Printer Friendly

Shame and Insult in Anatolia: Luvo-Hittite zammurai-.

1. In Hittite texts zammurai- and its verbal nouns, [??]zammurai- (n.) and zammuratt(i)- (c), denote offence of the gravest kind: the objects are usually gods, kings, cities, and lands. (1)

1.1 In most of its occurrences the verb refers to verbal insult, slander, or defamation. This meaning is best seen in the following passage from the "Indictment of Madduwatta" (CTH 147), where zammuraizzi is used along with idalun memian and kururas memian memai "speaks evil/hostile word(s)":
idalunn=a=wa=tta memian [ku]is peran mema[i] nassu=wa=tta ku[rur]as
memian kuiski peran memai nasma=wa=kan LUGAL.MES DUMU.MES LUGAL (38)
kuiski zammuraizzi z[ikk=a]= war=an le [san]natti. KUB 14.1+ obv. 37-38
Also, whoever speaks an evil word before you, whether someone speaks of
a matter of hostility before you, or someone zammura-es (2) the kings
and princes, you, too, shall not conceal him.

Similarly, zammuraizzi is preceded by idalu uttar in Tudhaliya II's instructions to the army:
man=kan apas=ma DUMU.LUGAL nasma BELUM tuzziya peran arha idalu uttar
pehute[zzi] (27)n=asta [.sup.d]UTU-SI zammuraizzi. KUB 13.20 i 26-27
(MH/NS; CTH 259)
If that prince or lord spreads a bad word before the army and he
zammura-es (3) My Majesty. . .

In the following example the verb likewise appears to refer to verbal insult (note idalun memian in the preceding clause):
nasma=kan SA E.GAL-LIM=ma (3) idalun memian kuiski kuedanikki anda (4)
istamaszi INA E.GAL-LIM=kan (5) kuiski kuitki zammuraizzi. KBo 31.42 ii
2-5 (late NH; CTH 294)
Or if someone hears an evil word about the palace in someone('s mouth)
or someone zammura-es in some way in the palace. . .

In its only attestation the verbal noun zammurai- is modified by KAxU-i 'mouth', and so the translation 'slander' seems appropriate:
man=a=wa=kan ANA SES-Y4<<-za>> (13) SA [.sup.d]UTU-SI HUL-lu
[??]zam<m>urai KAxU-i GESTU-asmi. KUB 40.33 obv. 12-13 (late NH; CTH
If I hear any evil zammurai (acc. sg.) against My Majesty in the mouth
of my brother. . .

Finally, in a fragmentary NH letter 1st. sg. pret. zammuranun is used parallel to hurtahhun 'I cursed', once again suggesting the idea of defamation (4):
. . . ] LU kuitki zammuranun nasma k[u-. . . (15') kuit]ki hurtahhun.
KUB 23.45: 14'-15' (NH; CTH 209)
[If] I zammura-ed a [man.sup.?] in any way, or if [. . ., or if] I [in
any w]ay cursed (5). . .

1.2 The verb zammurai- can refer not only to a verbal insult, but also to actions constituting an offence. For instance, in a letter sent by the future emperor Tudhaliya [IV.sup.?] to the queen [Puduhepa.sup.?] the speaker uses the verb zammurai-, speaking about the distress he caused to the emperor (presumably Hattusili III):
EN-YA=kan kuin [??]zamuranun. KUB 19.23 obv. 3 (similar text in 1. 10;
NH; CTH 192)
Regarding my lord, whom I zammura-ed... (6)

The (alleged) offense--to which Tudhaliya is pleading not guilty--apparently consisted in his failing to supply reinforcements to the emperor. (7) As a result, Hattusili had to retreat and thereby lost face; Tudhaliya's actions can thus be described as causing disgrace or dishonor.
A similar use of our verb is found in the "Indictment of Mita of
man LU.MES [.sup.URV]Pahb[uwa ke uddar]] (25) Henzi n=at ANA
man LU.MES Pahhuwa=ma ke uddar UL ienzi n=a[t. . .] (26) AMA BELUTIM
KUB 23.72 rev. 24-26 (MH/MS; CTH 146)
If the people of Pahhuwa do [these things], they are servants of My
If the people of Pahhuwa do not do these things, [. . .] they zammura-
[my] lordship.

In the preceding ll. 18-24 we learn what the actions expected of "servants of My Majesty" are: They should hand over the traitor Usapa and his entire household, and in the future provide troops, participate in joint military endeavors, detain enemy envoys, and send them to Hattusa. Failure to do so constitutes a zammurai which, I submit, is in this context closer to "disgrace" than to "offense."

1.3 zammurai- is also used to denote defilement and profanation. In the following passage from "Instructions for Temple Personnel," shepherds are made to swear that they will deliver first-born animals to the temple, rather than keep some of the cattle for themselves, which would amount to desecration and offense:
man=wa=za ki huelpi anzel ZI-ni hudak (50)piyauen. . . (52)
DINGIR.MES-as=ma=wa=kan Zl-an zammurauen. KUB 13.4 iv 49-52 (MH/NS; CTH
If we claimed these young animals for ourselves on the spur of the
moment,... we have zammura-ed (8) the spirit of the gods.

The sense 'to offend gods' aligns well with the use of zammurallu with the Storm God in the following prayer, even though the text is too mutilated to allow a definitive interpretation:
kuwat UL UL=ma=war=at w[a-. . .] (6') nu=wa=za ammuk kuis antuh<s>as x
[. . .] (7) [D.sup.IM] BELI=YA zammurallu x [... KUB 36.85: 5'-7'
([MH.sup.?];CTH 389)
Why not? But it not [...] I who am a man/person [. . .]
I will surely zammura- the Storm God, My Lord,. . . (9)

The expression DINGIR.MES [??]zammuratti "profanation of the gods" (verbal noun of zammurai-) occurs in the treaty between Suppiluliumas II and Talmi-Tesub of Karkamis, where it is listed along with other kinds of schemes (kup(i)yati-), such as plotting against the emperor or seeking to harm the country:
man=ma=ta=kk[an] [??]kupyati=ma ser (13) nassu S[A. . .
[m.sup.]]Suppiluliuma HUL-ui [??]mali (14) SA DINGIR[.MES. . . ]
[??]zammuratti U SA [KUR URU.sup.HATTI] [GVB.sub.3]-l[awann]i ser
kuiski EGIR-p[a] a[nda uizzi...]. KBo 12.30 ii 12-15 (NH; CTH 122.2)
But if someone [approaches] you for the sake of a plot, (10) either for
an evil thought concerning Suppiluliuma, or a zammuratt(i)- to the
gods, or the detriment of Hatti-land (do not listen to him)!

1.4 It has been argued that zammurai- may occasionally need a stronger translation, such as 'to injure, attack, harm'. (11) Evidence has been sought in the following three passages, which, however, all lend themselves to a satisfactory interpretation without assuming a "physical" sense for zammurai-. (12)

1.4.1 In the "Instructions for Temple Personnel," already cited above, the temple guards are instructed to leave their post if an enemy enters Hattusa unbeknownst to the guards on the outer wall:
man INIM [.sup.LU]KUR kuiski (27) [.sup.URU]Hattusan=za=kan]
zammurauwanzi kuiski tiskezzi (28) n= an arahzenas BAD-as UL uwanzi nu
apus LU.MES E DINGIR-LIM (29) andurza uwanzi [.sup.LU]haliyattallas=si
paiddu=pat. KUB 13.4 iii 26-29 (MH/NS; CTH 264)
If there is some hostile matter and someone begins to zammura- Hattusa,
and the (guards) on the outer wall do not see him, but those temple
servants inside see (him), let, by all means, a haliyattalla-guard go
to him.

The problem at hand is certainly not a military raid: the infiltrator is alone (as the pronouns =an and =si make clear (13)), and dispatching one guard would certainly not be a sufficient measure in case Hattusa were under attack. (14) Since this part of the text deals with admission to the temple, it is reasonable to assume that this passage is likewise concerned with undesirable entrance to the temple: once inside, a hostile person might be able to do something that would be detrimental for Hattusa--presumably a sacrilege of some kind--and the temple personnel are instructed to act as soon as they see a perpetrator who has made it past the wall guards. "To harm" would be a valid translation for zammurauwanzi here, (15) if a rather general one, but the choice of the verb becomes clear once one considers the enemy's supposed motive: to profane the temple and thus make Hattusa disgraced in the eyes of the gods. This usage of zammurai- is thus fully compatible with the sense of the verb surveyed above in 1.3.

1.4.2 Translations of zammurai- as 'harm, injure, attack' have also been inspired by the use of the verb in two treaties of Mursili II's treaty with Targasnalli:
[man ITTI [.sup.d]UTU-SI kuiski] antuhsas idalaweszi nu=kan
[.sup.d]UTU-SI zamm[uraizzi... KBo 5.4: 5' (NH; CTH 67)
[If some] person quarrels [with My Majesty] and zammura-es My Majesty...

Treaty with Kupanta-Kuruntiya:
man [d.sup.]UTU-SI=ma kuiski waggariyazzi n=an=kan zammuraizzi... KBo
4.3 ii 8 (NH; CTH 68)
If someone revolts against My Majesty and zammura-es him...

All things being equal, 'offends' or 'belittles' would seem to fit both passages. (16) But there is an additional difficulty: The second passage has been transmitted in several copies, two of which (KBo 5.13 iii 12 and KUB 6.41 iii 31) have hatganu(z)zi where KBo 4.3 ii 8 uses zammuraizzi- Assuming that these two versions are approximately synonymous, Puhvel (HED 3.267) renders hatganuzi as 'besets' (17) and takes zammuraizzi to mean 'assails'.

There is, however, too little evidence to be certain that hatganuzi implies physical pressure: The verb is thus far attested only in this text. The derivation of [hatganu-.sup.zi] from hatku- 'narrow' is beyond doubt, but the adjective is often used in the figurative meaning 'difficult', (18) and nothing stands in the way of interpreting the hapax hatganu(z)zi as 'stresses out', 'puts in a tight spot', or 'makes things difficult'. (19) Under this analysis there is no longer any reason for taking zammuraizzi in the Kupanta-Kuruntiya treaty to mean 'attacks' or 'assails', and we can return to the translation 'belittles, causes to be disgraced': when the emperor is challenged by a rebellious subject, he loses face.

1.5 Finally, we find the form zammurinut in an appeal of a Hittite official for a renewed investigation of his case. The form is best analyzed as a causative derived from an intransitive verbal stem *zammuri- (a Luvian syncopated equivalent of a Hittite stem in -ya-); compare Hittite parkiyanu- 'to raise' from intransitive parkiya- 'to rise' or karti(m)miyanu- 'to make angry' from kartimmiya- 'to get angry'. The stem zammurinu- thus shares the verbal root with zammurai-, but has a somewhat different meaning, as this passage illustrates:
EN-YA=wa=mu HUL-uwahta nu*wa=mu=kan Z[I-an (20 (20)] arha zammurinut
nu=wa=mu kedani [(21)] pedi arnut nu=wa=kan ANA SES.MES-YA NIN.M[ES-YA
(22)] TI-anza akun nu=wa=za SES. MES-YA NIN.MES-YA a[rha (23)] UL uhhi
kedani=ma=wa=mu pedi arn[ut (24)] nu=wa=mu=kan EH-YA ANA 2 GIR plan
paski[t]. KUB 54.1 ii 19-23 (NH; CTH 389)
My lord mistreated me. He utterly caused my p[erson] to be zammuri-ed
and moved me to this place. I (though) alive died for my brothers and
sisters. I do not see my brothers and sisters. (21) But he moved me
into this place. And so my lord pinned me before two daggers.

Following the disappearance of certain cultic objects, the speaker ([Sauskaziti.sup.?]) is charged with negligence (or theft?) and presumably placed in custody (or exiled?). As a result, he has had no further social contact with his family; (22) we may also speculate that his distress is in part due to the fact that he has been unable to perform any family functions required by law. (23) It seems that his previous appeals have not been considered, (24) and he now finds himself in an impossible situation. (25)

Given this context, the translation "my lord offended me" (26) seems too weak: Despite several uncertainties about the text, the feeling of *zammuri(ya-), caused by the emperor's actions to Sauskaziti, seems better described as humiliation and loss of face.

1.6 It is time to take stock of the usage of zammurai-. (27) While the verb is indeed often used to refer to verbal offense and slander (1.1), traditional translations such as 'to offend' or 'beleidigen' do not seem to adequately convey the meaning of zammurai- used of acts of religious irreverence and desecration (1.3), nor do they fully render the sense of the verb used of actions that dishonor the emperor (1.2). It appears that defamation and disgrace are two important connotations of the verb zammurai- and its derivatives. At the same time, there does not seem to be sufficient textual evidence for the meaning 'to attack, assail'.

2. We can now turn to morphological analysis. The frequent Glossenkeile make Luvian provenance of the verb likely. (28) We can thus posit a Luvian verbal stem (*) zammura-, which appears as zammurai- in Hittite garb. The verb clearly looks like a denominative, but how exactly is it formed?

Kronasser (1966: 482) proposed starting with a Luvian thematic stem zammura- 'insult'; he was followed by Kloekhorst (2008: 1030), according to whom "a nominal stem zammura- is attested in CLuwian, where we find the nouns zammurai- and zammuratt-, both meaning 'insult, slander'." This statement is, however, not entirely accurate: Verbal nouns zam(m)urai- and zammuratt(a)- are just as likely to have been formed directly from the verbal stem (*) zammura-. A nominal stem "zammura-" therefore represents a product of reconstruction, and one is compelled to consider an alternative analysis of Luv. (*) zammuraas a denominative verb based on an athematic verbal noun *zammur ( < *zammuwar with syncope (29)); in this case (*) hammura- would be comparable, e.g., to Hitt. kururai- (KBo 9.96 i 9') 'to be hostile', based on kurur 'hostility'. (30)

This morphological aporia is familiar from such cases as Hitt. zahhurai- 'to break, crush' or kundurai- '?', (31) where a derivation from thematic *-ura- (32) and a derivation from athematic *-ur / *-uwar are equally plausible. (33) Similarly, in our case there are no means of deciding which of these analyses is right, unless one can provide evidence for either nominal stem, but neither *zammura- nor *zammur / *zammuwar is attested.

In fact, we do not find any nouns derivationally independent of the verbal stem. (34) The dictionaries list an i-stem [??]zamuri- of unknown, but allegedly negative meaning (e.g., Tischler 2001: 205: "etwas Negatives"). (35) However, this is a ghost-word: its originator appears to have been Kuhne, who misconstrued the form [?]zamurai at KUB 40.33 obv. 13 (see above) as dat.-loc. sg. of an i-stem. (36) There also exists a real i-stem zammuri- (a), which has also been connected to zammurai-. (37) But while its exact meaning is hard to determine, [(NmDA).sup.zammui]-clearly does not have a sinister or negative meaning: This word denotes an object used in Hurrian ritual contexts (e.g., the (h)isuwa-ntual and keldi-ritual). (38) It is often accompanied by the determinative NINDA, and there is a wide-ranging consensus that zammuri- was most likely a bread of some kind. (39) It is in all likelihood a Hurrian word which has nothing to do with the verb zammurai.

The form which might tip the scales in favor of an athematic *zammur / *zammuwar as the derivational basis of Luv. (*) zammura- is zammurinut, discussed above (1.5). The stem zammurinu- cannot be a factitive derived from a putative noun *zammuri-'offence' or an adjective *zammuri- 'offending': nw-factitives regularly delete stem-final i of the underlying nominal stem. (40) It follows that zammurinu- has to be a causative stem in which the suffix -nu- was added to an (intransitive) verbal stem *zammuri(ya)-. (41) This unambiguously denominative stem is much likelier to have an athematic noun *zammuwar as its derivational basis, since there is no evidence for an i-stem that could serve as such (*-uri[right arrow] *-uri-ia-). If this analysis is correct, *zammuwar by extension becomes the likelier derivational source for the other denominative verb, (*) zammura-, adopted in Hittite as zammurai-.Ultimately, however, the indirect evidence of the verbal stem zammurinu- is inconclusive, since the lack of an i-stem abstract * zammuri- with the right meaning ('disgrace, offence, defamation') could be accidental.

3. Now we can turn to etymology, (42) starting with potential cognates of ([??])zammurai- in Anatolian. One such cognate was identified by Neumann (1969: 396) in Lyc. zumme, zumma 'harm (?)'. (43) If correct, this comparison has important consequences for the further etymology of ([??])zammurai-: As far as our limited knowledge of Lycian historical phonology allows us to tell, initial z- in Lycian goes back to Proto-Luvic *[t.sup.s.sub.1]- (< PIE *ti-, *g/[g.sup.(h)],i-) and *[t.sup.s.sub.2] ( < *ts-/ *ds-).

The Lycian noun is only attested in stereotypical penalty clauses of sepulchral inscriptions ("whoever does any z. to this tomb ..."), used with verbs xba- 'inflict' and a(i)- 'do, make'. (44) The translation 'harm, damage' seems appropriate, but the evidence is too scarce to guarantee any certainty in our evaluation of the semantic side of Neumann's comparison. On the one hand, as we have seen above, ([??])zammurai- does not ever seem to mean 'to attack, to inflict physical damage'; (45) on the other hand, it is entirely possible to speculate that zumme / zumma meant 'desecration, violation (of a religiously significant object/place)', which would make a comparison with the Luvian verb viable (see 1.3 above).

However, there also is a severe formal difficulty: The root vowel of zumme does not match the a of Luvian zammurai-. While one might consider invoking the Lycian change of a to u caused by adjacent labial consonant (e.g., [chi]uPu 'tomb' for the usual [chi]upa or muhai 'gods' for mahai), this explanation is unlikely in the case of zumme / zumma, which is consistently (8x) spelled with <u>.

It behooves us therefore to look for an alternative etymological solution for the Lycian word. Its morphological history has been plausibly outlined by Hajnal (1995: 112-13 n. 112): Starting with a neuter *-men- stem, one would expect nom.-acc. pl. *-mna to lend itself to reanalysis as a-stem zumma (; the same Scharnierform *-mna would serve as the basis for a back-formed thematic neuter in *-[mno.sup.n] > -mme.

In search of a plausible Transponat for the Lycian word, one would need an Indo-European root beginning with *ti-, *[g.sup.(h)]i-, *[g.sup.(h)]i-, *ds-, or *ts- and ending in *-Eu-. Identifying a root of requisite shape is not an easy task: (46) As an entirely gratuitous proposal one might think of Lith. zuti 'to die', prazutis 'ruin', Latv. zust 'to disappear', (47) if these forms continue Proto-Baltic *zieuH-/ *ziuH- < *[g.sup.(h)] ieuH-. (48) But there is too little evidence for certainty. Whatever the etymology of zumme / zumma, this word should be kept apart from ([??])zammurai- on formal grounds. (49)

4. It remains to identify the Indo-European root. Based on the known sound laws one may propose a Transponat *(s)kem-: both the a-vowel and the geminate -mm- of Luvian (*) hammura- would be regular by Cop's Law (*[t.sup.s]em- > *[t.sup.s]amm-), while the initial affricate can be viewed as a product of palatalization of *k by the following *e. (50) For these phonological developments one may compare CLuv. zalla- 'to trot', HLuv. zallal- 'vehicle' going back to IE *(s)kel- (cf. Lith. suolis 'a leap'). (51)

A Germanic cognate of such a putative root immediately suggests itself: It is English shame going back to *skamo f. (OE sc(e)amu 'shame; disgrace', OHG scama, German Scham). These words have no standard Indo-European etymology (52) and their derivation from a verbal root *(s)kem- 'to be disgraced, to feel shame', (53) posited on the strength of Anatolian data, appears semantically and formally compelling. (54)

Much as one would like to have a tertium comparationis, there is no certainty about other possible descendants of this PIE root. The comparison of Germanic *skamo with Umbrian eskamitu made by Pisani (1964: 211) (55) remains very doubtful, as long as there is no particular reason to believe that eskamitu denoted sacrificial cakes shaped after male genitals. (56) Cheung (2007: 371) proposed an interesting connection between Germanic *skamo and Christian Sogdian sym- / sm- 'to blush, be ashamed' (< *samaya-). (57) However, the traditional derivation of the Sogdian verb from the Iranian root *sam 'to glow, to shine ruddily' (Av. hu frasmo.dati- 'sunset', Parthian nys'm 'darkness') (58) should not be given up too easily, given the trivial nature of the semantic development 'to become red' > 'to blush' > 'to be ashamed'. (59)

The evidence for a root *(s)kem- 'to be disgraced, to feel shame' is thus limited to two branches, Anatolian and Germanic. Further research will show whether shame can be assigned a more secure place in Indo-European prehistory.


Ancillotti, Augusto, and Romolo Cerri. 1996. Le Tavole di Gubbio e la civilta degli Umbri. Perugia: Jama.

Archi, Alfonso, and Horst Klengel. 1985. Die Selbstrechtvertigung eines hethitischen Beamten (KUB 41). AoF 12: 52-64.

Beckman, Gary. 1999. Hittite Diplomatic [Texts.sup.2]. Atlanta: Scholars Press.

Benveniste, Emile. 1936. Notes parthes et sogdiennes. Journal Asiatique 228: 193-239.

Berman, Howard. 1972. The Stem Formation of Hittite Nouns and Adjectives. PhD diss., Univ. of Chicago.

Boley, Jacqueline. 1993. The Hittite Particle -z / -za. Innsbruck: Institut fur Sprachwissenschaft der Universitat Innsbruck.

--. 2000. Dynamics of Transformation in Hittite: The Hittite Particles -kan, -asta and -san. Innsbruck: Institut fur Sprachwissenschaft der Universitat Innsbruck.

Campanile, Enrico. 1967. Minima italica. Studi e saggi linguistici 7: 142-51.

Carruba, Onofrio. 1967. Rhyta in den hethitischen Texten. Kadmos 6: 88-97.

Cheung, Johnny. 2007. Etymological Dictionary of the Iranian Verb. Leiden: Brill.

Eichner, Heiner. 1973. Die Etymologie von heth. mehur. MSS 31: 53-107.

--. 1979. Hethitisch genussus, ginussi, ginussin. In Hethitisch und Indogermanisch: Vergleichende Studien zur historischen Grammatik und zur dialektgeographischen Stellung der indogermanischen Sprachgruppe Altkleinasiens, ed. Erich Neu and Wolfgang Meid. Pp. 41-61. Innsbruck: Institut fur Sprachwissenschaft der Universitat Innsbruck.

--. 1984. Review of G. M. Beckman, Hittite Birth Rituals. Die Sprache 30: 197.

Fraenkel, Ernst. 1962. Litauisches etymologisches Worterbuch. Heidelberg: Winter.

Friedrich, Johannes. 1926. Staatsvertrage des Hatti-Reiches in hethitischer Sprache, Teil 1: Die Vertrage Mursilis' II. mit Duppi-Tesup von Amurru, Targasnallis von Hapalla und Kupanta-[d.sup.KAL] von Mira und Kuwalija. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs.

Gharib, Badr al-Zaman. 1995. Sogdian Dictionary: Sogdian-Persian-English. Tehran: Farhangan Publications.

Gotze, Albrecht. 1968 [1927], Madduwattas. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft.

Haas, Volkert. 1971. Zu den neuen hurritischen Texten in KBo XIX. SMEA 14: 135-42.

Hagenbuchner, Albertine. 1989. Die Korrespondenz der Hethiter. Heidelberg: Winter.

Hagenbuchner-Dresel, Albertine. 2002. Massangaben bei hethitischen Backwaren. Dresden: TU Dresden.

Hajnal, Ivo. 1995. Der lykische Vokalismus: Methode und Erkenntnisse der vergleichenden anatolischen Sprachwissenschaft auf das Vokalsystem einer Kleincorpussprache. Graz: Leykam.

HED--Jaan Puhvel. Hittite Etymological Dictionary. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1984-.

HEG--Johann Tischler. Hethitisches etymologisches Glossar. Innsbruck: Institut fur Sprachwissenschaft der Universitat Innsbruck, 1977-2016.

Hoffner, Harry A. 1999. Letters from the Hittite Kingdom. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature.

Hoffner, Harry A., and H. Craig Melchert. 2008. A Grammar of the Hittite Language. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns.

Holthausen, Ferdinand. 1906-7. Etymologien. IF 20: 316-31.

Hutter, Manfred. 1988. Behexung, Entsiihnung und Heilung: Das Ritual der Tunnawiya fur ein Konigs-paar aus mittelhethitischer Zeit (KBo XXI1-KUB IX 34-KBo XXI 6). Freiburg: Universitatsverlag.

[HW.sup.2]--Johannes Friedrich, Annelies Kammenhuber, and Inge Hoffmann. Hethitisches Worterbuch. 2., vollig neubearbeitete Auflage. Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1974-.

Ivanov, Vyacheslav Vsevolodovich. 1999. Palatalization and Labiovelars in Luwian. In Proceedings of the Tenth Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference (Los Angeles, May 21-23, 1998), ed. K. Jones-Bley. Pp. 27-47. Washington D.C.: Institute for the Study of Man.

Kloekhorst, Alwin. 2008. Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon. Leiden: Brill.

Kluge, Friedrich. 1883. Etymologisches Worterbuch der deutschen Sprache. Strassburg: K. J. Trubner.

Kronasser, Heinz. 1966. Etymologie der hethitischen Sprache. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Kroonen, Guus. 2013. Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Germanic. Leiden: Brill.

Kuhne, Cord. 1972. Bemerkungen zu den kurzlich edierten hethitischen Texten. ZA 62: 236-61.

Laroche, Emmanuel. 1980. Glossaire de la langue hourrite. Paris: Klincksieck.

Lebrun, Rene. 1980. Hymnes et prieres hittites. Louvain-la-Neuve: Centre d'histoire des religions.

Melchert, H. Craig. 1987. PIE Velars in Luvian. In Studies in Memory of Warren Cowgill, ed. C. Wat-kins. Pp. 182-204. Berlin: de Gruyter.

--. 1993. Cuneiform Luvian Lexicon. Chapel Hill, NC: self-published.

--. 2003. Language. In The Luwians, ed. H. C. Melchert. Pp. 170-210. Leiden: Brill.

--. 2012. Luvo-Lycian Dorsal Stops Revisited. In The Sound of Indo-European 2: Papers on Indo-European Phonetics, Phonemics and Morphophonemics, ed. R. Sukac and O. Sefcik. Pp. 206-18. Munich: Lincom.

Meringer, Rudolf. 1913. Einige primare Gefuhle des Menschen, ihr mimischer und sprachlicher Aus-druck. Worter und Sachen 5: 129-71.

Miller, Jared L. 2013. Royal Hittite Instructions and Related Administrative Texts. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature.

Neumann, Gunter. 1969. Lykisch. In Handbuch der Orientalistik 1/2, Absch. 1/2, lief. 2: Altkleinasiatische Sprachen. Pp. 358-96. Leiden: Brill.

--. 1979. Neufunde lykischer Inschriften seit 1901. Vienna: Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften.

--. 2007. Lykisches Glossar. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Nussbaum, Alan J. 1986. Head and Horn in Indo-European. Berlin: de Gruyter.

Oettinger, Norbert. 1979. Die Stammbildung des hethitischen Verbums. Nurnberg: H. Carl.

Pisani, Vittore. 1964. Manuale storico della lingua italiana, vol. 4: Le lingue dell'Italia antica oltre il latino. 3rd ed. Turin: Rosenberg & Sellier.

--. 1974. Kamm und Scham. In Antiquitates Indogermanicae: Studien zur indogermanischen Altertumskunde und zur Sprach- und Kulturgeschichte der indogermanischen Volker. Gedenkschrift fur Hermann Guntert, ed. M. Mayrhofer et al. Pp. 285-88. Innsbruck: Institut fur Sprachwissenschaft der Universitat Innsbruck.

Poetto, Massimo. 2012. Un nuevo verbo luvio-geroglifico: zapa-, e la sua correlazione al luvio cunei-forme zapp(a)-. In Ex Anatolia Lux: Anatolian and Indo-European Studies in Honor of H. Craig Melchert on the Occasion of His Sixty-fifth Birthday, ed. R. Kim, N. Oettinger, E. Rieken, and M. Weiss. Pp. 296-302. Ann Arbor: Beech Stave Press.

Poultney, James W. 1959. The Bronze Tables of Iguvium. Baltimore: American Philological Association.

Puhvel, Jaan. 1996. Three Hittite-Greek Etymological Pairings. HS 109: 166-68.

Rieken, Elisabeth. 1997. Zu den Reflexen von uridg. *(s)k'el- "springen, eilen." HS 110: 167-75.

--. 1999. Untersuchungen zur nominalen Stammbildung des Hethitischen. Wiesbaden: Harra-sowitz.

Sims-Williams, Nicholas. 1985. The Christian Sogdian manuscript C2. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag.

Singer, Itamar. 2008. On Siege Warfare in Hittite Texts. In Treasures on Camels' Humps: Historical and Literary Studies from the Ancient Near East Presented to Israel Eph'al, ed. M. Cogan and D. Kahn. Pp. 250-65. Jerusalem: Hebrew University, Magnes Press.

Soysal, Oguz. 2013. On Recent Cuneiform Editions of Hittite Fragments (II). JAOS 133: 691-703.

Starke, Frank. 1990. Untersuchung zur Stammbildung des keilschrifi-luwischen Nomens. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Taggar-Cohen, Ada. 2006. Hittite Priesthood. Heidelberg: Winter.

Taylor, John Patrick. 2003. Studies in Ancient Anatolian Language and Culture. PhD diss., Harvard Univ.

Tischler, Johann. 2001. Hethitisches Handwdrterbuch mil dem Wortschatz der Nachharsprachen. Innsbruck: Institut fur Sprachen und Literaturen der Universitat Innsbruck.

Unal, Ahmet. 1994. The Textual Illustration of the "Jester Scene" on the Sculptures of Alaca Hoyiik. AnStAA: 207-18.

--. 2007. Multilinguales Handwdrterbuch des Hethitischen. Hamburg: Dr. Kovac.

Vries, Jan de. 1962. Altnordisches etymologisches [Worterbuch.sup.2]. Leiden: Brill.

--. 1992. Nederlands etymologisch [woordenboek.sup.3] (,). Leiden: Brill.

Wegner, Use. 2004. Hurritische Opferlisten aus hethitischen Festbeschreibungen, Teil III: Das Glossar. Rome: Bonsignori editore.

Weiss, Michael. 2010. Language and Ritual in Sabellic Italy: The Ritual Complex of the Third and the Fourth Tabulae Iguvinae. Leiden: Brill.

Wurmser, Leon. 1981. The Mask of Shame. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press.

Yakubovich, Ilya Sergeevich. 2013. Anatolian Names in -wiya and the Structure of Empire Luwian Onomastics. In Anatolian Interfaces: Culture, Language and Religion between Anatolia and the Aegean, ed. Alice Mouton et al. Pp. 87-123. Leiden: Brill.



I am deeply grateful to Gary Beckman, Craig Melchert, and the anonymous reviewer for numerous suggestions; I am alone responsible for all conclusions reached in this paper.

(1.) Carruba 1967: 95 n. 21: "Das Verbum zammurai- scheint die hochste Beleidigung zu bezeichnen." Compare also the discussion by Friedrich 1926: 71-72. HEG Z 650, which appeared while this article was in press, has "beleidigen, kranken, demutigen."

(2.) Gotze 1968: 11: "beschimpft," Beckman 1999: 154: "slanders."

(3.) Miller 2013: 151: "disparages."

(4.) [za]mmuranun is also used in 1. 9', but the context is lost.

(5.) These words come from a quoted speech (nu=wa=kan in 1. 13), and the speaker responds in 1. 16' with [ammu]k parkununun "I pardoned ([you.sup.?])."

(6.) Friedrich 1926: 72: "Beleidigungen (Verleumdungen) ausstossen"; Hoffner 1999: 347: "offended."

(7.) See Hagenbuchner 1989: 33.

(8.) Miller 2013: 263: "wronged."

(9.) Lebrun (1980: 391) translates "Que le dieu de l'orage, mon maitre, soit offense."

(10.) See CHD s.v. :mali.

(11.) Unal (2007: 814) lists 'injure, attack' among the meanings of the verb. Boley (1993: 34) translates KUB 23.72 rev. 26 (above) as "they attack the lordship"; Boley (2000: 359) translates KUB 14.1 obv. 37-38 (above) as "if someone attacks the kings or princes."

(12.) Cf. Friedrich 1926: 72: "Mit 'beleidigen' scheint man mir auch an den anderen Belegstellen durchzukommen."

(13.) apus may in theory be construed not as a Late Hittite, but as a regular referring to the enemies; the anacoluthon would be tolerable (see Miller 2013: 395 n. 551). Note also that [HW.sup.2] II/2: 42 translates =si paiddu as "go for him" (not "go to him"), viz., go out instead of the guard on the outer wall.

(14.) As correctly noticed by Taggar-Cohen 2006: 103.

(15.) So Miller 2013: 257.

(16.) Beckman (1999: 69) uses "insults" for KBo 5.4: 5'.

(17.) Beckman 1999: 78: "beleaguers."

(18.) E.g., KUB 4.72 rev. 4 hatgauwaz pedaz "(get out of) a tight spot" (viz. difficult circumstances) or KBo 4.14 iii 19 hatkun UD.KAM-an kuinki LUGAL-i "some hard day for the king."

(19.) Another possibility is to take hatganuz(z)i to mean that a rebel subject would constrain the emperor in regard to the actions he is able to take (e.g., taxation or draft).

(20.) Reading with Melchert (p.c.); Archi and Klengel (1985: 55) have x[ .

(21.) The traces of the last sign in 1. 22 can be interpreted as IGI or IGI.RI (= ar); Archi and Klengel (1985: 55) choose the former interpretation and read a[rha. while Melchert (p.c.) restores I[GI.HI.A-it/az] '(see) with [my] eyes' (Gary Beckman points out to me that arha is not otherwise attested with au(s)-).

(22.) For the Hittites' concern about family and the relationship between brothers and sisters, in particular, one may compare the Mastigga ritual (CTH 404) or recall the thirty brothers from the Zalpa myth (CTH 3.1), who stayed together until adulthood.

(23.) E.g., taking care of a widowed sister (Hittite Laws [section] 193).

(24.) KUB 54.1 i 17-18: harganuir=ma=wa=mu=kan kuies nu=wa=mu[=kan] [apedani.sup.sic] (18) menahhanda hannessar UL [pu]nusteni "you are not investigating my case against those who ruined me."

(25.) The phrase EN-YA ANA 2 GIR pian (scil. peran) paski[t] is notoriously unclear. It may mean that either course of action--to stay away from the family or to flee in order to join relatives and incur further wrath of the emperor--would be disastrous (cf. HED 8: 189: "subjected to double jeopardy"), but this reading is entirely speculative, since we cannot be sure of Sauskaziti's present location or condition. Unal (1994: 208), on the contrary, argued that the phrase refers to a "cultic act associated with swearing an oath" (the assumption being that Sauskaziti took an oath).

(26.) Archi and Klengel 1985: 59: "mich [. . .] beleidigte er."

(27.) There are several more attestations of the verb, but the contexts are too fragmentary to contribute anything of value to our understanding of the verb's meaning. Particularly tantalizing is KBo 16.46 [obv..sup.?] 13', 16' (MH/MS; CTH 212.6, instructions): anda=ma=tta man BELU kuiski za[mmuraizzi (...) (16)' () man=kan LUGAL=ma kuitki zammur[aizzi "furthermore, if some lord zammura-ea you (. . .) but if he zammura-es the king in some way." Further attestations include KBo 16.25 iv 27 ( zammuraizzi: MH/MS; CTH 251); KBo 8.35 i 25 = KUB 23.77: 47 ( zammuraizzi; MH/MS; CTH 139.1); KBo 47.239 ii 12' (GASAN-YA [??]zammura[ ; MH/NS; CTH 584; Soysal [2013: 701] reads [??]za-am-mu-ra-u?-m[[a.sup.?]-. . .]).

(28.) pret. [??]zamuranun, nom.-acc. sg. [??]za<m>murai, dat.-loc. sg. [??]zammuratti, and unclear [??]zammura[ (see preceding note).

(29.) For this Luvian syncope compare alternations of the type duwandu ~ dundu 'they shall put'; see Melchert 2003: 183.

(30.) Descriptively, Anatolian heteroclitic nouns may employ either of the alternating stems for the purposes of further external derivation: contrast Hitt. sehuriya- 'to urinate' (sehur 'urine'), CLuv. pawari(ya)- 'to light a (camp) fire' (pahar 'fire') with Hitt. happisnai- 'to dismember' (happessar 'body part') or sahesnai- 'to fortify' (sahessar 'fortress').

(31.) For kundurai- (KUB 44.64 i 23) Puhvel (1996: 168) posited 'imbue, impress' as the meaning and proposed a derivation from *kundur, a verbal noun formed from an unattested Hittite reflex of the root *[k.sup.w][end.sup.h]- (Gk. [pi][alpha][sigma][chi][omega]).

(32.) Morphologically the sequence *-uro- can be analyzed either as a thematic derivative made from a verbal noun in *-ur (/ uen-) or as a *-ro- derivative of a quasi-participial deverbal u-stem of the type found in Ved. sayu- 'lying', jayu- *'winning'. For an exemplary treatment of the intricate problems that the conglomerate *-uro- may posit at the level of Indo-European reconstruction see Nussbaum 1986.

(33.) Rieken 1999: 356 n. 1759. Another case in point is the verb (*) sumrai- 'to be pregnant' (supine sumreskewan), which has been plausibly derived from *sumar 'pregnancy' (see the references in HEG S-2: 1164). Finally, Eichner (1973: 79; followed by Oettinger 1979: 367) analyzed epurai- as a derivative of *epur, a verbal noun of epp- 'seize', which would be another example of the derivation in question; however, it may be that the meaning of epurai- was not 'capture by siege', but rather something like 'to dam up, to build a siege ramp; Erdmassen bewegen' ([HW.sup.2] 2: 89; see also the recent discussion by Singer [2008: 262 n. 62], who entertained the possibility of epurai- being a loanword from Akkadian).

(34.) On the unclear zamman- see below, n. 49.

(35.) Similarly Neumann 2007: 433, 440.

(36.) "Das mir anderweitig nicht bekannte adjektivische Glossenkeilwort zamuri-, zum Verbum zam(m)urai- zu stellen, ist im Bedeutungsfeld von 'bose' beheimatet" (Kuhne 1972: 255 n. 101).

(37.) E.g., by Berman 1972: 30. Unal (2007: 814) combined Kuhne's [??]zamuri- with [(NINDA).sup.zammuri]- in an entry "adj. zamuri-/ zammuri- 'offending'."

(38.) E.g., KUB 27.1 iii 68-71' (CTH 712A; ritual of Istar-Sauska): nu [...] INA E dISTAR.LIL [uru.sup.Samuha] pa[izzi] (69') nu zammurin SA 1/2 SATI dai (70') nu NINDA.X.HI.A NINDA.[KU.sub.7].HI.A kue parslannai x [...] (71') [an]ahi peran arha daskizzi "and [...] go[es] into the temple of Sauska of the Field of Samuha and he takes a zammuri of one half of a SUTU. Then... breads and sweetbreads which he crumbles he takes away for a [sn]ack"; KUB 40.102 v 4-7 (CTH 628; (h)isuwa-festival): EGIR-anda 1 zammurin SA 1 SATI ti[anzi] (5)kas zammuris annallai ANA TUP.PA.HI.A (6) UL esta n=an=kan [m.sup.NIR].GAL LUGAL GAL (7) EGlR-anda neia[tta] "next they put one zammuri- of one SATI measure; this zammuri was not (mentioned) in older tablets; Muwattalli the Great King added it." Other attestations are acc. sg. zammurin (KBo 20.122 obv. 8; KBo 19.133 4', zammuri[n] 5'); gen. sg. zammuriyas (KBo 20.123 i 14); dat. sg. zammuri (KUB 27.19 iii 5; zammur[[i.sup.?]] KBo 8.141 15'); [z]ammuran (KUB 40.102 i 13').

(39.) E.g., Laroche 1980: 301: "patisserie cultuelle"; Wegner 2004: 143: "ein Geback." In two instances it is measured in SUTU, but despite Haas 1971: 135 this does not necessarily make zammuri- a liquid; for breads measured in SUTU see Hagenbuchner-Dresen 2002: 43.

(40.) Oettinger 1979: 249; Hoffner and Melchert 2008: 178-79 (e.g., sallanu- 'to make great, magnify' is derived from adj. salli- 'great').

(41.) Coexistence of two denominative stems in Luvian, *zammuri- and (*) zammura- is unproblematic; compare the Hittite pair kururai- and kururiya- from kurur 'hostility'.

(42.) According to the standard handbooks, the origin of the verb is unknown (Kloekhorst 2008: 1030: "Further etymology of this form is unknown"; HEG Z 652: "etymologisch unklar").

(43.) See also Neumann 1979: 38; 2007: 440.

(44.) With xbati: TL 106.2; with adi / aiti-: TL 59.3; 91.3; 95.2; 135.2; N 314b.3; the context is broken at TL 44c 17 (zum[). The form zummenne=ti (TL 106.2) is usually interpreted as a denominative verb, but as the anonymous reviewer points out, this sequence can alternatively be analyzed as z.ummme=nne=ti ('harm=them= that'), which eliminates the otherwise unattested verbal stem and yields a sequence of three familiar lexemes.

(45.) Neumann appears to have been aware of this difficulty, judging by the question mark in his gloss for zammurai-: 'kranken, beleidigen, verletzen?' (1969: 396).

(46.) Hajnal's own etymology seems to contain a mistake: He derives the men-stem from a root "*tieu- 'schutteln'," for which no cognates are provided. It is possible that the PIE root of Gk. [sigma]i[epsilon][omega] was intended, in which case [sigma][??][epsilon][omega] would need to be divorced from Ved. tvis- (<*tuei(s)-) traditionally (and plausibly) viewed as its cognate.

(47.) Fraenkel 1962: 1323.

(48.) Holthausen (1906-7: 327) compared Lith. zuti to Old English (a)getan 'to kill, to destroy', which he traced back to Gmc. *gautjan: the resulting root *[g.sup.h]euH- would not be compatible with the Lycian form. However, the length in (-)getan is unreliable, and the OE verb is better taken as a prefixed form of gitan / getan / gietan 'to take' (scil. one's life away).

(49.) Eichner (1984) and Hutter (1988: 95) compared Lyc. zumme with CLuv. zamman- of uncertain, but clearly negative meaning; however, the same formal problem, namely, the mismatch between Lycian u and Luvian a, seems to be fatal for this idea.

In theory, CLuv. zamman- might be formally aligned with ([??])z.ammurai- as a neuter n-stem, but its meaning is too unclear to warrant any conclusions. It might be useful to cite a few discussions of CLuv. zamman- and its derivatives that have appeared since the detailed overview in Starke (1990: 277-79). [??]zammanti- DUMU in the birth ritual was taken by Ivanov (1999: 30-31) to mean '(new)born' (< PIE *[g.sup.w]em- 'to come'), but his analysis is predicated on a doubtful phonological development of *[g.sup.w] to z-. Yakubovich (2013: 101) offered a plausible solution for the element Zamna- in personal names such as Zamnazitis or [SIGMA][epsilon][micro][epsilon]cv[delta][eta][sigma][iota][zeta], which used to baffle scholars in view of the otherwise unfavorable connotation of the word (e.g., Starke 1990: 279; Melchert 1993: 276). Yakubovich proposed seeing here an elliptical substitute of DINGIR.MES zamnassas. Finally, in an important study Taylor (2003: 81-113) proposed for zamman- the meaning 'curse'; this suggestion certainly seems apposite in view of the close textual association of zamman- with other terms for 'curse, evil eye' (tatariyamman-, tiwatani(ya)-). Under Taylor's interpretation [zamnassi-.sup.MUSEN] are birds of bad omen, DINGIR.MES zamnassas are the gods who oversee curses, HLuv. zama(n)tin is a defiled / cursed stele, zammanza udarsa is word(s) of a curse formula, and [??]zammantis DUMU-is (construed with inf. lalauna 'to bewitch' at KBo 13.241 rev. 24) is a cursed child.

Under this semantic analysis (which, however, is by no means certain), Taylor's comparison of zamman- with Ved. sap- 'to curse' seems particularly attractive: Taylor identified the reflex of the verbal root in CLuv. zapp- (viewing zappatta zammanza utarsa [KBo 22.137 rev. iii 9'] as a figura etymologica) and argued that the stem *kep-mn developed first into *kemman with assimilation and then to zamman- by Cop's Law; a connection between CLuv. zapp- and Ved. sap- was also recently proposed by Poetto 2012 (without knowledge of Taylor's unpublished work); Poetto added to the dossier HLuv. zapa- 'to offer in sacrifice'. Ved. sap- had previously been connected with Hitt. kappilai- 'to be angry' by Eichner (1979: 61); Taylor discards this idea, but it is worth noting that under the revised theory of the outcome of PIE dorsals in Luvo-Lycian (Melchert 2012), both comparisons could in theory be kept, since kappilai- is obviously based on o-grade *kopi-lo- (note that its derivative kappilalli- is used of a (cursed?) city demolished in KUB 7.60 iii 12). If, however, an early Anatolian assimilation of *-pm- to -mm- (and thus Taylor's comparison of zamman- with Ved. sap-) is shown to be untenable, alternative comparanda might be sought in late Ved. s'dmala- 'pollution, defilement' and its Germanic cognates (OHG hamal 'maimed', ON hamla 'to mutilate'), which could be considered together with [??]zammantis DUMU-is and Hluv. SCALPRUM-su zama(n)tin. To conclude, Luv. zamman- will basically remain unclear until its dossier is augmented by new finds, and while formally it may be related to ([??])zammurai-, any etymological proposal at this point should be viewed as very tentative.

(50.) See Melchert 2012 (under the earlier theory proposed by Melchert 1987 initial *[t.sup.s] > z- would still be a regular unconditioned reflex of PIE *k).

(51.) See Rieken 1997.

(52.) "Verdere aanknopingen zijn onzeker" (de Vries 1992: 60); "no established etymology" (Kroonen 2013 s.v. skamo-). Etymological dictionaries of Germanic languages usually register (with a modicum--or more--of skepticism) the etymology canvassed by Kluge (1883: 285), which takes *skamd back to the PIE root *kem- 'to cover, to conceal (oneself)'; for a detailed (but still somewhat short of compelling) defense of this view see Meringer 1913: 143-44. Kluge's etymology has also enjoyed some popularity in non-linguistic works, e.g., Wurmser 1981.

(53.) I posit an intransitive basic meaning for the PIE root, since the transitive diathesis of Luvian (*) zammura- is expected in an Anatolian derived stem in *-a- (Hittite -ai-). Note that causative zammurinu- points to an intransitive stem *zammuri(ya)- 'to be disgraced'.

(54.) ON skgmm and its denominative verb skamma 'to disgrace' show an unexplained geminate, no trace of which is found in other Germanic cognates; see de Vries 1962: 512 for a proposal that these words were influenced by skammr 'short'.

(55.) Pisani's idea was accepted by Poultney (1959: 210) and further developed in Pisani 1974: 285.

(56.) See the critical remarks by Campanile (1967: 150-51); Weiss (2010: 218 n. 265) calls eskamitu "very obscure." For a different explanation of the Umbrian word see Ancillotti and Cerri 1996: 359 (participle of *e-skalmi- 'cut').

(57.) See Sims-Williams 1985: 180; Gharib 1995: 373, 379.

(58.) See Benveniste 1936: 230-31.

(59.) Parallels are ample, e.g., Olr. ruccae 'shame, disgrace' ( < *rud-k-io-), ON kinnro[eth]i 'blush of shame', or Skt. lajj- 'be ashamed' ( < *raj-ya- 'become red').
COPYRIGHT 2019 American Oriental Society
No portion of this article can be reproduced without the express written permission from the copyright holder.
Copyright 2019 Gale, Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.

Article Details
Printer friendly Cite/link Email Feedback
Author:Nikolaev, Alexander
Publication:The Journal of the American Oriental Society
Article Type:Essay
Geographic Code:7TURK
Date:Jan 1, 2019
Previous Article:The Personal Pronoun in Christian Palestinian Aramaic.
Next Article:[phrase omitted] (Hosea 13:2)--stet.

Terms of use | Privacy policy | Copyright © 2021 Farlex, Inc. | Feedback | For webmasters |