.) "Firearms Among the Chinese: A Supplementary Note." ISIS 39 (1948): 63-64. (40.) "Measurements of the Circle in Ancient China." ISIS 39 (1948): 64-65. (41.) "The Abacus in China." ISIS 39 (1948): 239. (42.) "Foreign Music at the Court of Sui Wen-ti" (with Ch'u T'ung-tsu). JAOS 69 (1949): 148-49. (43.) "Maternal Influence: A Note." HJAS 12 (1949): 226-30. (44.) "China's Discovery of Africa." Artibus Asiae 13 (1950): 113-14. (45.) "A Bronze Block for the Printing of Chinese Paper Currency (ca. 1287)." American Numismatic Society Museum Notes 4 (1950): 127-30. (46.) "Trade Routes to China from Ancient Times to the Age of European Expansion." In Highway in Our National Life: A Symposium, ed. Jean Labatut and Wheaton J. Lanes, pp. 16-32. Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press., 1950. (47.) "Note on the Pei-t'ang Library in Peking." ISIS 41 (1950): 195. (48.) "Paper: A Note on its Origin." ISIS 42 (1951): 145. (49.) "A Note on Professor Duyvendak's Lectures on China's Discovery of Africa." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 14 (1952): 384-87. (50.) "The Connection between the Nautical Charts of the Arabs and Those of the Chinese before the Days of the Portuguese Navigators?" ISIS 44 (1953): 99-100. (51.) "More on Paper." ISIS 44 (1953): 277. (52.) "Earliest Printed Editions of the Tripitaka." Visvabharati Quarterly 19 (1953-54): 215-20. (53.) "Introduction to Chinese History." In Introduction to Chinese History and Scientific Developments in China, Sino-Indian Pamphlet, no. 21, pp. 1-10. Santiniketan: Sino-Indian Cultural Society, 1954. (54.) "Scientific Developments in China: A Question of Independence." In Introduction to Chinese History and Scientific Developments in China, Sino-Indian Pamphlet, no. 21, pp. 11-20. Santiniketan: Sino-Indian Cultural Society, 1954. (55.) "Two Notes on Early Printing in China." In P. K. Gode Commemoration Volume, pp. 1-4. 1954. (56.) "China's Acquaintance With the West." Columbia Library Columns 5 (1955): 4-17. (57.) "Ennin's Travels." Artibus Asiae 18 (1955): 87-89. (58.) "Suspension Bridges in China: A Preliminary Inquiry." Sino-Indian Studies 5 (Liebenthal Festschrift) (1956): 53-61. (59.) "Geographical Additions of the 14th and 15th Centuries: A Bibliographical Note." Monumenta Serica 15 (1956): 203-12. (60.) "The Department of Chinese and Japanese." In A History of the Faculty of Philosophy, Columbia University, pp. 245-51. New York: Columbia University Press, 1957. (61.) "Recent Discoveries at Zayton." JAOS 77 (1957): 161-65. (62.) "Westerners and Central Asians in Yuan China." In Oriente Poliana, pp. 1-22. Rome: Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 1957. (63.) "Archaeology in China: The First Decade" (Presidential Address). JAS 17 (1958): 5-15. (64.) "Recent Discoveries at Zayton: An Additional Note." JAOS 78 (1958): 118. (65.) "Chinese Oracle Bones." Columbia Library Columns 7 (May 1959): 11-14. (66.) "Two Notes on Early Printing in China." In P. K. Gode Commemoration Volume, p. 117. 1960. (67.) "Early Connections between China and Other Parts of Asia." Journal of the Oriental Society of Australia 2 (1961): 7-9. (68.) "The Origin of Printing." JAOS 82 (1962): 556-57. (69.) "Western Regions Writers of Chinese Lyrics During the Yuan." Transactions, International Conference of Orientalists in Japan 7 (1962): 17-21. (70.) "The Development of Printing in China and its Effects on the Renaissance under the Sung Dynasty." JHKBRAS 3 (1963): 36-43. (71.) "On Certain Books Suppressedhe articles are co-authored.) (96.) "A Note on Unrecorded Buddhist Scriptures in Ta-T'ung." Ming Studies 16 (1983): 30. (97.) "Printing in Korea: Preliminary Report on a New Discovery." Journal of Modern Korean Studies 1 (1984): 87-89.

III. Miscellaneous: Encyclopedia Articles, Obituaries,

Translations, Prefaces, etc.

(1.) Ku Chieh-kang - "Study of Literary Persecution during the Ming." Translated by L. Carrington Goodrich. HJAS 3 & 4 (1938): 254-31 1. (2.) "Isaac Tailor Headland (1859-1942)," Far Eastern Studies in America, 33-34. (3.) Goodrich, Chauncy. A Pocket Dictionary (Chinese-English) and Pekingese Syllabary. Introduction by L. Carrington Goodrich. New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1944. (4.) "Lewis Hodous, the Scholar." Bulletin of the Hartford Seminary Foundation 9 (1950): 22-37. (5.) Japan in the Chinese Dynastic Histories: Later Han through Ming Dynasties. Translated by Ryusaka Tsunoda, edited by L. Carrington Goodrich. Perkins Asiatic Monographs, no. 1. Pp. 187. South Pasadena, 1951. Reprinted by Perkins Oriental Books, Kyoto, Japan.) (6.) "In Memoriam: Roswell Sessoms Britton." Artibus Asiae 14 (1951): 190-91. (7.) "Professor J. J. L. Duyvendak: An Appreciation." FEQ 14 (1955): 297-98. (8.) "China - the Land, the People, and their History." Encyclopedia Americana (1956), 6:516-38. (9.) Nigel Cameron and Brian Brake. Peking: A Tale of Three Cities. Foreword by L. Carrington Goodrich. New York: Harper & Row, 1965. (10.) Henri Maspero. "Documents Issuing from the Region of the Tun-Huang." Translated by L. C. Goodrich. Bulletin of the Institute of History of Philosophy, Academia Sinica 23 (1956): 197-218. (11.) "James Mellon Menzies, 1885-1957." JAS 16 (1957): 672-73. (12.) "China, History" (with W. Kenneth Scott Latourette and C. Martin Wilbur). Encyclopaedia Britannica (1964), 5:574-98. (13.) Ch'en Yuan. Western and Central Asians in China Under the Mongols: Their Transformation into Chinese. Translated and annotated by L. Carrington Goodrich and Ch'ien Hsing-hai. Monumenta Serica Monograph 15. Los Angeles, 1966. (14.) A 15th-Century Illustrated Chinese Primer: Hsin-pien Tui-hsiang Szu-yen. A facsimile reproduction with introduction and notes by L. Carrington Goodrich. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Univ. Press, 1967; reprinted, 1975. (15.) "The T. L. Yuan Memorial Scholarship." T. L. Yuan-A Tribute (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1967), pp. 3-4. (Contains also a translation into Chinese.) (16.) A Persian Embassy to China: Being an Extract from Zub-datu't Tawarikh of Hafiz Abru. Translated by K. M. Maitra. New introduction by L. Carrington Goodrich. New York: Paragon Book Reprint Corp., 1970. (17.) "Homer Dubs (1892-1969)." JAS 29 (1970): 889-91. (18.) China: Enduring Scholarship, Selected from The Far Eastern Quarterly - The Journal of Asian Studies, 1941-71, vol. 1, ed. John A. Harrison. Introduction by L. Carrington Goodrich. 1972. (19.) Irwin, Richard Gregg. "Notes on the Sources of DeMailla, Histoire Generale de la Chine," with introduction and notes by L. Carrington Goodrich. JHKBRAS 14 (1974): 92-100. (20.) "China, History of." Encyclopaedia Britannica (1971), 5:574-95. (21.) "Arthur William Hummel (1884-1975)." Yearbook of the American Philosophical Society (1975): 129-33. (22.) "Remarks of Professor L. Carrington Goodrich, Professor Chao-ying Fang, Mrs. Lienche Tu Fang on the Occasion of the Ming Convocation, Low Memorial Library, Columbia University, February 26, 1976." Mimeograph, Columbia University, 1976. Pp. 4. (23.) Face of China: As Seen by Photographers and Travelers: 1860-1912. Historical commentary by Nigel Cameron. Preface by L. Carrington Goodrich. Millerton, N.Y.: Aperture, 1978. (24.) Curtis, Emily Byrne. Reflected Glory in a Bottle: Chinese Snuff Bottle Portraits. Preface by L. Carrington Goodrich. New York: Soho Bodhi, 1980. (25.) Paludan, A. The Imperial Ming Tombs. Introduction by L. Carrington Goodrich. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1981. (26.) Huang, Ray. 1587-A Year of No Significance. Preface by L.he articles are co-authored.) (96.) "A Note on Unrecorded Buddhist Scriptures in Ta-T'ung." Ming Studies 16 (1983): 30. (97.) "Printing in Korea: Preliminary Report on a New Discovery." Journal of Modern Korean Studies 1 (1984): 87-89.

III. Miscellaneous: Encyclopedia Articles, Obituaries,

Translations, Prefaces, etc.

(1.) Ku Chieh-kang - "Study of Literary Persecution during the Ming." Translated by L. Carrington Goodrich. HJAS 3 & 4 (1938): 254-31 1. (2.) "Isaac Tailor Headland (1859-1942)," Far Eastern Studies in America, 33-34. (3.) Goodrich, Chauncy. A Pocket Dictionary (Chinese-English) and Pekingese Syllabary. Introduction by L. Carrington Goodrich. New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1944. (4.) "Lewis Hodous, the Scholar." Bulletin of the Hartford Seminary Foundation 9 (1950): 22-37. (5.) Japan in the Chinese Dynastic Histories: Later Han through Ming Dynasties. Translated by Ryusaka Tsunoda, edited by L. Carrington Goodrich. Perkins Asiatic Monographs, no. 1. Pp. 187. South Pasadena, 1951. Reprinted by Perkins Oriental Books, Kyoto, Japan.) (6.) "In Memoriam: Roswell Sessoms Britton." Artibus Asiae 14 (1951): 190-91. (7.) "Professor J. J. L. Duyvendak: An Appreciation." FEQ 14 (1955): 297-98. (8.) "China - the Land, the People, and their History." Encyclopedia Americana (1956), 6:516-38. (9.) Nigel Cameron and Brian Brake. Peking: A Tale of Three Cities. Foreword by L. Carrington Goodrich. New York: Harper & Row, 1965. (10.) Henri Maspero. "Documents Issuing from the Region of the Tun-Huang." Translated by L. C. Goodrich. Bulletin of the Institute of History of Philosophy, Academia Sinica 23 (1956): 197-218. (11.) "James Mellon Menzies, 1885-1957." JAS 16 (1957): 672-73. (12.) "China, History" (with W. Kenneth Scott Latourette and C. Martin Wilbur). Encyclopaedia Britannica (1964), 5:574-98. (13.) Ch'en Yuan. Western and Central Asians in China Under the Mongols: Their Transformation into Chinese. Translated and annotated by L. Carrington Goodrich and Ch'ien Hsing-hai. Monumenta Serica Monograph 15. Los Angeles, 1966. (14.) A 15th-Century Illustrated Chinese Primer: Hsin-pien Tui-hsiang Szu-yen. A facsimile reproduction with introduction and notes by L. Carrington Goodrich. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Univ. Press, 1967; reprinted, 1975. (15.) "The T. L. Yuan Memorial Scholarship." T. L. Yuan-A Tribute (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1967), pp. 3-4. (Contains also a translation into Chinese.) (16.) A Persian Embassy to China: Being an Extract from Zub-datu't Tawarikh of Hafiz Abru. Translated by K. M. Maitra. New introduction by L. Carrington Goodrich. New York: Paragon Book Reprint Corp., 1970. (17.) "Homer Dubs (1892-1969)." JAS 29 (1970): 889-91. (18.) China: Enduring Scholarship, Selected from The Far Eastern Quarterly - The Journal of Asian Studies, 1941-71, vol. 1, ed. John A. Harrison. Introduction by L. Carrington Goodrich. 1972. (19.) Irwin, Richard Gregg. "Notes on the Sources of DeMailla, Histoire Generale de la Chine," with introduction and notes by L. Carrington Goodrich. JHKBRAS 14 (1974): 92-100. (20.) "China, History of." Encyclopaedia Britannica (1971), 5:574-95. (21.) "Arthur William Hummel (1884-1975)." Yearbook of the American Philosophical Society (1975): 129-33. (22.) "Remarks of Professor L. Carrington Goodrich, Professor Chao-ying Fang, Mrs. Lienche Tu Fang on the Occasion of the Ming Convocation, Low Memorial Library, Columbia University, February 26, 1976." Mimeograph, Columbia University, 1976. Pp. 4. (23.) Face of China: As Seen by Photographers and Travelers: 1860-1912. Historical commentary by Nigel Cameron. Preface by L. Carrington Goodrich. Millerton, N.Y.: Aperture, 1978. (24.) Curtis, Emily Byrne. Reflected Glory in a Bottle: Chinese Snuff Bottle Portraits. Preface by L. Carrington Goodrich. New York: Soho Bodhi, 1980. (25.) Paludan, A. The Imperial Ming Tombs. Introduction by L. Carrington Goodrich. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1981. (26.) Huang, Ray. 1587-A Year of No Significance. Preface by L.co Polo, by A. C. Moule. JAOS 78 (1958): 74. (35.) Quinsai, with Other Notes on Marco Polo, by A. C. Moule; Archaeological Studies in Szechwan, by Cheng Te-k'un; The Beginning of Chinese Civilization, by Li Chi. PA 32 (1959): 105. (36.) Evolution de la matiere medicale chinoise, by P. Huard and M. Wong. JAOS 79 (1959): 207. (37.) Les Jonques chinoises, 1: Histoire de la jonque, by L. Audemard. JAOS 79 (1959): 207. (38.) Chinese Art and Culture, by Rene Grousset; An Introduction to the Study of Chinese Painting, by Arthur Waley. PA 33 (1960): 312. (39.) The Development of Iron and Steel Technology in China, by Joseph Needham. ISIS 51 (1960): 108. (40.) Notes on Marco Polo I: Ouvrage posthume, by Paul Pelliot. JAOS 81 (1961): 442-44. (41.) Science and Civilisation in China, vol. 4: Physics and Physical Technology, part 1: Physics, by Joseph Needham. JAOS 82 (1962): 455-58. (42.) Medieval Technology and Social Change, by Lynn White, Jr. JAOS 83 1963): 36-43. (43.) Buddhist and Taoist Influence on Chinese Novels, vol. 1: The Authorship of the Feng-shen yen-i, by Lin Ts'unyen. PA 36 (1963): 89. (44.) The Legacy of China, edited by Raymond Dawson. Technology and Culture 6 (1965): 298-99. (45.) East and West in Art: Patterns of Cultural and Aesthetic Relationships, by Theodore Bowie et al. PA 39 (1966): 153-55. (46.) The Silk Road, by Luce Boulnois. JAS 26 (1967): 285-86. (47.) T'ien-kung k'ai-wu: Chinese Technology in the Seventeenth Century, by Sung Ying-sing and T'ien-kung K'aiwu. JAOS 87 (1967): 80-82. (48.) The Years That Were Fat: The Last of Old China, by George N. Kates. JAS 27 (1968): 383-84. (49.) To Change China: Western Advisers in China, 1620-1960, by Jonathan Spence. China Quarterly 41 (1970): 146-48. (50.) A Study of Chiang-su and Che-chiang Gazetteers of the Ming Dynasty, by Francis Dow. JAS 29 (1970): 918-19. (51.) Chinese History and Literature: A Collection of Studies, by Jarolslav Prusek. PA 44 (1971): 613-14. (52.) Les Jonques chinoises, IX: Cotes est, by L. Audemard. JAOS 92 (1972): 562-63. (53.) Science and Civilisation in China, vol. 4: Physics and Physical Technology, part 3: Engineering and Nautics, by Joseph Needham. PA 45 (1972): 94-95. (54.) Columbus Was Chinese: Discoveries and Inventions of the Far East, by Hans Breuer. PA 46 (1973): 116. (55.) Chinese Science: Explorations of an Ancient Tradition, ed. Shigeru Nakayama and Nathan Sivin. PA 46 (1973): 441. (56.) Science and Civilisation in China, vol. 4: Physics and Physical Technology, part 3: Engineering and Nautics, by Joseph Needham. An Additional Note. PA 47 (1974): 79. (57.) China Missionary Oral History. Microform Reviews 3 (1974): 279-80. (58.) Science and Civilisation in China, vol. 5: Chemistry and Chemical Technology, part 2: Spagyrical Discovery and Invention: Magisteries of Gold and Immortality, by Joseph Needham. PA 49 (1976): 334. (59.) Science and Civilisation in China, vol. 5: Chemistry and Chemical Technology, part 3: Spagyrical Discovery and Invention: Historical Survey, from Cinnebar Elixirs to Synthetic Insulin, by Joseph Needham. JAOS 98 (1978): 536-38. (60.) Food in Chinese Culture, ed. K. C. Chang. JAOS 99 (1979): 87-90. (61.) A History of China, vol. 1, by Witold Rodzinski. PA 53 (1980): 313-15. (62.) Ming-Ch'ing chin-shih t'i-ming pei-lu so-yin, by Chu Paochiung and Hsieh P'ei-lin. Ming Studies 11 (1980): 46-47. (63.) China's Examination Hell, by Ichisada Miyazaki, tr. Conrad Shirokauer, Ming Studies 13 (1982): 20-21. (64.) Outlaws of the Marsh, by Shi Nai'an and Luo Guanzhong, tr. Sidney Shapiro. PA 55 (1982): 113-14. (65.) A History of China, vol. 2, by Witold Rodzinski. PA 57 (1984): 112-13.
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Author:Bellamy, James A.
Publication:The Journal of the American Oriental Society
Date:Oct 1, 1993
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