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Sixteenth-century Spanish musicians in the new world.

THAT IN 1598 Tomas Luis de Victoria should authorize his Sevillian agents to collect 900 reales due for the sale of his music in far-away Peru is evidence not only that the composer's fame was far reaching, but also that Cathedral music in New Spain was of high enough caliber to create a demand for the finest peninsular music. Latin Americans point with pride to the fact that from conquest native Indians displayed an amazing capacity for music and that not for long were Cathedrals dependent on Iberian musicians to fill their posts. Already in the first century after conquest, in both Mexico and Peru, the position of chapelmaster could (and sometimes had to) be filled without recourse to the mother country. But it should not be forgotten that one purpose of Spanish colonization was the transplantation of Spanish culture to new soil and that therefore the history of New World music, in the first century at least, belongs to Spain.

History has not always seen it this way. Consequently, those Iberian musicians who crossed the Atlantic have often been ignored in assessing the Spanish contribution to Renaissance music. As late as 1959, for instance, Gustave Reese, in his Music in the Renaissance, could devote only two paragraphs under "Spaniards in the New World" to just as many composers (Juan Navarro and Hernando Franco). (1) With the spate of research in Latin American music in the last two decades and our resulting knowledge of sixteenth century composers in the New World, such neglect is no longer acceptable. In a wider view, then, Spanish music in the Golden Age takes in not only the accomplishments of Cristobal de Morales, Francisco Guerrero, and Tomas Luis de Victoria, but also the notable achievements of Hernando Franco and Gutierre Fernandez Hidalgo in Mexico and Peru.

It still comes as a surprise to musicians that noted European artists should have chosen to pursue their careers in an area so remote in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries as Peru or Mexico. To understand this surprise we need reflect only on the wonderment and initial disbelief which heralded the suggestion in 1941 that the Domenico Zipoli who died in Argentina in 1726 was the Italian composer of European fame. As one writer put it, "Why should an already-established European celebrity have abandoned his post in the Chiesa del Gesu at Rome for the Argentine wilderness?" (2) This is the question, stated or implied, that confronts each of us--and it is, I think, a legitimate question. A rather curious fact is that, so far, no one has seriously tried to answer it. It has been glibly proposed that only two motives promoted sixteenth-century emigration to the New World: love of God and love of gold. This easily accounts for the presence of missionaries and prospectors, but for that of a musician of considerable attainment who continued his art after emigration, these hardly provide a suitable explanation. In an attempt to supply more satisfactory answers this paper probes biographical data readily available in published sources for possible motives for emigration and reviews sixteenth-century musical celebrities who left Spain to become chapelmasters in the New World. It is heavily indebted to the archival work of Robert Stevenson. Considered are Lazaro del Alamo, Hernando Franco, Manuel Rodriguez, Gutierre Fernandez Hidalgo, and Estacio de la Serna.

To establish our case clearly, however, let us begin with the premier composer in seventeenth-century Mexico, Juan Gutierrez de Padilla, born at Malaga c. 1590 and educated at the local cathedral. Already at age twenty-three maestro at the collegiate church in Jerez de la Frontera, Padilla vied admirably but unsuccessfully in 1613 with the experienced maestro of Badajoz Cathedral, Estevao de Brito, for the Malaga Cathedral chapelmastership, and on March 17, 1616, successfully gained that of Cadiz Cathedral. (3) Releases for leaves and a 1620 raise in salary attest to the success he apparently enjoyed there. (4) Why he should have abandoned his position and promising peninsular future for the uncertainties of the New World is still a mystery. Even when he left Cadiz is uncertain, for the cathedral records lack pages for the decade 1620-1630. If Padilla showed great promise in the Old World, his forty-two years at Puebla Cathedral in Mexico were an admirable fulfillment of that promise. Still, so distinguished an emigre had to serve as mere coadjutor to the aging maestro at Puebla from 1622 to 1629, when he fully succeeded to the post. An entry in the Puebla "Actas Capitulares" soon after his October 11, 1622, appointment documents one tangible lure. (5) On December 6 Padilla was granted double and even triple the amount allowed other singers from obenciones (gratuities) paid for funerals and special events because, even though he bore the title "singer," he had been promised full maestro's pay and tips. (6)

The record of singers and instrumentalists attracted to Puebla in the next thirty years suggests the then-healthy musical climate at Puebla, a cathedral that at its April 18, 1649, consecration was recognized as "the biggest and most sumptuous known in the Americas, and without exaggeration comparable with the noblest and most memorable European structures." (7) During the years preceding the economic setback that occurred after the cathedral consecration, Padilla apparently augmented his already substantial income with an instrument-making shop. With Negro helpers he carried on a successful business, selling instruments as far south as Guatemala. (8) The esteem earned by Padilla is perhaps best indicated by the fact that in 1663, one year before his death, the cathedral canons ordered the gathering together of Padillas works into a virtual Gesamtausgabe?

If the promise of monetary success may be advanced as one obvious attraction of at least the finest two or three cathedrals in New Spain, it must be borne in mind that in the seventeenth century these had a solid foundation of at least a half-century's operation. For Spanish musical celebrities of the sixteenth century, the situation would have been far more uncertain. Take, for instance, the case of Lazaro del Alamo, who from January 2, 1556, served as the first Mexico City chapelmaster of note, rising to canon before his death in 1570. To be sure, music had been a part of Mexico City Cathedral services since 1528; but throughout the century documents clearly reveal problems in recruitment and retention of singers, owing primarily to the low salary scale (even in comparison to those of the provincial churches), along with the high cost of living. In fact, in 1545 the chapter voted to require a commitment of nine years from entering choristers to turn back the trend of singers' leaving for more remunerative employment in outlying areas as soon as they were sufficiently trained. (10)

If not money, then, perhaps strong family ties and friendships were influential in having induced several of Mexico City's sixteenth-century chapelmasters to come to the New World. Alamo, for example, was a native of Espinar, in the bishopric of Segovia, where his father was a schoolmaster. Both Lazaro and his brother Hieronimo had served as seises in nearby Segovia Cathedral, and the two went on to study at the University of Salamanca. Both at home and at the university they kept up an acquaintance with an old friend of the family, Matheo de Arevalo Sedeno, a rich nobleman and a native also of Espinar who, after receiving a doctor of laws degree from Salamanca, came to Mexico as a provisor of the cathedral around 1554 and was appointed oidor and taught canon law at the University of Mexico, becoming rector in 1575. It was Sedeno who was responsible for extending the invitation to the young Lazaro del Alamo to come to Mexico City Cathedral in 1556. (11)

In this context perhaps we can understand how the finest sixteenth-century Mexican chapelmaster, Hernando Franco, came to the New World. While serving as a fellow choirboy with Lazaro del Alamo at Segovia Cathedral as a boy of ten in 1542, Franco visited the Alamo home in Espinar, returning occasionally for the next seven years. (12) At Segovia Franco would have received excellent instruction from, among others, Geronimo de Espinar, chapelmaster from 1541 to 1544 and later teacher of Victoria. Franco was an excellent student by age fourteen, if an award of an eight-ducat-per month salary in May of 1546 is any indication (13) What he did in the subsequent quarter-century is still unknown, but if he arrived in Guatemala in 1573, instead of accompanying Alamo across the Atlantic in 1556 (as some believe), he would have been no daring young man risking all for adventure when he came to New Spain. (14) Arevalo Sedeno, six years Francos superior, was again responsible for bringing a musician overseas--this time the forty-one-year-old composer to Guatemala Cathedral by 1573. Franco did not lack for familiar company in the new territory, for Hieronimo del Alamo and Franco's cousin Alonso de Trujillo, also emigrated to Guatemala as singers in the cathedral. In the very year his presence is first documented, however, Franco was faced with budgetary and personnel cuts that surely must have made Mexico City's double-sized salary seem attractive when the chapelmastership fell vacant there two years later. (15)

Whatever his motivation, on May 20, 1575, Hernando Franco, once more aided by the recommendation of Arevalo Sedeno, succeeded to the prime post in New Spain, the chapelmastership of Mexico City Cathedral, at a salary of 600 pesos, double that of Guatemala Cathedral. (16) During the following decade in Mexico City Franco left a see-saw record of financial gains and losses. By 1579 he and his cousin Alonso de Trujillo, who was hired as precentor at the same time Franco was installed chapelmaster, (17) had accumulated an astonishing debt of 4,000 pesos, for which the cabildo kindly advanced a 500-peso payment. (18) Official appreciation of Francos ability is vouched by his September 1, 1581, appointment to a prebend and by the decision of the chapter, nineteen days later, to overlook his having violated a holy day. Within the year, however, he faced a fifty per cent salary cut, prompting his July 1582 resignation, along with that of the entire musical staff. A month later the musicianless archbishop rescinded his economy measure and invited the singers back. (19) Again, in February 1583 Franco's salary was cut (to 400 pesos), and it was reduced still further in September (to 300) for neglect of teaching duties. (20) While his salary rose to 450 pesos the following March, in April of 1584 this was again reduced for not teaching. (21) Although the cathedral could not properly remunerate its greatest composer of the century, it honored him at death in 1585 by interring him back of the viceroy's seat in the main chapel of the cathedral.

The Augustinian chronicler, Diego Basalenque, in his chronicle of Michoacan, alerts us to another emigrant, the "great Spanish maestro Manuel Rodriguez," who competed for the organ post at Mexico City Cathedral in January, 1567, winning over a native Indian product whose performance was nevertheless astounding. (22) Rodriguez held the organ post at Mexico City for nearly thirty years, from 1567 until his death in 1594 or 1595, and his presence there suggests still another possible motive for emigration. The Mexico City organist was the considerably younger brother of Gregorio Silvestre [Rodriguez], renowned organist at Granada Cathedral from 1541 (when he was twenty) to 1569. (23) Jose Lopez-Calo, in his monumental study of music at the Granada Cathedral in the sixteenth century, cites Gregorio Silvestre as the greatest of all Granada organists of the century, and probably of the entire history of that cathedral. He devotes three pages alone to the "Reputacion de Silvestre," noting his fame as a poet in addition to his considerable musical talent. (24) Perhaps, like Carl Theodore Pachelbel in eighteenth-century North America, son of the great composer Johann Pachelbel and brother of the well known organist Wilhelm Hieronymus Pachelbel, Manuel too chose to cast his lot across the ocean out of the competitive reach of his well-known kin.

Manuel Rodriguez was the son of the Portuguese Joao Rodriguez, personal physician to Isabel who accompanied her to Spain in 1527 when she became wife of Charles V. (25) Thus Manuel was probably born in Madrid. The family connection between Manuel and Gregorio Silvestre Rodriguez is established by Juan Mendez Nieto, a physician at Cartagena during the final three decades of the sixteenth century, who before emigrating in 1559 had studied organ with Francisco Guerrero at Seville. (26) In his manuscript "Discursos medicinales" (Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, Ms. 14036.76), Mendez Nieto supplies further information: Manuel substituted at Granada for his eminent brother shortly before September 5, 1544, during one of Silvestre's apparently frequent absences. By sometime between 1562 and 1567, the forty-five-year-old Manuel was organist of the Santo Domingo Cathedral in the West Indies, for the peripatetic Mendez Nieto stopped over there for those years and while there cured the organist of an abdominal obstruction. The two left Santo Domingo around 1567, the doctor for Cartagena and the organist for Mexico City, where Manuel apparently "made a great deal of money." (27) Our knowledge of Mexico City salaries would suggest that the organist accumulated his wealth outside the cathedral.

If the available biographical data permits us to assign possible motives for some sixteenth-century Spanish celebrities to further their careers across the ocean, in the case of two musicians active in Spanish Peru at the end of the century and early into the seventeenth century, current information offers little to clarify that issue. Nevertheless, their accomplishments command our attention because they further indicate the quality of musicians drawn to the New World.

Gutierre Fernandez Hidalgo (born in 1553 in Andalusia) was active successively at four of the most important Peruvian cathedrals, except Lima. From May 1584 to January 1586 he was chapelmaster at Bogota Cathedral; from January 12, 1588, to February 6, 1590, at Quito; from July 13, 1591, to early 1597 at Cuzco; and, finally, from May 6, 1597, until his retirement in 1620 at La Plata (presently Sucre, Bolivia). (28) Fernandez Hidalgos moves were apparently necessitated by conflicts ensuing from the high standards he upheld, each time forcing him to seek greener pastures. At Bogota he was elected rector of the recently founded San Luis conciliar seminary. What has been dubbed "the first student strike in American history" protested requiring cathedral singing of seminary students, prompting the singerless maestro to move on to Quito where once again he performed a dual role as chapelmaster and seminary teacher. (29) After six years in charge of music at Cuzco Cathedral, he went to La Plata in early 1597 to teach music in the newly established St. Elizabeth of Hungary Seminary at a respectable salary of 600 pesos. On May 6, 1597, he was named chapelmaster of La Plata Cathedral. Apparently a difficult man, he was dismissed from the post the following year for stubbornly refusing to abide by cathedral chapter policy, but was reinstated sometime before 1607. In that year Fernandez Hidalgo, having readied his collected compositions for printing in five volumes, signed a contract with a Jesuit who agreed to arrange for the printing in France or Spain on the condition that the composer advance a sum equal to five years of his chapelmaster's salary (1500 pesos). This enterprise apparently never reached fruition. (30)

Present at Bogota just after the mediocre mestizo maestro Gonzalo Garcia Zorro had been named canon by Philip II without local approval and, refused seating by local cathedral officials, had left for Spain to appeal ultimately to the Pope, Fernandez Hidalgo must have found his own difficulties in obtaining preferment hard to swallow. (31) With cathedral chapter approval the Audiencia of Charcas recommended Fernandez Hidalgo to Philip III for a prebend sometime in 1608. When this petition was ignored in Madrid, the composer tried to enlist the aid of a merchant influential throughout Peru, all to no avail. (32)

Priests in New Spain or New Granada found themselves outside the usual ecclesiastical hierarchy as far as preferment was concerned, for all tenurable appointments required the direct approval of the crown, whether for a bishopric or for a mere half-prebend. James Lockhart clarified this: "Spanish Peruvian priests who succeeded in getting a benefice did so by staying in the close personal following of a bishop, and had to be content with a canonry, because that was as far as the bishop's influence on appointments extended. The crown kept quite firm control over appointments to the higher dignities, which typically went to men who had never been in Peru." (33) Failing at preferment, Fernandez Hidalgo was finally forced to ask for a salary hike on October 30, 1618, because he could no longer live on the 500 pesos he was still receiving after a tenure of two decades. (34) He retired in June 1620, his two great ambitions unrealized; yet he left a rich legacy of ten Psalms, three Salves, and nine Magnificats as a testament to his powers as a composer.

For Estacio de la Serna--chapelmaster at Lima Cathedral from at least 1606 to April 18, 1614, when he exchanged places with the then organist, Miguel de Bobadilla--there is considerable information concerning his European reputation. As the son of a well-known singer at the Seville Cathedral he grew up in an ambiance distinguished by the presence of three famous organists in late sixteenth-century Spain. (35) Having benefited from such distinguished instruction, Estacio de la Serna was accomplished enough on October 29, 1593, to be appointed organist of San Salvador Collegiate Church in Seville, in that city second in importance only to the cathedral. Since San Salvador Church, ever mindful of Estacio de la Serna's mounting reputation, had forbidden him to compete for any other organ position, advancement came by dint of reputation alone. For nearly a decade--from April 1, 1595, to February 25, 1604--he served as organist in the Royal Chapel in Lisbon. At the pinnacle of success Serna cast his lot to the New World, probably sometime around 1606. At Lima Cathedral he composed music commemorating the death of Queen Margaret (d. October 3, 1611) so well that following the five-hour service on November 23, 1612, one contemporary reported that the time passed quickly for everyone. (36) As a mark of the esteem in which he was held he received in 1614 a yearly bonus of 200 pesos "because he is so eminent a musician and keyboardist." (37) Another possible testament was the installation in 1621 of a second grand organ in the Lima Cathedral at a considerable cost of 7,000 pesos, even though a contemporary noted, "the old one is still in fine shape." (38)

All in all, a surprising number of sixteenth-century Spanish musical celebrities completed their careers abroad, enhancing New World musical life with their considerable talent and reputation. Whatever motivated musicians to come to New Spain, there can be no doubt that their presence would have made Mexico City, Bogota, and Lima more attractive to other peninsular artists contemplating a move. We have concentrated only on a few chapelmasters here, but their histories are enough to strengthen greatly the possibility that the traveler Cristobal de Leon, who was hired by the local cathedral chapter of Cuzco in 1583 to repair the leaky bellows of the organ, could be identified as the like-named organ tuner and repairer at Seville Cathedral during the 1570s. (39) Also it is now clear that there was demand enough for the peninsular scribe Francisco de Paramo to seek employment at Bogota and Lima in 1615. After copying twenty books for the Bogota Cathedral, he arrived in Lima on May 23, 1615, to demonstrate his superior penmanship. Impressed, the cathedral chapter dropped plans to employ a local inferior for needed plainchant books and engaged Paramo instead. By December 9, 1616, however, Paramo had fallen ill and died, leaving the chapter no choice but to call upon the services of a local scribe. (40)

It appears that no one motive will account for the attraction of some of Spains finest and most promising talent to the New World. For promise of monetary gain and quick advancement a peninsular had to sacrifice the chance of gaining a continental reputation. Still, strong ambition certainly motivated some of the New Worlds most outstanding figures; conversely, there were possibly those who, though highly gifted, sought relief from European (or at least family) competition. For some, the prior emigration of family and friends might have been an overriding factor, just as for others the absence of familiars in the New World might have been alluring.

Aside from an occasional direct request of the King (as in the case of Juan Perez Materano, who arrived in New Granada in 1537 carrying a royal charge to direct music in either a Mexican or a Central American cathedral, but opted to remain in Cartagena) (41) there is no evidence to suggest that Spanish musicians migrated against their own free will. The motive of escape, which characterized North American emigration, seems not to have played a significant role in New Spain, officially at least. Repeated ordinances restricting emigration solely to Old Christians reflect the crown's determination to prevent New Spain from becoming a haven for the persecuted. Even so, Jews and other undesirables did find their way across the Atlantic, and for good reason, for, as Lewis Hanke has observed, sixteenth-century colonial Spain exhibited a freedom of speech not to be found in the homeland or even in the New World after that century. (42) In this connection it may be noted that Mendez Nieto, the Cartagena physician who knew Manuel Rodriguez so well, came from converso (New Christian) stock. (43) Missionary zeal, which prompted Domenico Zipoli to abandon his European career in the eighteenth century, is not an evident motive for sixteenth-century Spanish musicians to emigrate. We may conclude that motives were complex, and varied from individual to individual. Whatever the motive, it is clear that fine musicians--first-rate musicians--chose to come to the New World, enhanced its musical culture, and, fortunately, left copies of their work by which they may be judged.

These surviving music manuscripts are significant, of course; but as long as the music remains untranscribed and little known, a mere historical curiosity, we may easily avoid confronting its ultimate significance. Ideally we need to locate the music, transcribe it, and then have it performed by competent musicians before forming an opinion. Today we may approach that ideal by way of a Gutierre Fernandez Hidalgo Salve Regina preserved in the Bogota choirbook that bears his name. It was recently recorded by the Roger Wagner Chorale for the UCLA Latin American Center on their new Eldorado label. (44) Fernandez Hidalgo, who was confident enough to collect his works for printing in Europe, indicated in the manuscript that he wished his composition (dated c. 1585) to be judged alongside the works of Victoria by composing only the first two verses of the antiphon and supplying the final verses from the six-voice Salve of Victoria. (45) And Fernandez Hidalgo's music does indeed stand up well beside that of a Renaissance musical giant. We may conclude not only that the musical establishment of New World cathedrals was of high enough caliber to perform the finest peninsular music, but also that the New World had a composer in Fernandez Hidalgo who could compete with the finest peninsular products.

NOTES

(1) Music in the Renaissance, rev. ed. (New York: W. W. Norton, 1959), 593.

(2) Robert Stevenson, "The First New World Composers: Fresh Data from Peninsular Archives," Journal of the American Musicological Society, 23 (1970), 95.

(3) See Robert Stevenson, Christmas Music from Baroque Mexico (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1974), 47-56.

(4) See Ibid, p. 48, who cites Cadiz Cathedral, "Acuerdes Capitulares," 1610-1617, fol. 10311

(5) See Ibid, p. 53, n. 19, who cites Puebla Cathedral, "Actas Capitulares," VII (1613-1622), fol. 32711.

(6) See Ibid, p. 53, n. 20, who cites Puebla, "Actas," VII (1613-1622), fol. 337.

(7) See Ibid, pp. 50-51, who quotes Antonio Tamariz de Carmona, "Relacion y description del Templo Real de la Ciudad de la Puebla de los Angeles (1650)," fol. 1.

(8) See Alice Ray Catalyne, "Music of the Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries in the Cathedral of Puebla, Mexico," Yearbook of the Inter-American Institute for Musical Research, II (1966), 84.

(9) See Stevenson, Christmas Music, p. 56, n. 85, who cites Puebla, "Actas," XV (16631608), fol. 70.

(10) See Lota Spell, "Music in the Cathedral of Mexico in the Sixteenth Century," The Hispanic American Historical Review, 26 (1946), p. 302. Some thirty years later, on January 24, 1575, the new archbishop, Moya de Contreras, was forced to explain why European precedent for competitive examinations was being ignored in filling the cantor and chorister positions. Spell paraphrases his answer from Cartas de Indias (Madrid, 1877), p. 192, noting that it was difficult to "secure capable singers at all, since the small salaries had no appeal, and it was more a matter of begging singers to accept positions than of requiring them to go through a process involving much red tape, which they certainly would

not do" (311).

(11) See Stevenson, "The First New World Composers," 96, who quotes from the Mexico City Archivio General de la Nacibn, "Ramo de la Ynquisicion," Torno 66, Expediente 7, fol. 133, line 4 (July 14, 1575), Arevalo Sedeno's statement, "conoqio tambien a lazaro del alamo canoniga que fue desta yglia de mex [degrees] a donde este testigo le truxo de espana por auerse criado en compania y serui cio deste testigo en salamanca." For more information see Robert Stevenson, "Lazaro de Alamo, primer compositor europeo en Mexico," Heterofonia, 2 (May-July, 1970), 7-11.

(12) See Stevenson, "The First New World Composers," 96, who cites a testimony by the forty-three year-old Franco, serving as character witness for Lazaro's brother, Hieronimo del Alamo, from Mexico City Archivio General de la Nacion, "Ramo de la Ynquisicion," Torno 66, 7 Parte, 1574, 1575, "Informaciones sabre genealogia y limpieza de Sangre," Expediente 7, fol. 130.

(13) See Ibid, who cites Segovia Cathedral, "Registro del cabildo delos fechos-desde 28. de henero de 1547, fol. 62v.

(14) E. Thomas Stanford, in Yearbook of the Inter-American Institute lor Musical Research, II (1966), 167, states: "The date of Franco's arrival in the New World is a subject of conjecture: he is believed to have arrived as early as 1554, and it is known that he served as chapelmaster in the Guatemala Cathedral prior to his arrival in Mexico. From stylistic considerations alone, I believe that he must have served in this hemisphere for some years before his arrival in Mexico City in 1575."

(15) See Robert Stevenson, "European Music in 16th-Century Guatemala," The Musical Quarterly, 50 (1964). 342, who cites Guatemala Cathedral, "Actas capitulares," undated act, "Liber Capituli Sancti Jacobi ... Desde 1573 afios," fol 2.

(16) See Steven Barwick, The Franco Codex of the Cathedral of Mexico: Transcription and Commentary (Carbondale, Illinois: Southern Illinois Univ. Press, 1965), viii--ix.

(17) Jesus Estrada, "Clasicos de Nueva Espana: Ensayo histfrico sobre los Maestros de Mexico," Schola Cantorum [Morelia] (July, 1945), 101.

(18) Mexico City Cathedral, "Actas del Cabildo," July 7, 1579. This and the subsequent financial matters (cf. notes f 9-21) are discussed in detail in Robert Stevenson, Music in Mexico: A Historical Survey (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1952), 104-107.

(19) Mexico City Cathedral, "Actas del Cabildo," July 13, August 2, 1582.

(20) Ibid, February 26, September 6, 1583.

(21) Ibid, March 6, April I 7, 1584.

(22) "Diego Basalenque, Historia de la Provincia de San Nicolas de Tolentinode Michoacan (1673, rpt. Mexico: Editorial Jus, 1963), p. 62. Biographical data is given by Robert Stevenson, Music in Aztec and Inca Territory (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1968), p. 199, n. 94, who cites Mexico City Cathedral, "Actas Capitulares," Libro 2 [degrees] (1559-1576), fol. 209V (January 28, 1567), and Libro 4[degrees] (1588-1605), fol. 1 19v.

(23) According to Robert Stevenson, A Guide to Carribean Music History (Lima: Ediciones "Cultura,"1975), p. 42, who cites Juan Mendez Nieto, Discursos medicinales, Documentos inditospara la historia de Espana, 13(Madrid: Iprenta Gongora, 1957), 352.

(24) La musica en la cathedral de Granada en el siglo XVI (Granada: Fundacion Rodriguez Acosta, 1963), 1, 199-205.

(25) Ibid, p. 200.

(26) See Stevenson, A Guide to Carribean Music History, 42.

(27) See Ibid, who cites Mendez Nieto, Discursos, 352, 356.

(28) See Robert Stevenson, "Fernandez Hidalgo, Gutierre," in Friedrich Blume, ed., Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Supplement 148/149 (Kassel: Barenreiter, [1965]), col. 208. See also Stevenson's "Colonial Music in Columbia," The Americas: A Quarterly Review of Inter-American Cultural History, 19 (1962), 124, and "Music in Quito: Four Centuries," Hispanic American Historical Review, 43 (1963), 255.

(29) Stevenson, "The First New World Composers," 100.

(30) See Robert Stevenson, The Music of Peru: Aboriginal and Viceroyal Epochs (Washington: Pan American Union, 1959), 182, 184.

(31) See Stevenson, "Colonial Music in Columbia," 123.

(32) Stevenson, The Music of Peru, 182-83.

(33) Spanish Peru 1532-1560: A Colonial Society (Madison: Univ. of Wisconsin Press, 1968), 59.

(34) Stevenson, The Music of Peru, 185.

(35) They were Geronimo de Peraza Sofomayor (1573-1581), Diego Castillo (1581-1584), and Geronimo's brother, Diego del Castillo (1584-1598); See Stevenson, "The First New World Composers," 101.

(36) See Stevenson, The Music of Peru, 64, n. 88, who cites Martin de Leon, Relacion del as exequias que el ex mo Sr D. Juan de Mendoza ... Vitrei del Pirn hizo en la muerte de la Reina (Lima: Pedro de Merchn y Calderon, 1613), fol. 26.

(37) Stevenson, The Music of Peru, 77.

(38) Barnabe Cobo, Historia de la Fundacion de Lima [1622), ed. M. Gonzalez de la Rose (Lima, 1882), p. 212; trans. in Stevenson, The Music of Peru, 57.

(39) Mentioned in Cobo, 68, 101, n. 17. In fact, it seems likely that Sebastian de Leon--the leading organ builder in La Plata, who, according to Stevenson, The Music of Peru, p. 180, died c. 1577, naming his mother, Maria de Cardenas of Madrid, to receive his estate--was of the same family. In 1583 his mother was still trying to collect from the superior of San Aguistin convento at La Plata. Could Cristobal de Leon have been on mission to clear up these matters in 1583?

(40) Stevenson, The Music of Peru, 76.

(41) See Stevenson, "Colonial Music in Colombia," 121.

(42) "Free Speech in Sixteenth-Century Spanish America," The Hispanic American Historical Review, 26 (1946), 136-149.

(43) See Stevenson, A Guide to Carribean Music History, 42.

(44) Festival of Early Latin American Music, Roger Wagner Chorale and Sinfonia Chamber Orchestra, Eldorado S-l (UCLA Latin American Center).

(45) Discussed in Robert Stevenson, "The Bogota Music Archive," Journal of the American Musicological Society, 15 (1962), 302. The music is included in Robert Stevenson, Latin American Colonial Music Anthology (Washington, D.C.: General Secretariat, Organization of American States, 1975).
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